Suchergebnisse

Erasmus+ je program Evropske Unije (EU) na področju izobraževanja, usposabljanja, mladine in športa, ki omogoča mednarodno učno mobilnost. Tako Evropska komisija kot akademski strokovnjaki velikokrat navajajo Erasmus+ za uspešen primer evropske integracije in kot spodbujevalec evropske identitete. To magistrsko delo s pomočjo interpretativne paradigme poskuša osvetliti presečišče med teorijo evropskih integracij, vrednotenjem programa Erasmus+ in osmišljanjem evropske identitete. Analiza EU dokumentov je pokazala, da termin evropska identiteta izrazito nekonsistentno uporabljen znotraj upravljavskih organov EU. Poleg tega se je pomen evropske identitete, kakor jo je navzven predstavljala Skupnost, od sedemdesetih let prejšnjega stoletja naprej izrazito spreminjal. Prvotni zunanje-politični pomen je zamenjalo vrednotenje evropske identitete v odnosu do nacionalne države. Raziskave na področju vplivov programa Erasmus+ (oziroma mednarodne mobilnosti) na izgradnjo evropske identitete sicer prinašajo zelo različne rezultate, skoraj vse pa pesti problem metodološkega nacionalizma. Učinki programa Erasmus+ so sicer pozitivni, vendar težko ovrednoteni, saj so se od začetkov programa leta 1987 do danes drastično spreminjali. Opazna je neoliberalna logika prostega pretoka delovne sile v smislu spodbujanja mednarodne mobilnosti in posledično izgrajevanja konkurenčnega trga delovne sile na katerem štejejo kompetence posameznika/ posameznice. ; Erasmus+ is the European Union's (the EU) programme in the fields of education, training, youth and sport, which enables international learning mobility. Both the European Commission and academic experts often cite Erasmus+ as a successful example of European integration and as a facilitator of a European identity. This thesis seeks to illuminate the intersection between the theory of European integration, the evaluation of the Erasmus + programme and European identity. This is done with interpretive paradigm. An analysis of the EU' documents has shown that the term European identity is used in a highly inconsistent way within the EU's bodies. In addition, the meaning of European identity, as initially represented by the Community, has changed markedly since the 1970s. The original meaning reflected the foreign policy aspirations of the Community ; later this was replaced with the emphasis of European identity in relation to the nation-state. Research in the field of measuring the impact of the Erasmus+ programme (or international mobility) on the construction of the European identity brings a variety of results. The common problem of such research is the one of methodological nationalism. The effects of the Erasmus+ programme are positive, but difficult to evaluate, as they have changed drastically since the beginning of the programme in 1987. The neoliberal logic behind the free movement of labour is noticeable, especially in the light of boosting international mobility to create a competitive labour market, where one's competencies are all that matters.

In its nature, world history is an evolutionary cycle of non-rules, non-order to rules and order. The Peace of Westphalia began the international order aiming to resolve disputes through multinational meetings. However, the fragile world order and the code of international relations failed to prevent World War Ⅰ. Although a new system of multinational mechanisms, formed after World War I, reformed the international community, it did not stop World War Ⅱ from breaking out. After World War Ⅱ, a new system of international organizations represented by the United Nations and new norms of international relations centered on the Charter of the United Nations were established. Despite its undeniable role in the world order and the norms of international relations, the so-called Yalta System, still has its flaws. After the end of the Cold War, the necessity of a new world political, economic and security order is rising. The theory and practice of global governance is in need of upgrading. However, due to complicated historical and realistic reasons, the process of building up a new order based on new rules would be long and tortuous. Key Words: International Order, Power Relations, Charter of the United Nations, Global Governance ; 世界历史归根到底,就是从无规则无秩序到有规则有秩序,再到建立新规则新秩序无限发展历程。威斯特伐利亚条约的诞生,标志着以多边会议为争端解决机制的国际秩序开始形成,但粗陋而孱弱的世界秩序和国际关系准则并没能阻止第一次世界大战的爆发。一战后形成的一系列新型多边合作机制曾使国际社会欢欣鼓舞,但这套体制和规则仍未能阻止二战的爆发。国际社会于二战结束之际,建立起以联合国为代表的新的国际组织体系和联合国宪章为核心的新型国际关系准则。这套名为雅尔塔体系的世界秩序和国际关系规则虽然发挥了不可否认的历史作用,但许多方面仍不尽如人意。冷战结束后,世界呼唤新的政治经济秩序、安全格局,全球治理从理论到实践都亟待更新。但由于极其复杂的历史和现实原因,建立基于新规则的新秩序,将是一个漫长而曲折的历史过程。 【关键词】国际秩序,大国关系,联合国宪章,全球治理

