In 1988-1989 a stream of East Germans sought refugee in Hungary at the Embassy of West Germany in Budapest. The three countries taking part in the issue made different solutions to deal with the increasing problem. The East German leadership tried to call back the refugees and calm down the emigration process, but it had lost its confidence. West Germany tried to solve the problem not only on the level of consulship but exten-sively, in part with recognizing the status those waiting for West German citizenship and those for refugee status - without any success. In the interest of the resolution and bring the Hungarian leadership to their point of view, they tried to make use of the international organizations. However, the Hungarian leadership made efforts to stay out of the issue to get the two German states make an agreement. But there was no chance for that so Buda-pest gave up its quasi neutrality and tried to solve the problem opening the border by avoiding Hungary to turn into a refugee camp of the region. Besides making this ad hoc arrangement, the whole issue needed more radical crisis management, not only in Hungary.
The study of Chinese labour politics has returned to the centre of scholarly interest as China has increasingly become involved in global production and trade. As the incidence of labour dispute and workers' strikes continued to soar, ubiquitous cases of labour rights abuse have been widely reported by international media and academics. The literature of Marxist international political economy has long predicted the insurgency of the Chinese working class resulting from rising inequality, global capital movement and labour division. In contrast, traditional Chinese labour studies are inconclusive as to whether the Chinese working class has gained enough class consciousness to become a cohesive agent for social and political change. This research examines how rising economic, social and political inequalities have impacted on the Chinese working class's agency. The research shifts the focus from top-down structural analysis to workers' agency itself, with an emphasis on their cognitive strength. The research was undertaken via a two-case comparative study of the Chinese working class in four megacities and four smaller cities. Data came mostly from statistics and field interviews. This two-case comparative study concludes that, overall, the Chinese working class had a weak behavioural strength, as manifested by inconsistent wildcat-style strikes, which had no clear political strategies. This research also concludes that the working class's cognitive agency is weak and conservative, as manifested by a weak class identification, their poor understanding of democracy, their low willingness to participate in collective action, and their weak sense of class solidarity. I argue that inequalities and capital movement do not have a simple and unidirectional relationship with the working class's collective agency. On the one hand, inequalities and capital movement can arouse the working class's behavioural strength quickly. On the other hand, workers' cognitive strength is more inert and does not correspond neatly to these two factors. The research findings show that the megacities are more economically developed, with higher inequalities, but with considerably weaker and more conservative working class agency; whereas the smaller cities are less economically developed, with lower inequalities, but with less weak and conservative working class agency. The addition of cognitive strength as a new dimension of working class study provides a pluralist analytical framework for the study of Chinese labour. The new Chinese working class are better educated and more individualised with three main characteristics - occupation-based, precarious, and conservative - which distinguish them from the older generations of workers who had a clear group identification, such as the SOE workers in the 1990s, and the rural migrant workers in the 2000s. These theoretical and empirical findings open up possibilities of new strategies for effective labour organisation that should be considered by labour NGOs, civil society and the government. These players not only need to manage the working class action carefully, but also need to better understand the workers' complex cognitive situations.
During the Cold War, the Philippines was an indispensable US ally, and this was still basically the case at the turn of the 21st century. However, the inauguration of President Rodrigo Duterte in June 2016 heralded great changes for the international position of the Philippines: a shift towards China and Russia occurred, followed by the emergence of a more balanced foreign policy. The partnership with the US has changed, too: during the Obama administration, the relationship between the two countries became cooler, although the foundations of the alliance were never contested. In the wake of Donald Trump's assumption of office in January 2017, the alliance seems to have become as strong as before, and economic as well as security-military cooperation has continued. The author's aim is to analyze the Philippines' position in the US-led world order from 1945 to the present, as well as the foundations of the United States–Philippines special relationship. After that the main components of Duterte's "independent" foreign policy and the fundamental changes in the Philippines' foreign relations are presented. The analysis focuses on the causes of the conflict at the end of Barack Obama's presidency, followed by the improving partnership during the Trump era and the main geopolitical challenges the alliance has had to face. According to its conclusion the US–Philippines security cooperation will remain strong under Presidents Duterte and Trump due to strategic considerations, which indicate the military alliance is in the interests of both nations.
