Hong Kong is clearly within the 'One Country' and this is simply no longer an issue. How the 'Two Systems' can survive, and how they should interact, is the riding question. The substance of mutual legal assistance in general, and extradition — or rendition — in particular, in a domestic context is not necessarily different from that in an international context. Such assistance will be the subject of an agreement between two jurisdictions arrived at through a process of negotiation and agreed upon by both parties. There is no inherent substance in any extradition agreement, international or otherwise. The substance is negotiable depending upon necessity and the parties' political will and political skill. No one party should impose its will on the other. The only question is what are the terms that should go into a rendition agreement between Hong Kong and the Mainland? ; published_or_final_version
Nowadays, criticism of the UN is related to excessive bureaucracy, to the parallelism in the functions of many of its structures. In addition, the UN is accused of reacting more to crises than preventing them. The selective interest of the United Nations in conflicts in different regions of the world gives reasons to assert the presence in its activity of double standards. Especially, the UN authority has been greatly undermined by such events as the United States's actions in Iraq and Yugoslavia, after which many have questioned international law in general and United Nations, in particular. Thereat, there are a lot of statements that the United Nations is in the deepest crisis and there is a set of proposals and views on the content and essence of the need for UN reform. In this article, the author argues the opportunity of UN reform, elucidating some current gaps in the work of this international organization and coming up with concrete recommendations to remedy them.
The COVID-19 pandemic brought on the so-called "coronacrisis," a global crisis event enormous in size and force. The crisis questioned the ability of states and instruments of international governance to respond quickly and effectively to the global threats. It is noteworthy that there was no strong correlation between crisis management efficacy and the type of political system of a country. However, the countries with elaborated and well-financed health systems, were able to struggle with the devastating consequences of the coronacrisis better than those with systemic, structural and financial problems of their healthcare sectors. It is obvious that the ability to manage the coronacrisis is not related to the type of political governance or ideology, but to the state administrative resources and competence of the cabinet / leaders. That potentially gave an opportunity for countries with different ideological foundations to neglect their tensions and unite the efforts in the containment of the SARS-CoV-2 virus (e.g. create mutual programmes of vaccination and medicine distribution). The main forces are the Transatlantic alliance, Russia and China. Unfortunately, no visible COVID-19-related agreement between them ever happened so far. Instead, the coronacrisis situation was used by the political rivals to intensify their aggressive rhetoric against each other (e.g., USA and Russia, USA and China) or profit from it in deepening international collaboration not connected with the pandemic itself (e.g., Russia and China). We do not observe any real mutual efforts of liquidating the pandemic consequences even within an ideological block, to say nothing about different blocks. The US–EU relationships worsened during the pandemic, especially at the background of Trump's cool attitude towards international organisations and his decision to leave the World Health Organization in the midst of the pandemic and his threatening words that US may also abandon the NATO. Likewise, John Bolton spoke of the EU as an entity hostile ...
Nowadays, criticism of the UN is related to excessive bureaucracy, to the parallelism in the functions of many of its structures. In addition, the UN is accused of reacting more to crises than preventing them. The selective interest of the United Nations in conflicts in different regions of the world gives reasons to assert the presence in its activity of double standards. Especially, the UN authority has been greatly undermined by such events as the United States's actions in Iraq and Yugoslavia, after which many have questioned international law in general and United Nations, in particular. Thereat, there are a lot of statements that the United Nations is in the deepest crisis and there is a set of proposals and views on the content and essence of the need for UN reform. In this article, the author argues the opportunity of UN reform, elucidating some current gaps in the work of this international organization and coming up with concrete recommendations to remedy them. ; Țarălungă, Victoria. Reforma organizației națiunilor unite – un imperativ al secolului XXI / Victoria Țarălungă // Conferinţa naţională cu participare internaţională "Ştiinţa în Nordul Republicii Moldova: realizări, probleme, perspective", ed. a 3-a, 21-22 iun. 2019. – Bălţi, 2019. – P. 465-473.