Evropska unija (EU) je Bosni in Hercegovini (BiH) obljubila podpis stabilizacijsko-pridružitvenega sporazuma pod pogojem, da BiH prestrukturira svoj razdrobljen policijski sistem po treh načelih EU, ki predvidevajo centralizirano in enotno policijo. Ker pa policije v različnih državah članicah EU niso vedno centralizirane, so lokalni akterji izkoristili argument neenotnih standardov pri upravičevanju odpora do predvidene reforme. V magistrskem delu raziskujem razsežnosti učinkov, ki jih ima odsotnost skupnega normativnega okvira na prizadevanja mednarodne organizacije po prenosu norm v tretje države. Raziskava temelji na preseku teoretskih sklopov reforme varnostnega sektorja¬ ter prenosa norm ; skozi to prizmo analiziram pristop EU k reformi varnostnega sektorja ter študijo primera reforme policije v BiH, z modelom zunanjih spodbud pa učinke neenotnih standardov v državah članicah EU na to reformo. Foucaultovski pristop k fenomenu prenosa norm omogoča, da proces pogojevanja razumemo kot dinamično in kompleksno razmerje moči med EU in lokalnimi akterji. Ugotavljam, da lahko odpor lokalnih akterjev do prenosa norm resno ošibi moč EU, kadar ta ne temelji na močnih normativnih temeljih. V primeru reforme policije v BiH je visoki predstavnik za BiH, avtor treh načel EU, zanemaril, da EU pri svojem zunanjem delovanju nastopa kot normativna moč. Ob odsotnosti normativnega okvirja, torej odsotnosti enotnih standardov na področju policije, pa je bila moč EU ohromljena, posledica tega pa je bila neuspešna reforma policije v BiH. ; The reform of a fragmented police system according to three European Union (EU) principles, which foresee a centralized and unified police force, was set as a condition by the EU to sign the Stabilization and Association Agreement with Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). However, as the police in the different EU Member States are not always centralized, local actors have used the argument of divergent standards to justify their resistance to the envisaged reform. This Master's thesis effects of the absence of a common normative framework within an international organization on the norm diffusion to a third country. The research is based on the convergence of theories dealing with security sector reform and norm transfer. Through such a lens, I analyse the EU approach to security sector reform and contextualise it via the study of police reform in BiH. The Foucault's approach to norm transfer understands the process of conditionality as a dynamic and complex power relation between the EU and local actors. Findings show that genuine resistance from local actors can seriously undermine the EU's normative power when the latter is not based on strong normative foundations. In the case of police reform in BiH, the author of the three EU principles – the High Representative for BiH – neglected the EU's role of normative power in its external action. The absence of a normative framework, in this case, the absence of harmonized standards regarding policing undermined the power of the EU and resulted in the failure of police reform in BiH.

This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM).

by Li Hang-tsang, Steven. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 133-138). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; List of Tables --- p.i ; List of Charts --- p.iii ; List of Diagrams --- p.iii ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Global Interaction and Economic Development --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Sociological Perspectives of Economic Development --- p.3 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Network Perspective of Global Interaction --- p.7 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Objectives and research Design --- p.9 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review --- p.11 ; Chapter 2.1 --- World System Perspective and Global Interaction --- p.11 ; Chapter 2.1.1 --- Classification Scheme of World System Perspective --- p.12 ; Chapter 2.1.2 --- Global Interaction and the Operation of Capitalism --- p.13 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Global Interaction and Economic Development --- p.19 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- Economic Business Cycle and Economic Development --- p.20 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- Global Factors and Economic Development --- p.22 ; Chapter 2.2.3 --- Local Factors and Economic Development --- p.24 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Critiques and Limitations of World System Perspective --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- The Limitation of Theory Testing --- p.26 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- Insufficient Study of Global Interaction --- p.27 ; Chapter (1) --- Interaction Among Core Countries --- p.29 ; Chapter (2) --- Interaction Between Core Country and Semi-Peripheral Country --- p.30 ; Chapter (3) --- Interaction Among Peripheral Countries --- p.31 ; Chapter (4) --- Other Unspecified Interaction --- p.31 ; Chapter 2.3.3 --- The Ignored Facets of Global Interaction --- p.32 ; Chapter (1) --- Interaction Partner --- p.32 ; Chapter (2) --- Interaction Intensity --- p.32 ; Chapter (3) --- The Combined Effect of Interaction Partner and Interaction Intensity --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.4 --- The Network Perspective and New Conception to Global Interaction --- p.35 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Conceptual Framework and Hypotheses --- p.39 ...