It was sixteen years ago that recommendations and guidelines were worked out by the FAO/WHO about pre- and probiotics for professionals, industry and consumers (Pineiro and Ben Embarek, 2006). In the developed countries, conscious nutrition, health preservation and disease prevention are increasingly emphasized. In Regulation (EC) No 1831/2003 in the EU has forbidden the use of antibiotics in animal feed as a stimulant for growth. As a result of this decision, the research of health-preserving, disease-preventing products developed rapidly both in the food and feed industries. In order to avoid misuse of prebiotic and probiotic terms, it is necessary to regulate precisely the description of the products. Regulation (EU) 258/97/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council is the first time that the concept of novel foods and food ingredients was introduced. This is the regulation that for the time deals with the introduction of microorganism as food ingredient into the food chain. Pre- and probiotics are present in the food and feed industry due to their beneficial effects on the body, so the regulation of the two areas in many cases merges. A good example is Regulation (EC) 178/2002 of the European Parliament and of the Council, which provides both food, feed, safety conditions and also human and veterinary aspects. Food safety is an important issue for all countries in the world. Every country have an authority to made regulation within this important area, for example the EFSA in EU, the GRAS qualification in USA, the FOSHU category in Japan and the food safety regulation system in Canada. The ISAPP is an international scientific committee, who make guidelines about the usage of pre- and probiotics. This work provides insight to the EU's and other countries' food law regulations. ; Tizenhat éve születtek meg a szakemberek, az ipar és a fogyasztók számára a FAO/WHO által készített ajánlások és irányelvek a pre- és probiotikumokról (Pineiro és Ben Embarek, 2006). Mindemellett a fejlett országokban egyre nagyobb társadalmi hangsúlyt kap a tudatos táplálkozás, az egészségmegőrzés és a betegségmegelőzés. Továbbá a 1831/2003/EK európai parlamenti és tanácsi rendeletben a Tudományos Operatív Bizottság betiltotta az antibiotikumok hozamfokozó céllal történő felhasználását a takarmányokban. A döntés hatására rohamos fejlődésnek indult az antibiotikum kiváltására szolgáló, egészségmegőrző, betegség megelőző hatással bíró készítmények kutatása az élelmiszer- és takarmányiparban egyaránt. A prebiotikus és probiotikus fogalommal való visszaélés elkerülésének érdekében pontos szabályozásra van szükség a termékek leírására vonatkozóan. Az (EU) 258/97/EK európai parlamenti és tanácsi rendeletben jelenik meg első alkalommal az új élelmiszer és az új élelmiszer-összetevő fogalma. Ez a rendelet az, amely első ízben foglalkozik a mikroorganizmusok, mint élelmiszeralkotók élelmiszerláncba kerülésével. A pre- és probiotikumok a szervezetre gyakorolt jótékony hatásuknak köszönhetően jelen vannak az élelmiszer- és takarmányiparban egyaránt, így a két terület szabályozása sok esetben összeolvad. Erre jó példa a 178/2002/EK európai parlamenti és tanácsi rendelet, amely egyaránt rendelkezik az élelmiszerellátásról, takarmányozásról, ezek biztonsági feltételeiről valamint humán és állategészségügyi aspektusokról. Az élelmiszerbiztonság a világ minden országában fontos tényező. Minden ország rendelkezik olyan hatósággal, amelynek feladata az ide vonatkozó szabályok megteremtése, betartatása, felülvizsgálata. Az EU-ban az EFSA által hozott rendeletek, az USA-ban a GRAS minősítés, Japánban a FOSHU kategóriára vonatkozó rendelkezések, míg Kanadában az élelmiszereket érintő biztonsági értékelési rendszer. Az International Scientific Association of Probiotics and Prebiotics (ISAPP) pedig egy olyan nemzetközi tudományos társaság, amely segít a pre- és probiotikumok használatára vonatkozó tudományos szakvélemények megalkotásában. Jelen áttekintés segít bepillantást nyerni az EU és más országok élelmiszer- és takarmányjogi szabályozásának rendszerébe és azok kialakulásába.