Nowadays, criticism of the UN is related to excessive bureaucracy, to the parallelism in the functions of many of its structures. In addition, the UN is accused of reacting more to crises than preventing them. The selective interest of the United Nations in conflicts in different regions of the world gives reasons to assert the presence in its activity of double standards. Especially, the UN authority has been greatly undermined by such events as the United States's actions in Iraq and Yugoslavia, after which many have questioned international law in general and United Nations, in particular. Thereat, there are a lot of statements that the United Nations is in the deepest crisis and there is a set of proposals and views on the content and essence of the need for UN reform. In this article, the author argues the opportunity of UN reform, elucidating some current gaps in the work of this international organization and coming up with concrete recommendations to remedy them. ; Țarălungă, Victoria. Reforma organizației națiunilor unite – un imperativ al secolului XXI / Victoria Țarălungă // Conferinţa naţională cu participare internaţională "Ştiinţa în Nordul Republicii Moldova: realizări, probleme, perspective", ed. a 3-a, 21-22 iun. 2019. – Bălţi, 2019. – P. 465-473.
Abstract: The year 2019 marks the 5th anniversary of Chinese President Xi Jinping's vision of common, comprehensive, cooperative and sustainable security. This article firstly makes a general summary of the progress made in national decision-making, policy oath and international recognition in the past five years since China put forward the vision of sustainable security.The article will then analyze the current challenges in global security governance. Based on the above information, the way forward for global security governance in the 21st century is discussed. Lastly, the vision of sustainable security is applied to practical issues of international security governance such as climate change and the future prospects of the Korean Peninsula. Additionally, a new security paradigm and specific resolutions for those problems are put forward. Keywords: Sustainable security; Global governance; International security; Climate change; Korean peninsula ; 2019是中国国家主席习近平提出共同、综合、合作、可持续安全观5周年。拙文首先就中国提出可持续安全观5年来,在国家决策、政策宣誓、国际认同方面取得的进展做一概要的总结;然后分析当前全球安全治理方面面临的挑战;在此基础上探讨21世纪全球安全治理的出路,将可持续安全观与气候变化问题、朝鲜半岛前景等国际安全治理的实际问题相结合,创造性地提出新的安全范式及解决问题的具体措施。 【关键词】可持续安全;全球治理;国际安全;气候变化;朝鲜半岛
This article examines the influence of the soft power on the process of ensuring the national interests of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Moldova. The author determines soft power as an important mean of securing national interests, an essential component of the process of realizing relations between states, deducting that soft power contributes to the foundation and promotion of national interests, the consolidation of stability, of order and peace and the creation of a positive image of the state on the international arena. Taking into consideration that the concept of soft power has developed, gaining a legal foundation in the Russian Federation quite recently, the importance of research on the subject is growing to follow how this concept has been defined and how its own action plan is developed and materialized without adapting the Western templates to Russian realities. The research of the soft power role in promoting the national interests of the Republic of Moldova stems from the fact that our state requires a clarification of the foreign policy objectives and their means of realization, a determination of the role of soft power, its specificity and its efficiency in the transmission of values by a democratic and modern state to other actors of the international process.