Po terorističnih napadih Al Kaide v Združenih državah Amerike septembra 2001 se je dojemanje varnostni in groženj mednarodne skupnosti povsem spremenilo. Varnostni svet Organizacije združenih narodov je že dan po terorističnih napadih sprejel Resolucijo 1368 (2001), ki opredeli napade kot oborožen napad na Združene države Amerike in kot ogrožanje mednarodnega miru in mednarodne varnosti. Nepredvidljivo in spremenjeno varnostno okolje v svetu je zahtevalo takojšen odziv. Mednarodna skupnost kot vir ogrožanja identificira Afganistan. Še isto leto so z mandatom Organizacije združenih narodov vzpostavljene Mednarodne sile za pomoč v Afganistanu, katerih vodenje leta 2003 prevzame zveza Nato. Misijo, ki se je zaključila konec 2014, v letu 2015 nadomesti nebojna svetovalna Misija Odločna podpora in se izvaja še danes. Odziv na sodobne grožnje države rešujejo v medsebojnih zavezništvih ter delovanju v mednarodnih operacijah in misijah. Članstvo Republike Slovenije v zvezi Nato je prineslo obveznost izpolnjevanja zavez, ki so bile podane v pristopnem obdobju ter kasneje članstvu. Kot polnopravna članica poleg tega sodeluje v procesu oblikovanja in izvajanja varnostnih in obrambno političnih smernic. Republika Slovenija svoje obveznosti v Zavezništvu izpolnjuje tudi s sodelovanjem v mednarodnih operacijah in misijah, kot so Nato-vodene mednarodne operacije in misije v Afganistanu, kjer sodeluje od leta 2004. Vloga obveščevalno varnostnih služb pred napotitvijo, v času delovanja ter po zaključku delovanja slovenskih pripadnikov v Nato-vodenih operacijah je izjemno pomembna in ena od najbolj učinkovitih oblik zaščite lastnih sil. Ob upoštevanju omejenih resursov je mednarodno sodelovanje Republike Slovenije ključno pri zagotavljanju tovrstne podpore v Afganistanu. ; After the Al Qaeda terrorist attacks in the United States of America in September 2001, the perception of the security and threats of the international community has completely changed. A day after the terrorist attacks, the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 1368 (2001) defining attacks as an armed attack on the United States and as a threat to the international peace and international security. An unpredictable and changed security environment demanded an immediate response in the world. The international community identifies Afghanistan as a source of threat. In the same year, under the United Nations mandate, the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan was established and transformed in NATO-led mission in 2003. The mission that concluded at the end of 2014 was replaced today's ongoing by non-combat advisory Resolute Support Mission in the beginning of 2015. When responding to the modern threats countries develops mutual alliances and work together in international operations in missions. With membership in NATO, the Republic of Slovenia assumed responsibility for fulfilling the commitments made during the accession period in later on as a member of Alliance. As an Ally is involved in the process of designing and implementing security and defence policy guidelines. The Republic of Slovenia also fulfils its commitments in the Alliance by participating in international operations on missions such as NATO-led international operations in the mission in Afghanistan, where it has been participating since 2004. The role of intelligence security services before the deployment, during the operation and after the deployment is extremely important and is one of the most effective forms of force protection. Taking into account limited resources, the international cooperation is crucial for the Republic of Slovenia in providing such support in Afghanistan.