China's hyper-speed modernisation process generates complex problems demanding new approaches to designing equitable, integrated, liveable, urban and rural places. The Chinese hinterland city of Chongqing's vast urban and rural area provides rich opportunities for investigating how art and design can help address related liveability and place-making challenges. This research aims to use Sino-Australian co-design to test how participatory urban media (large and small interactive screens, installations, façades, and devices) can act as a dialogic interface between diverse community, industry, and government stakeholders to increase our capacity to manage regional urban place-making problems. Our paper presents three empirical perspectives critically reflecting on a two-day co-design workshop conducted in Chongqing during December 2019 prior to the COVID19 pandemic. Informed by our own observations, and insights contributed by participating urban planners, architects, artists, designers, local government, academics, and students, we take a multi-vocal approach to evaluating the workshop methods, outcomes, and interactions. The unfolding narrative illustrates how transcultural and interdisciplinary co-design processes are entangled in language, local knowledge and traditions, socio-cultural hierarchies, different disciplinary fields and levels of professional status, as well as assumed Western design histories and local understandings of the role of art and design in relation to society. We argue these factors also influence the presentation of knowledge in academic writing about design. This highlights the urgent need for pluriversal modes of co-design, research through design, and scholarship about design which can inclusively impact and respond to the diverse needs of the new international situation and our shared urban futures.
This working paper investigates public policies that precede the rise of populism. A mixedmethod research design is applied: on the one hand, we use data from international surveys and databanks to explore the policy–populism nexus from a comparative European perspective. On the other hand, country case studies have been prepared to understand the country-specific historical and socio-economic features of populism and its potential policy roots. Four countries were selected as national case studies: two EU member states (Greece and Hungary) because of a strong, long-term support of populist parties; one EU member state (Lithuania), where support of populist parties remain moderate, although historical and socio-economic features suggest a likely rise of populism; and one country (Turkey) that exhibits the potential hybridization tendencies of populism and the role of policies in the shift from democratic towards authoritarian regimes. We found that the content of policies were weak predictors of the rise of populism. Country-specific measures were more important predictors than policy ideas. At the same time, our results demonstrate that the lack of activation policies may be a strong predictor of welfare populist attitudes of citizens, and the exclusion of a significant proportion of young people from the labour market clearly feeds populist attitudes. Another important finding is that crisis management policies matter, but not the socio-economic crisis in itself: the management of crisis by non-elected policy experts, through technocratic governance methods, will likely trigger populism. This is particularly true in societies where political polarization is high
by Lam Lai Ming, Regina, Tang Oi Tai. ; Thesis (M.B.A.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2002. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 65-66). ; Questionnaire also in Chinese. ; ABSTRACT --- p.ii ; TABLE OF CONTENTS --- p.iv ; LIST OF TABLES --- p.vi ; LIST OF FIGURES --- p.vii ; ACKNOWLEDGEMENT --- p.ix ; Chapter ; Chapter I. --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Genes and GM Food --- p.1 ; Examples of GM Food Available in the Market --- p.2 ; Potential Benefits and Risks of GM Food --- p.2 ; Scientific Evidence for the Safety of GM Food --- p.5 ; The International Scene of GM Food Labeling System --- p.6 ; Pros and Cons of GM Food Labeling --- p.7 ; Consumers' Perception and Acceptance of GM Food --- p.9 ; Situation in Hong Kong --- p.11 ; Hong Kong Public´ةs Concern --- p.13 ; Chapter II. --- RESEARCH OBJECTIVES AND METHODOLOGY --- p.15 ; Research Objectives --- p.15 ; Methodology --- p.15 ; Research Design --- p.15 ; Questionnaire --- p.16 ; Data Collection --- p.17 ; Data Analysis Method --- p.17 ; Chapter III. --- FINDINGS AND IMPLICATIONS --- p.19 ; General Public's knowledge about / awareness of GM food --- p.19 ; Consumers' Perception and Attitudes towards GM Food and Traditionally Produced Food --- p.22 ; Quality --- p.25 ; Nutritional Value --- p.27 ; Price --- p.29 ; Safety of consumption --- p.31 ; Consumers' Purchasing Behavior --- p.34 ; To evaluate consumers' opinions and reactions to the GM Food labeling system in Hong Kong --- p.40 ; Profiles of the respondents --- p.43 ; Limitations --- p.46 ; Chapter IV. --- RECOMMENDATIONS --- p.48 ; For Government --- p.48 ; For GM Food Manufacturers --- p.50 ; For Suppliers --- p.51 ; APPENDIX --- p.53 ; BIBLIOGRAPHY --- p.65
