Suchergebnisse

Como respuesta al conflicto armado que se ha desarrollado en Libia a lo largo de 2011, la UE ha ejecutado las sanciones decididas por el Consejo de Seguridad que no implican el uso de la fuerza, ha destinado más de 150 millones de euros de ayuda humanitaria a la región, ha puesto en marcha la operación FRONTEX "EPN Hermes Extensión 2011", y ha proyectado una operación militar de apoyo a la asistencia humanitaria, la EUFOR Libia, que nunca se ha desplegado. En una perspectiva más general, las revueltas populares que se han sucedido en varios Estados del sur del Mediterráneo, entre ellos Libia, en el que se ha desembocado en una guerra civil, han certificado el fracaso de la política exterior de la UE en esta región. En efecto, durante la última década la política euromediterránea de la UE ha estado mucho más centrada en la cooperación económica y comercial —sobre todo en el campo energético— y en el control de la inmigración irregular, que en el escrupuloso respeto del ordenamiento internacional y la promoción de la democracia, el Estado de derecho y el respecto de los derechos humanos, así como el desarrollo económico y social de la población de los Estados del sur del Mediterráneo. ; As a response to the armed conflict occurred in Libya during year 2011, the EU has applied those Security Council sanctions not involving the use of force. Likewise, the EU has allocated more than E 150 million to humanitarian assistance in the region having implemented Frontex Operation «EPN Hermes Extension 2011» as well and having designed a military operation in support of humanitarian assistance there —the so-called EUFOR Libya, never deployed before. From a more general perspective, people's uprisings in several Southern Mediterranean States —which in the Libyan case has led to a civil war— have proved the failure of EU's foreign policy in the region. In fact, EU's Euro-Mediterranean Policy in the last decade has been mainly focused on financial and trade cooperation (especially in the energy field) and on irregular migration control, to the detriment of the full respect for International Law, and the promotion of democracy, the rule of Law and the respect for human rights, and the economic and social development of the peoples in Southern Mediterranean States. ; Trabajo elaborado en el marco del proyecto de investigación coordinado, concedido por el Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación, "La Política Mediterránea de la Unión Europea en perspectiva: el proceso de Barcelona, la Unión para el Mediterráneo y los intereses españoles" (DER2009-14238-C02-01).

Obálka -- Obsah -- Úvodem -- I. Hrozby a výzvy pro zajišťování bezpečnosti -- 1. Globalizace nejistoty (Jarmil Valášek, František Paulus) -- 2. Limity, dilemata a výzvy evropské bezpečnosti a obrany v čase nejistoty (Miloš Balabán) -- 3. Vnitřní bezpečnost v globalizovaném světě (Oldřich Krulík, Martin Linhart) -- II. Strategie, koncepce a regulace bezpečnostní politiky -- 4. Zákonodárná a výkonná moc: legitimita a legislativa bezpečnostního systému (František Vavera) -- 5. Bezpečnostní systém: optimalizace, nebo nová koncepce? (Antonín Rašek, Vladimír Krulík) -- 6. Schopnost prosazení bezpečnostní politiky: bez plánování není řízení? (Bohuslav Pernica) -- 7. Řízení bezpečnostní a obranné politiky: vítězství byrokracie? (Jan Ludvík) -- 8. Silová ministerstva: konkurence, nebo spolupráce? (Bohuslav Pernica) -- III. Zdrojové limity bezpečnostní politiky -- 9. Lidské zdroje: výzva demografického stárnutí (Martina Šimková) -- 10. Profesionálové: kvantita, kvalita a příprava (Bohuslav Pernica, Jaromír Zůna) -- 11. Profesionalizace ozbrojených sil České republiky: úspěch, nebo neúspěch? (Vladimír Karaffa) -- 12. Financování obrany a bezpečnosti: konec české cesty? (Bohuslav Pernica) -- 13. Občané v bezpečnostním systému: dobrovolnictví a občanská participace v prostoru mezi státem a trhem (Libor Stejskal) -- Závěr -- Summary -- Literatura -- Autorský kolektiv

Intro -- Obsah -- Předmluva -- Úvod -- Kdo zaplatí životní pojistky z období holokaustu? -- Příležitost za železnou oponou -- Kampaň proti České republice, Maďarsku a Polsku -- Vznik ICHEIC -- Pojišťovnictví v meziválečném Československu -- Regulace soukromých pojišťoven -- Pád pojišťovny Fénix a jeho vliv na pojišťovací trh -- Pojišťovnictví před Mnichovem -- Hitlerův "pojišťovací" agent -- Co s válečným rizikem -- Od Mnichova k okupaci -- Politické, hospodářské a sociální změny v novém státě -- Nové poměry na pojišťovacím trhu a rozdělení vlivu -- Křišťálová noc jako pojistná událost -- Protektorát Čechy a Morava -- Správa Protektorátu -- Regulace a instituce protektorátního pojišťovnictví -- Konsolidace a majetkové poměry protektorátního pojišťovnictví -- Vývoj životního a elementárního pojištění -- Zajištění v době války -- Když v Protektorátu hořely synagogy -- Odboj a pojišťovny -- Arizace a konfiskace pojistných smluv -- Přímá a nepřímá konfiskace pojistek -- Majetkový úřad -- Struktura arizovaných pojistek -- Závěrem -- Příloha -- Pojišťovnictví v novém Československu - říjen 1938 -- Seznam zkratek -- Seznam pramenů a literatury -- Seznam vyobrazení -- Summary -- Jmenný rejstřík -- Rejstřík pojišťoven a institucí.