Šport je z modernizacijo družbe in intenzivnejšo globalizacijo postal visoko organiziran in strukturiran globalni fenomen. Na njegov razvoj so vplivali različni dejavniki, vodenje na globalni ravni pa so prevzele mednarodne športne organizacije, v prvi vrsti Mednarodni olimpijski komite (MOK), okrog katerega se je izoblikoval t. i. reguliran olimpijski sistem. Disciplina Mednarodnih odnosov v primerjavi z ostalimi družbenimi vedami zaostaja pri proučevanju globalnega športa, ki tako ostaja eden manj vidnih in proučevanih vidikov globalnega vladanja. Eden od razlogov za to je tudi odsotnost resne in sistematične teoretske analize. Za zapolnitev te vrzeli je cilj magistrskega dela odgovoriti na vprašanje, kako lahko z uporabo teorij mednarodnih odnosov in analizo olimpijskega sistema z značilnostmi globalnega vladanja razumemo nastanek, obstoj in delovanje globalnega vladanja na področju športa kot enega izmed področij globalnega vladanja. Opredelitev reguliranega olimpijskega sistema kot globalnega vladanja na področju športa omogoča uporabo prevladujočih teorij mednarodnih odnosov (realizma, liberalizma, konstruktivizma, marksističnih teorij) na tem področju. Te v okviru svojih zmožnosti razlagajo in pojasnjujejo delovanje globalnega vladanja na področju športa, skupno pa izpostavijo pomembne elemente in pojave globalnega športnega vladanja. Analiza ponudi razmislek o nadaljnjem teoretičnem raziskovanju tega področja. ; The modernisation of society and intensive globalisation led sport to become a highly organised and structured phenomenon. Its development was influenced by various factors, while management at a global level has been taken over by international sport organisations, primarily by the International Olympic Committee (IOC), around which a regulated Olympic System has developed. In the examination of global sport, as one of the less visible and explored aspects of global governance, the discipline of International Relations falls behind other social sciences. One of the reasons for this is also the absence of a systematic theoretical analysis of this area. In order to fill this gap, this master thesis aims to answer the question: how can the use of the theories of international relations and an analysis of the Olympic System with features of global governance help us understand the emergence, the existence and the functioning of global governance in the field of sport as one of the fields of global governance? The identification of the regulated Olympic System as global governance in the field of sport enables the application of dominant theories of international relations (realism, liberalism, constructivism and Marxist theories) onto this field. The theories, within the limits of their capacities, interpret and explain the functioning of global governance in the field of sport, and, as a set of theories, they highlight the important elements and phenomena of global sport governance. The analysis offers a reflection on the further theoretical exploration of this field.

These are the grades for Xu Yingchao (徐英超), Hsu Ying-Chao (Class of 1937), for classes taken at Peiping National Normal University (now Beijing Normal University) in 1919. The document lists the courses, the hours each week, the length of the course, and his "standing". Some of the classes listed is History of Ethics, Hygiene, Military Science, and theories of Play. The document is signed by the registrar, the dean of the Department of Physical Education, and the president of the University. It is dated June 5, 1936. ; Xu Yingchao (徐英超), Hsu Ying-Chao (Class of 1937) as he was known when he attended Springfield College, was born in 1900 and died in 1986. He studied at Springfield College during 1936-1937. Xu got a Bachelors of Physical Education (B.P.E.) in the summer of 1937 and a Master's of Physical Education in the Spring of 1938. Xu was a pioneer in Chinese sports statistics and the first to introduce sports statistics courses to university classes.

After World War II, an international military court sentenced 20 Nazi doctors and 3 collaborators with crimes against the humanity at the Nuremberg Trials. For the past 70 years after Nuremberg Trials, the restoration to pre-Nazi's ethical standard has been progressed. The eugenicist theories and the policies of racial hygiene were the fundamental axes of the Nazi euthanasia programs without paying attention to the basic ethics of the medicine. German psychiatry that it enjoyed an extraordinary international reputation, played a capital rôle in these programs and the mental patients supposed the main group of risk for these practices during the Nazi era. In this overview, we deal with, the historical perspective of the euthanasia programs of the mental patients, and the procedures for its execution, and the use of the mental patients as investigation tools. Direct consequence of the mentioned penal process gave birth to the Nuremberg Code, which has been considered as the fi rst international code of ethics for the medical experiments with human subjects. During the last 70 years, it has advanced substantially in the restoration of ethical codes and norms to protect patients in particular in the fi eld of psychiatry and psychopharmacology, and its culmination of advancement has been in the 1996 Declaration of Madrid.