by Chan, Cheuk-Wah. ; Thesis submitted in: August 1997. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Chapter CHAPTER ONE --- p.1. ; Chapter 1.1.-- --- The main theme ; Chapter 1.2. -- --- Theoretical background ; Chapter 1.2.1. -- --- The proper role of the state in the economy ; Chapter 1.2.2. -- --- Conception of the development state ; Chapter 1.2.3. -- --- Politics of defining the role of the state ; Chapter 1.2.4. -- --- The relative autonomy of the state ; Chapter 1.2.5. -- --- "The ISH Model-- Institutions, Strategic actions of agents, Historical contingencies" ; Chapter 1.2.6. -- --- The ISH Model and the economic dynamics in Hong Kong ; Chapter CHAPTER TWO --- p.22. ; Chapter 2 -- --- "Historical Background, Contingency and International Hurricane (from the mid of 1940s to the mid 1950s)" ; Chapter 2.1. -- --- Introduction ; Chapter 2.2. -- --- Historical background ; Chapter 2.3. -- --- Conflicts between China and the West (Korean War and Cold War) ; Chapter 2.4. -- --- Hong Kong's fluctuating economy and the colonial minimal government ; Chapter CHAPTER THREE --- p.44. ; Chapter 3. --- The Dynamics of the Process of Economic Restructuring and the Strategies of the Industrialists (1950s-60s) ; Chapter 3.1. -- --- Introduction ; Chapter 3.2. -- --- The path of economic restructuring ; Chapter 3.2.1. -- --- Profile of textiles industry ; Chapter 3.2.2.-- --- rofile of clothing industry ; Chapter 3.2.3. -- --- Profile of toys and plastic industry ; Chapter 3.3.-- --- Strategies of the Chinese industrialists ; Chapter CHAPTER FOUR --- p.62. ; Chapter 4. --- Hong Kong Government's Role and Selective Interventions in the Economy ; Chapter 4.1. -- --- Introduction ; Chapter 4.2. -- --- Monetary/fiscal policy with colonial bias ; Chapter 4.3. -- --- Housing policy ; Chapter 4.4. -- --- Investment and trade promotion ; Chapter 4.5. -- --- Land and infrastructure development ; Chapter 4.6. -- --- Influences on the prices and ...
So Ka Lok Carol. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 189-200). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction ; Chapter 1.1 --- Research Background --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Research Puzzle --- p.4 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Research Questions and Major Thesis --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Layout of the Thesis --- p.8 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review and Analytical Framework ; Chapter 2.1 --- Introduction --- p.12 ; Chapter 2.2 --- State Feminism and the Stetson and Mazur Model --- p.12 ; Chapter 2.3 --- The Macro Movement Dynamics: Political Opportunities Structure --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.4 --- The Micro Movement Dynamics: Framing Political Opportunities --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.5 --- Analytical Framework --- p.37 ; Chapter 2.6 --- Methodological Orientations --- p.44 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Women's Policy Machineries in Hong Kong: A Historical and Structural Overview ; Chapter 3.1 --- Introduction --- p.51 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Paving the Road --- p.51 ; Chapter 3.3 --- "The Equal Opportunities Commission: The ""Equality"" Project" --- p.55 ; Chapter 3.3.1 --- Appointment of Members: The Critical but Mysterious Process --- p.57 ; Chapter 3.3.2 --- EOC as Characterized by Investigation and Conciliation --- p.59 ; Chapter 3.4 --- Women's Commission: The Umbrella Organization --- p.60 ; Chapter 3.4.1 --- Actions of WoC --- p.62 ; Chapter 3.4.2 --- Appointment of WoC Members --- p.63 ; Chapter 3.4.3 --- The Structure of WoC: Following the International Pace? --- p.64 ; Chapter 3.4.4 --- Relationship Between EOC and WoC --- p.66 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Struggling for a Seat: Participation in the Political Arena ; Chapter 4.1 --- Introduction --- p.69 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Gaining an Entrance --- p.70 ; Chapter 4.2.1 --- The Significance of Gaining an Entrance --- p.79 ; Chapter 4.2.2 --- Obstacles in Entering the System --- p.81 ; Chapter 4.3 --- Collaborations and Participations with the System --- p.89 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Gender ...