這項研究的目的旨在探討香港15歲學生在科學素養上的性別差異及這些差異如何影響男女生在選擇以科學作為升學及職業的動機。 ; 本研究的數據取自2006年在本港舉行的香港學生能力國際評估計劃(Programme for International Student Assessment)。該計劃的4645學生樣本取自146所學校,包括:官立、資助及私立學校,以兩階段分層隨機抽樣的方法選取。 ; 學生能力國際評估計劃如其他大型國際評估一樣,其評估框架採用多維試題架構。本研究採用配合該試題架構及樣本結構的多維試題功能(MDIF)及多層中介變項(MLM)兩個研究方法,去了解15歲男女學生在科學素養(認知和情感)上的性別差異及這些差異如何影響男女生在選擇以科學作為升學及職業的動機。比較常用的均差t-檢定,MDIF具備提高各次級量尺的精確度特質,因而可以更有效和準確地計算出男女學生在科學素養上的性別差異。MLM則以Eccles (1983) 的成功期望價值理論為學理基礎去分析和了解這些性別差異如何影響男女生在選取與科學相關的升學途徑和擇業的動機。 ; 要完成MLM的研究,我們必須先使用單組驗證性因子分析(Single-Group CFA)驗證經濟合作與發展組織(OECD)所建構的六項情意因素,包括:「科學上的自我概念」、「科學的個人價值」、「科學的興趣」、「對科學的喜好」、「學習科學的工具性動機」和「將來工作而學習科學的動機」,以便了解使用這些源自西方社會的情意因素在本土研究的可行性及效度。接着使用本土數據去調整這六項情意因素結構。最後利用多組驗證性因子分析(Multiple-Group CFA)去確定這些因素結構對男女生是否都適用(即測量等同檢驗Measurement Invariance Test)。 ; 由單組驗證性因子分析結果得知,六項情意因素,除了要對「科學的興趣」因素作較大幅度的修改外,其他五項因素都具有良好的心理測量特性。而多組驗證性因子分析的結果亦顯示,六項情意因素都能通過測量等同檢驗,亦即這六項因素結構對男女生都適用。 ; 研究結果顯示除了「鑑定形成科學議題」能力外,本港15歲的男生在「解釋科學現象」及「科學證」等科學認知層面上優於女生。在科學情意發展上,男生比女生亦有更好的發展,其效應值(effect size)更高於認知層面。 ; MLM的研究結果與Eccles的成功期望價值理論預測結果吻合,也就是說,男女生在面向未來升學選科和擇業動機上呈現明顯的性別差異,而這些差異主要是透過情意因素(中介變項)間接影響男女生的選擇意向。就這些因素而言,女生在選取科學作為未來升學途徑和職業動機明顯地較男生為弱。 ; 整體而言,驗證性因子分析結果和MLM的研究結果支持源自西方社會的Eccles成功期望價值理論具備跨文化效度,在香港華人社會的研究結果與西方結果基本吻合。 ; 最後,本文作者將根據本研究的結果,向科學教育的工作者、教師、父母、課程發展人員、政策的制定者和考核機構提供一些可行的建議,希望藉此改善香港男女生在科學生涯規劃上的性別差異。 ; The aim of this study is to investigate the effect of gender differences of 15-year-old students on scientific literacy and their impacts on students' motivation to pursue science education and careers (Future-oriented Science Motivation) in Hong Kong. ; The data for this study was collected from the Program for International Student Assessment in Hong Kong (HKPISA). It was carried out in 2006. A total of 4,645 students were randomly selected from 146 secondary schools including government, aided and private schools by two-stage stratified sampling method for the assessment. ; HKPISA 2006, like most of other large-scale international assessments, presents its assessment frameworks in multidimensional subscales. To fulfill the requirements of this ...
中國作為國際證監會組織的成員國,有責任落實國際証監會組織發佈的《金融市場基礎設施原則》。儘管國際貨幣基金組織發表的評分報告肯定中國落實了國際証監會組織提倡的金融規管原則,但事實上該等原則於納入法規後未獲執行。以上的分歧現象引起了對「中國金融規管制度會趨向國際原則」說法的質疑。 ; 本研究的討論重點在於中國金融法規會否跟國際原則趨向相同。本研究以系統化綜述分析國際貨幣基金組織對各國落實《金融市場基礎設施原則》情況的評分報告,並以內容分析法分析傳媒在中國二零一五年「股災」發生前後發表關於金融市場的報導。目的在於顯示中國政府以及金融監管機構在「股災」發生前後,在監管事宜上取態有明顯分別。 ; 本研究根據目的決定論提出中國金融監管趨向於與國際原則分歧。目的決定論、趨同理論以及有限度趨同理論的分別含意及對分歧現象的解釋在本研究中獲審視。根據目的決定論,由於中國金融市場有獨特社會目標,加上中國金融市場需要兼顧中國獨特社會背景,因此中國金融監管制度應該趨向獨特。換而言之,中國金融監管制度不應引入國際原則。目的決定論的論據在於中國政府領導層與金融業監管員在共產黨內有從屬關係。該從屬關係導致監管機構的監管行為被政府俘虜。 ; 根據規制俘虜理論,金融監管機構本來的職能被政府的提出議程取締。根據經濟目標合法性,中國政府的合法性源於其維持經濟發展的能力。因此,中國政府在金融市場的利益在於鞏固其執政合法性,而中國政府要達到以上目的,則需要令金融監管機構配合其經濟政策,修改監管方法及監管重點。最終,監管機構成為推動救市,並且宣揚政府權威形象的主力。 ; 綜觀以上提到中國的獨特金融監管制度,本研究旨在指出制度安排如何影響監管機構對金融業的監管。該等影響關連到中國金融監管制度是否趨向與國際間通用的監管原則同化。 ; Evaluations by International Monetary Fund (IMF) have shown increased implementation of International Organization of Securities Commissions (IOSCO) regulatory principles in China. However, findings show that international regulatory principles have not been practiced in China. Enforcement efforts of the principles remained low in China, and this casts doubts on the claim that Chinese financial regulation would develop towards the convergence of international regulatory principles due to the globalization of regulations. ; This research discusses on whether Chinese financial regulation has adopted international regulatory practices. Systematic review of IMF reports on implementation of IOSCO principles in different countries and content analysis of media reports issued around the happening of the 2015 stock market selloff crisis in China are employed to discover and examine findings. The selloff crisis is selected as a case for studying Chinese financial regulation because government interference in financial market made China's development away from international regulatory principles apparent, and arguments of this research are built on changes in financial regulatory patterns in China. ; This research supports the view of teleological determinism applied by Wilbert ...