The transition of the global financial governance system is a history of the rise and fall of the Western advanced countries in the post-war international political and economic system. Since the end of the Second World War, the International Monetary Foundation and the World Bank have always taken the dominant role in the field of global financial governance. However, after the beginning of the global financial crisis in 2008, many drawbacks have become apparent concerning these two significant institutions, such as the lack of representatives, the slow and ineffective response to the crisis, etc. Following a strong appeal from the developing countries (with the emerging powers as their representatives), the global financial governance system has experienced several rounds of reforms which have yet to yield acceptable results. Therefore, it is highly necessary to create a new institution which can play a complementary role in the existing financial governance system rather than overthrow it. Complying with the tide of history, the official establishment of the BRICS Bank can be of great significance to the reform of current global financial governance systems such as diversifying the global financial governance bodies, representing the interests of developing countries in a better way, enhancing the status and improving the importance of emerging economies in the international political and economic order. Admittedly, the BRICS Bank also faces great challenges and limits such as the lack of a core leadership and the absence of a unified currency, etc.

Hong Kong is clearly within the 'One Country' and this is simply no longer an issue. How the 'Two Systems' can survive, and how they should interact, is the riding question. The substance of mutual legal assistance in general, and extradition — or rendition — in particular, in a domestic context is not necessarily different from that in an international context. Such assistance will be the subject of an agreement between two jurisdictions arrived at through a process of negotiation and agreed upon by both parties. There is no inherent substance in any extradition agreement, international or otherwise. The substance is negotiable depending upon necessity and the parties' political will and political skill. No one party should impose its will on the other. The only question is what are the terms that should go into a rendition agreement between Hong Kong and the Mainland? ; published_or_final_version

The COVID-19 pandemic brought on the so-called "coronacrisis," a global crisis event enormous in size and force. The crisis questioned the ability of states and instruments of international governance to respond quickly and effectively to the global threats. It is noteworthy that there was no strong correlation between crisis management efficacy and the type of political system of a country. However, the countries with elaborated and well-financed health systems, were able to struggle with the devastating consequences of the coronacrisis better than those with systemic, structural and financial problems of their healthcare sectors. It is obvious that the ability to manage the coronacrisis is not related to the type of political governance or ideology, but to the state administrative resources and competence of the cabinet / leaders. That potentially gave an opportunity for countries with different ideological foundations to neglect their tensions and unite the efforts in the containment of the SARS-CoV-2 virus (e.g. create mutual programmes of vaccination and medicine distribution). The main forces are the Transatlantic alliance, Russia and China. Unfortunately, no visible COVID-19-related agreement between them ever happened so far. Instead, the coronacrisis situation was used by the political rivals to intensify their aggressive rhetoric against each other (e.g., USA and Russia, USA and China) or profit from it in deepening international collaboration not connected with the pandemic itself (e.g., Russia and China). We do not observe any real mutual efforts of liquidating the pandemic consequences even within an ideological block, to say nothing about different blocks. The US–EU relationships worsened during the pandemic, especially at the background of Trump's cool attitude towards international organisations and his decision to leave the World Health Organization in the midst of the pandemic and his threatening words that US may also abandon the NATO. Likewise, John Bolton spoke of the EU as an entity hostile ...