In recent decades, the United States has increasingly used the means of economic warfare in its geopolitical struggles. Among these instruments – in addition to the financial markets – it most often launches geoeconomic attacks in the oil market against its geopolitical adversaries. The United States can cause significant economic damage both for oil exporter (eg. Iran, Venezuela) and oil importer (eg. Cuba, North Korea) countries by restricting their access to oil markets.This paper analyzes the economic warfare in the oil market between the United States and Iran, Russia, and North Korea. Through these examples this paper demonstrates how the United States organizes and executes geoeconomic attacks in the oil market and how it handles country-specific problems. The United States has the means to organize broad international coalition alongside the oil market sanctions – even in the lack of UN Security Council resolutions.United Nations has decided on a number of economic sanctions against Iran because of its nuclear program. These sanctions reduced the supply in the world oil market and resulted in about 10-20% price increase, while Iran – despite of the sanctions – found the way to sell significant amount of oil, mainly to China and India.Russia is a member of the UN Security Council, so no UN sanctions can be imposed on it, nevertheless the United States and its allies launched a geoeconomics assault against Russia after the annexation of the Crimea. Russia was prepared for these economic sanctions and could effectively reduce the negative effects on its oil export, which could even increase after the western sanctions. North Korea is under UN sanctions since 2006 because of its nuclear program. The sanctions refer to oil and oil products as well, but has no significant effect on world oil market and oil price, because North Korea is a relatively small country with low oil consumption.North Korea is suffering a huge economic burden due to severe restrictions and its only way to circumvent the embargo – according to American accusations – is to smuggle some oil from China and Russia. ; In recent decades, the United States has increasingly used the means of economic warfare in its geopolitical struggles. Among these instruments – in addition to the financial markets – it most often launches geoeconomic attacks in the oil market against its geopolitical adversaries. The United States can cause significant economic damage both for oil exporter (eg. Iran, Venezuela) and oil importer (eg. Cuba, North Korea) countries by restricting their access to oil markets.This paper analyzes the economic warfare in the oil market between the United States and Iran, Russia, and North Korea. Through these examples this paper demonstrates how the United States organizes and executes geoeconomic attacks in the oil market and how it handles country-specific problems. The United States has the means to organize broad international coalition alongside the oil market sanctions – even in the lack of UN Security Council resolutions.United Nations has decided on a number of economic sanctions against Iran because of its nuclear program. These sanctions reduced the supply in the world oil market and resulted in about 10-20% price increase, while Iran – despite of the sanctions – found the way to sell significant amount of oil, mainly to China and India.Russia is a member of the UN Security Council, so no UN sanctions can be imposed on it, nevertheless the United States and its allies launched a geoeconomics assault against Russia after the annexation of the Crimea. Russia was prepared for these economic sanctions and could effectively reduce the negative effects on its oil export, which could even increase after the western sanctions. North Korea is under UN sanctions since 2006 because of its nuclear program. The sanctions refer to oil and oil products as well, but has no significant effect on world oil market and oil price, because North Korea is a relatively small country with low oil consumption.North Korea is suffering a huge economic burden due to severe restrictions and its only way to circumvent the embargo – according to American accusations – is to smuggle some oil from China and Russia.
Peng, Handa. ; "August 2011." ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 81-83). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.1 ; 摘要 --- p.2 ; Acknowledgements --- p.3 ; Introduction --- p.6 ; Chapter Section I --- Literature Review --- p.11 ; Theories on Sovereign Default --- p.11 ; Historical Case Studies on Sovereign Default --- p.15 ; Brief Summary on the Existing Theories and Empirical Cases --- p.16 ; Chapter Section II --- Historical Backgrounds --- p.21 ; Political Instability and Military Expenditures --- p.21 ; Fiscal Status during the rule of the Nanking Government --- p.22 ; Silver Standard and Currency Reform in 1935 --- p.26 ; Chapter Section III --- Sovereign Default and Restructuring Episodes of the Nanking Government --- p.29 ; Data --- p.29 ; Sovereign Debt as a Heritage --- p.30 ; Background Information of the Debts --- p.34 ; The Restructuring Episode --- p.37 ; Market Reactions --- p.42 ; Chapter Section IV --- Capital Market Access and Reputational Theories in the Restructuring Episode --- p.45 ; Access to the International Capital Market --- p.45 ; Relevance of the Traditional Reputational Model --- p.48 ; Signaling Model and Role of Reputation --- p.51 ; Chapter Section V --- Role of Sanctions in the Restructuring Episode --- p.57 ; Analytical Framework of the Sanctions Model --- p.57 ; Three Possible Channels of Direct Sanctions --- p.60 ; Chapter Section VI --- Informational Explanation of the Restructuring Episode --- p.64 ; A Practical Analytical Framework for the Informational Model --- p.64 ; Issue of Credibility and Currency Reform --- p.66 ; The Need for the Settlement of Old Debts --- p.68 ; Outcomes --- p.73 ; Summary --- p.77 ; Conclusion --- p.79 ; References --- p.81 ; Chapter Appendix I --- Basic information on Chinese sovereign bonds traded in the London Stock Exchange --- p.84 ; Chapter Appendix II --- Price of Chinese Sovereign Bonds traded in the London Stock Exchange --- p.86 ; Chapter Appendix III --- ...