The Lancet Countdown is an international collaboration established to provide an independent, global monitoring system dedicated to tracking the emerging health profile of the changing climate. The 2020 report presents 43 indicators across five sections: climate change impacts, exposures, and vulnerabilities; adaptation, planning, and resilience for health; mitigation actions and health co-benefits; economics and finance; and public and political engagement. This report represents the findings and consensus of the 35 leading academic institutions and UN agencies that make up The Lancet Countdown, and draws on the expertise of climate scientists, geographers, engineers, experts in energy, food, and transport, economists, social, and political scientists, data scientists, public health professionals, and doctors.
by Wong Tze-Kin. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 191-199). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS --- p.i ; ABSTRACTS --- p.ii ; LIST OF TABLES AND DIAGRAM --- p.ix ; ABBREVIATIONS --- p.x ; Chapter PART ONE: --- APEC AND THEORIES OF INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION ; CHAPTER ; Chapter I. --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Background: the First APEC Meeting in 1989 --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Thesis Statement --- p.4 ; Chapter 1.2.1 --- Propositions of Thesis --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Conceptual Framework --- p.9 ; Chapter 1.3.1 --- Premises --- p.10 ; Chapter 1.3.2 --- The Political Economy of Globalization and Regionalization --- p.12 ; Chapter 1.3.3 --- International Cooperation and the Differentiation between Strong Regimes and Weak Regimes --- p.14 ; Chapter 1.3.4 --- "Functions of Regimes: Information, Institutional Nesting and Cross Issues-Linkage" --- p.16 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Sources of Materials and Organization of the Study --- p.20 ; Chapter II. --- LITERATURE REVIEW --- p.22 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Concepts of Globalization and Regionalization --- p.22 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Theories of Cooperation Among States --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- Realist Theories --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- Neo-Liberal Institutional ism --- p.27 ; Chapter 2.2.3 --- Remarks --- p.32 ; Chapter 2.3 --- The Study of APEC --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Objectives of APEC --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- Constraints on APEC --- p.35 ; Chapter 2.3.3 --- Theoretical Implications of APEC --- p.37 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Concluding Remarks --- p.39 ; Chapter PART TWO: --- "INTERDEPENDENCE, INDIVIDUAL VISIONS AND THE BIRTH OF APEC" ; Chapter III. --- THE CREATION OF APEC AND INCENTIVES OF ORIGINAL PLAYERS --- p.40 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Interdependence and the Development of Non-governmental Organizations in the Asia-Pacific Region --- p.40 ; Chapter 3.1.1 --- Historical Development of Non-governmental Organizations --- p.41 ; Chapter 3.1.2 --- Problems of Economic Cooperation in the ...