Doktorska disertacija preučuje specifično usmeritev mednarodne ekonomije, in sicer področje politik razvojne pomoči. Znotraj tega vsebinskega okvirja smo se osredotočili na njeno učinkovitost predvsem zaradi aktualnosti problematike kot številnih s tem povezanih globalnih izzivov. Razvojna pomoč, kot osrednja tematika disertacije, predstavlja temeljni koncept, s katerim države poskušajo razreševati razvojne razlike v svetu. Preučevanje učinkovitosti razvojne pomoči je v okviru ekonomskih znanosti zelo perspektiven koncept, predvsem zaradi dejstva, da je prepad med razvitimi državami globalnega severa in globalnega juga večji kot kadarkoli, dosedanje študije, kot tudi modeli razreševanja pa niso ponudili učinkovitih rešitev za spremembe oz. izboljšanje trenutnega stanja. Vse omenjeno smo preučevali na skupini držav Afrike, Karibov in Pacifika (AKP) iz dveh glavnih razlogov. Prvič, ker je velika večina držav v skupini dolgoletnih prejemnic razvojne pomoči, in drugič, ker omogoča dobro podlago za preučevanje, saj v njo spadajo tako najrevnejše podsaharske države, kot tudi otoške države, ki so v zadnjih letih doživele hiter gospodarski napredek. Struktura disertacije temelji tako na teoretičnem kot tudi aplikativnem delu. V prvem delu, tako predstavimo temeljne teoretične pojme iz razvojne ekonomije odnosov sever-jug, zgodovino sodelovanja držav AKP-ja z različnimi mednarodnimi akterji in teoretične opredelitve razvojne pomoči in njene učinkovitosti. Drugi del je namenjen aplikativni raziskavi učinkovitosti politik razvojne pomoči. Države skupine AKP smo tako razdelili v dve skupini. V skupino A, kjer so tiste, ki so prejele več razvojne pomoči, in skupino B, kjer so tiste, ki so prejele manj. Predpostavljali smo, da so države, ki so prejele več razvojne pomoči, naredile večji razvojni napredek. Njihov napredek smo preučevali na petih ekonomskih in socialnih razvojnih indikatorjih: BDP na prebivalca, obseg izvoza blaga in storitev, smrtnosti otrok do petega leta starosti, rast pričakovane življenjske dobe in število migracij. Na podlagi pridobljenih rezultatov za posamezno področje smo nato generalno sklepali ali so politike razvojne pomoči dosegle svoj namen, torej ali so bile učinkovite. Iz vsebinskega vidika je disertacija izvirni doprinos k ekonomski znanosti pri preučevanju problematike sedanjega sistema podeljevanja razvojne pomoči in posledično njene učinkovitosti, raziskovanja razvojne problematike v državah skupine AKP ter predlogom razreševanja sodobnih izzivov mednarodnega razvoja. Prav tako zapolnjuje vrzel pri preučevanju koncepta mednarodnega razvoja s kvalitativnimi metodami raziskovanja, saj so obstoječe raziskave izrazito kvantificirane. Ker je disertacija napisana v slovenskem jeziku je tudi prispevek k maloštevilni literaturi na tem področju in k nadaljnjem raziskovanju mednarodne razvojne problematike in s tem povezanih globalnih izzivov. ; This PhD dissertation studies a specific direction of international economics — the field of development aid policies, and focuses on its efficiency, mainly due to the relevance of the issue, since it is associated with numerous global challenges. Development aid, as the central theme of this dissertation presents the underlying concept, with which countries attempt to resolve developmental differences around the world. Studying the efficiency of development aid in terms of economic sciences is a very promising concept, mainly due to the fact that the gap between the developed countries of the global South and the global North is larger than ever, and current studies, nor resolution models, offered any effective solutions for changing or improving the current state. All of the above was studied on the African, Caribbean and Pacific Group of States (ACP) for two main reasons: Firstly, because the vast majority of these countries is a long-term beneficiary of development aid and secondly, because this provides us with a sound foundation for studying, including both the poorest Sub-Saharan countries and island states, which experienced rapid economic development in recent years. Thus the structure of this dissertation relies on both theory and application. The first part presents the fundamental theoretical terms from developmental economics, North-South relations, the history of cooperation among ACP countries with various international players and theoretical determination of development aid and its efficiency. The second part is intended for applied research of the efficiency of development aid policies. ACP countries were divided into two groups, group A with those receiving the most development aid and groups B with those receiving the least. We presumed that countries that received the most development aid made the most progress. Their progress was studied according top five economic and social indicators of development: GDP per capita, exports of goods and services, mortality of children under five years of age, growth in life expectancy and the number of migrations. Based on data retrieved for specific fields, we generally presumed whether development aid policies had achieved its purpose – if they were efficient. From the substantive aspect, this dissertation is an original contribution to the science of economics in its study of the problems in the existing system for distributing development aid and consequently its efficiency, to research of development problems in ACP countries and to proposals for meeting the modern challenges of international development. It also fills the gap in the study of the concept of international development through qualitative research methods, since existing research is extensively quantified. Since this dissertation is originally in Slovenian, it also adds to the scarce literature in this field and to future research of international developmental issues and the global challenges they bring.