During the past centuries many great philosophers and statesmen dreamt about the possible constitutional scope of exceeding Europe's political division and fulfilling the unified/united Europe. Most conceptions outlined the practical realization at a supranational level, although in the last decades there has been a greater emphasis on the sub-national (regional, micro-regional) level or else the "multi-level" Europe. Considering its scientific importance there has been less mention of the importance of the local, regional networks, however, their functionality –in the form of sister town connections –has been experienced by many towns in Hungary. In my thesis I intended to shed light on the fact that the sistertown connections –if being able to overstep the mayors and the local authorities' protocol meetings -and it can be the pledge of their viability, take a prominent part in framing the "bottom up" Europe. The personal, civil relationships, the common interests and the solutions to collective problems may all lead to a continuity in the increasingly "multigeared" European integration. In order to present the subject matter I selected the analysis of sister town connections related to the county town, Zalaegerszeg. My research questions were as follows: to what extent the sister town connection of Zalaegerszeg has changed in terms of geographical and content orientation, what elements of networking, independent from any political orientation, have been used, how the intensity fluctuation of the connections can be explained. The conclusion of my research is that the citizens, the civil organisations and the local authority of Zalaegerszeg, whose number of sister towns –fourteen –is greater than the Hungarian average, build their sister town connections in a conscious way, meanwhile integrating them functionally and successfully at a local level into the network of international connections.
Zhang, Jiayu. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 136-147). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.iiii ; Table of Contents --- p.viii ; List of Abbreviations --- p.ix ; List of Figures --- p.x ; List of Tables --- p.x ; Chapter Chapter I: --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1. 1 --- What happened to China´ةs SRB? --- p.1 ; Chapter 1. 2 --- Women´ةs Human Rights as important Human Rights --- p.3 ; Chapter 1. 3 --- SRB and Women´ةs Rights --- p.6 ; Chapter 1. 4 --- Research Purpose and Methods --- p.7 ; Chapter 1. 5 --- Research Outline --- p.17 ; Chapter Chapter II. --- The Particular Features in China´ةs SRB --- p.20 ; Chapter 2. 1 --- The Regional Features in SRB --- p.20 ; Chapter 2. 2 --- The Ethnic Features in SRB --- p.23 ; Chapter 2. 3 --- The Features by Birth Order --- p.24 ; Chapter Chapter III. --- The Causes of Imbalanced SRB --- p.26 ; Chapter 3. 1 --- The Proximal Causes --- p.26 ; Chapter 3. 2 --- The Fundamental Cause --- p.31 ; What Encourage son preference in China? --- p.32 ; Chapter 3.2.1 --- Cultural and Historical Factors --- p.33 ; Chapter 3.2.2 --- Economic Factors --- p.38 ; Chapter 3.2.3 --- Law and policy as a Structural Factor --- p.40 ; Political Silence --- p.42 ; Economic Subordination --- p.43 ; Sexual Subordination --- p.48 ; Birth Control --- p.50 ; Chapter Chapter IV. --- The Consequences of Imbalanced SRB from a Human Rights Perspective --- p.58 ; Human Rights Violation against Women in the SRB Issues --- p.59 ; Chapter 4.1 --- Rights Violations Which Cause the Distorted SRB --- p.59 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Rights Violations for Which the Abnormal SRB is a Cause --- p.66 ; Chapter 4.2.1 --- Trafficking in Women --- p.70 ; Chapter 4.2.2 --- Sexual Crimes --- p.72 ; Chapter 4.2.3 --- Women´ةs Civil and Political Rights --- p.73 ; Chapter Chapter V. --- Women´ةs Human Rights Mechanism and Domestic Measures Adopted to Control Abnormal SRB --- p.76 ; Chapter 5.1 --- The International Human Rights Fundamental for ...