Lam Kwan Heung. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2006. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 135-137). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese; appendices in English with some Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.ii-iv ; Acknowledgement --- p.v ; Table of Contents --- p.vi ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1-6 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review --- p.7-22 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Research Methods --- p.23-35 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- An Overview on Hainan --- p.36-46 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Framing of Hainan --- p.47-92 ; Chapter ´Ø --- International law and order ; Chapter ´Ø --- U.S. peacekeeping surveillance ; Chapter ´Ø --- Victimized U.S ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- Framing of China --- p.93-125 ; Chapter ´Ø --- China's skewed media ; Chapter ´Ø --- China as a problematic communist state ; Chapter ´Ø --- China as a secretive military power ; Chapter ´Ø --- China's aggression towards Taiwan ; Chapter ´Ø --- China's buying off U.S. politicians ; Chapter Chapter 7 --- Conclusion --- p.126-134 ; Bibliography --- p.135-137 ; Appendices --- p.138-182
Monografia jest rezultatem wysiłku intelektualnego, którego podjęli się wspólnie naukowcy z Mołdawii, Niemiec, Polski, Rumunii, Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki i Ukrainy podczas Międzynarodowej Konferencji Naukowej "Wspólne dziedzictwo kulturowe i językowe" w Jastrowiu w czerwcu 2019 roku. Na publikację składają się poszerzone wersje wypowiedzi zaprezentowanych podczas tego spotkania. Tom, który oddajemy do rąk Czytelnika, pomyślany jest jako zbiór zróżnicowanych spojrzeń na problematykę dziedzictwa. Języki i kultury Bukowiny stały się inspiracją dla analiz wychodzących poza tematykę tego regionu. Autorzy tekstów reprezentują różne perspektywy i dyscypliny naukowe: językoznawstwo, kulturoznawstwo, literaturoznawstwo, historię, politologię, socjologię, etnologię i historię sztuki. Do tomu zaproszono doświadczonych naukowców i młodych badaczy zajmujących się bogactwem językowym i kulturowym historycznej Bukowiny, obszaru karpackiego oraz Europy Środkowej. Książka składa się z trzech części. Część pierwsza obejmuje teksty poświęcone językowi rozumianemu jako dziedzictwo kulturowe. Część druga poświęcona jest pamięci dziedzictwa. Kolejna część prezentuje dziedzictwo kulturowe w działaniach społecznych i aktywności twórczej. ; This collective monograph comes as a result of intellectual work undertaken jointly by the American, German, Moldovan, Polish, Romanian and Ukrainian scholars who participated in the international conference entitled "Bukowina: Wspólne dziedzictwo kulturowe i językowe" (Bukovina: Common Cultural and Linguistic Heritage), held in Jastrowie, Poland, in June 2019. The present volume, which contains extended versions of their papers, is conceived as a collection providing different perspectives on the issue of cultural heritage. The cultures and languages of Bukovina have also inspired contributions which go beyond the issues of the region but are related to it in the geographical or cultural sense. The invited authors represent various perspectives and fields of study: linguistics, cultural studies, literary studies, history, political studies, sociology, ethnology and art history. The list of contributors includes experienced scholars and young promising researchers studying the cultural and linguistic richness of the historical Bukovina, the Carpathian region and Central Europe. The volume consists of three parts. The first one includes contributions on language as cultural heritage. The second part is devoted to the memory of heritage. Part three presents cultural heritage in social and creative activity. ; Publikacja przygotowana w ramach zadania: "Międzynarodowa konferencja naukowa Wspólne dziedzictwo kulturowe i językowe" – zadanie finansowane w ramach umowy 570/P-DUN/2019 ze środków Ministra Nauki i Szkolnictwa Wyższego przeznaczonych na działalność upowszechniającą naukę. ; The work has been prepared in fulfilment of the task "Common Cultural and Linguistic Heritage – an international conference", financed under contract no. 570/P-DUN/2019 from the funds of the Minister of Science and Higher Education allocated for the dissemination of science.
The current financial and economic crisis has highlighted the inadequacy of existing institutional and policy arrangements at the EU level. Even before this crisis, the EU economic growth was low, by international standards, revealing deep structural problems across EU countries, especially in the Southern flank. Macroeconomic imbalances have been building up, exposing a stratified EU with divergences in productivity and competitiveness, with rigidity of labour markets, impeding efficient market responses to shocks. The Monetary Union does not have adequate institutional arrangements, which may help it manage a major crisis, such as that of a last-call borrower, depreciation and burden-sharing mechanisms of asymmetric shocks, etc; various sui generis formulas are now being tested. Fiscal reactions vary depending on the level of the debts and on the speed these accumulate; at the same time, these are linked to the size of the budgetary expenditure and fiscal revenues as percentage in the GDP. The sooner the growth picks up, the more acceptable is the downsizing of the certain expenditure and/or the rise of some taxes, so that the ratio between the public debt and the GDP stabilizes (reduces, when it is the case).