Abstract: The year 2019 marks the 5th anniversary of Chinese President Xi Jinping's vision of common, comprehensive, cooperative and sustainable security. This article firstly makes a general summary of the progress made in national decision-making, policy oath and international recognition in the past five years since China put forward the vision of sustainable security.The article will then analyze the current challenges in global security governance. Based on the above information, the way forward for global security governance in the 21st century is discussed. Lastly, the vision of sustainable security is applied to practical issues of international security governance such as climate change and the future prospects of the Korean Peninsula. Additionally, a new security paradigm and specific resolutions for those problems are put forward. Keywords: Sustainable security; Global governance; International security; Climate change; Korean peninsula ; 2019是中国国家主席习近平提出共同、综合、合作、可持续安全观5周年。拙文首先就中国提出可持续安全观5年来,在国家决策、政策宣誓、国际认同方面取得的进展做一概要的总结;然后分析当前全球安全治理方面面临的挑战;在此基础上探讨21世纪全球安全治理的出路,将可持续安全观与气候变化问题、朝鲜半岛前景等国际安全治理的实际问题相结合,创造性地提出新的安全范式及解决问题的具体措施。 【关键词】可持续安全;全球治理;国际安全;气候变化;朝鲜半岛

Spremembe v mednarodni skupnosti po koncu hladne vojne so mednarodne institucije, ki delujejo na področju zagotavljanja miru in varnosti, postavile pred nove izzive, ki so izpostavili pomanjkljivost obstoječh norm, mehanizmov in konceptualnega aparata za naslavljanje novih varnostnih groženj. Mednarodne institucije se težko spopadajo z modernimi varnostnimi grožnjami, med katere spadajo tudi etnični konflikti, hkrati pa je proces prepoznavanja varnostnih groženj kompleksen. Magistrska naloga skozi študijo primera delovanja Varnostnega sveta in Organizacije za varnost in sodelovanje v Evropi v ukrajinskem konfliktu preučuje, kako pojmovanje varnosti mednarodnih institucij vpliva na upravljanje (etničnih) konfliktov. Naloga pokaže, da sodobno pojmovanje varnosti presega dojemanje države kot edinega relevatnega referenčnega objekta varnosti in da je varnost intersubjektivna kategorija, ki odpira vprašanje glede procesa prepoznavanja (novih) varnostnih groženj. Posledično pojmovanje varnosti vpliva na diskurz in delovanje akterjev. Na primeru Varnostnega sveta tako vidimo, da se države članice zavedajo pomena vzpostavljene prakse delovanja, ki izhaja iz pojmovanja varnosti dotične institucije, ter njenega vpliva na odločanje v Varnostnem svetu. OVSE pa kljub prepoznavanju kršitev določenih prvin varnosti v praksi te kršitve težko naslavlja. Naloga pokaže tudi, kako specializirano znanje posameznih institucij vpliva na diskurz držav v teh institucijah ter da pojmovanje varnosti v posameznih institucijah ni statično, temveč rezultat nenehnih (re)interpretacij. ; Changes in the international community after the end of the Cold War have led international institutions working in the field of peace and security to face new challenges that have highlighted the disadvantage of existing norms, mechanisms and conceptual apparatus for addressing new security threats. International institutions are struggling to deal with modern security threats, including ethnic conflicts, while the process of identifying security threats is complex. The master's thesis examines how the concept of security of international institutions influences the management of (ethnic) conflicts through a study of the functioning of the Security Council and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe in the Ukrainian conflict. Thesis demonstrates that modern concept surpasses the perception of the state as the only relevant referent object of security and that security is an intersubjective category that raises the issue of the process of identifying (new) security threats. As a consequence the concept of security affects the discourse and the functioning of the actors. In the case of the Security Council, we can see that Member States are aware of the importance of the established practice, which stems from the concept of security of the institution, and its impact on decision-making in the Security Council. Despite the recognition of violations of certain elements of security in practice, the OSCE has difficulty addressing this violation. The thesis also shows how the specialized knowledge of individual institutions influences the discourse of states in these institutions, and that the concept of security in individual institutions is not static, but the result of continuous (re)interpretations.