Grandson, son and father of architects, renowned professor and honoured urban planner, Manuel Ribas Piera was the foremost promoter of international relations at the Barcelona School of Architecture, inviting the best known architects of the time (such as Stirling, Kleihues and Aymonino), and co-founder, with Giancarlo de Carlo, of the ILAUD programme (International Laboratory of Architecture and Urban Design). He set up the pioneering landscape architecture studies in Catalunya, now an international point of reference. His overt cosmopolitanism went hand in hand with a staunch commitment to the city of Barcelona, at metropolitan and local level, as shown by plans for Bellvitge and El Carmel, and his openly voiced disagreement with some political decisions. For all of these reasons, we thank him posthumously for his great skill, his friendship, his culture, his generosity, his tenacity and his example. ; Peer Reviewed

Grandson, son and father of architects, renowned professor and honoured urban planner, Manuel Ribas Piera was the foremost promoter of international relations at the Barcelona School of Architecture, inviting the best known architects of the time (such as Stirling, Kleihues and Aymonino), and co-founder, with Giancarlo de Carlo, of the ILAUD programme (International Laboratory of Architecture and Urban Design). He set up the pioneering landscape architecture studies in Catalunya, now an international point of reference. His overt cosmopolitanism went hand in hand with a staunch commitment to the city of Barcelona, at metropolitan and local level, as shown by plans for Bellvitge and El Carmel, and his openly voiced disagreement with some political decisions. For all of these reasons, we thank him posthumously for his great skill, his friendship, his culture, his generosity, his tenacity and his example. ; Peer Reviewed

Una de las consecuencias de la creciente movilidad de los ciudadanos en la Unión Europea es el aumento exponencial de sucesiones que presentan una dimensión internacional. La sucesión de estos nacionales de la Unión se plantea cuanto menos compleja, debido a la disparidad legislativa existente en materia de sucesiones y la inseguridad jurídica que provoca la multiplicidad de regímenes jurídicos en el ámbito del Derecho internacional privado de sucesiones en la Unión Europea. El nuevo Reglamento de sucesiones permitirá disponer de un sistema uniforme para determinarla competencia judicial, la ley aplicable y el reconocimiento y ejecución de resoluciones en materia sucesoria en el ámbito de la Unión Europea. El objeto de este trabajo es reflexionar sobre las consecuencias de la aplicación del sistema unitario que plantea el Reglamento en materia de sucesiones internacionales y, en particular, en relación a la ley aplicable, su incidencia en la figura del reenvío, las ventajas e inconvenientes que aporta y sus consecuencias en los sistemas nacionales de Derecho internacional privado de los Estados miembros. ; One of the consequences of the increasing mobility of citizens within the European Union is the exponential increase of international successions. The succession of these EU citizens appears complex because of the disparity of the existing legislation concerning successions and the legal uncertainty caused by the multiplicity of legal regimes in the field of Private international law on succession in the European Union Member States. The adoption of the new Regulation on successions in the European Union provides a uniform system for determining the jurisdiction, the applicable law and the recognition and enforcement of judgments in matters of succession at the European Union level. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the consequences of the application of the unitary system proposed in the Regulation for international successions, especially in relation to the applicable law, their impact in the institution of renvoi, their advantages and disadvantages and their consequences on the national systems of Private international law of the EU Member States.

This article deals with contemporary trends within research on extremism research in Germany. Institutionalization of this research in structures of political science is described, including the international impact of this research, with specific attention paid to the situation in East Central Europe. Next, the article analyzes development within the so-called 'theory of extremism,' including new concepts elaborated by scholars (soft and hard extremism, etc.) and developments dealing with the interconnection with terrorism research. Use of results of extremism research by governmental and international institutions is identified. Finally, criticism of the concept of extremism is presented, including criticism of the concept's politicization. Adapted from the source document.

Every country in the world is currently trying to reduce opportunities for corruption in the country. Fighting corruption is very challenging and difficult. The corruption occurs primarily in the public sector, where the object of interest is funding from public sources. Corruption has a negative impact primarily on the economy of the state in terms of their current, but also potential investors and strategic partners in the area of production. Second, it can not ignore the negative impact on the society, respectively citizens of the state affected by corruption. The paper aims to quantify the interdependence between the Corruption perception index and selected indicators of economic health in selected countries of the European Union. In terms of proven relationship between defined variables can then infer the interdependence of achieved Corruption perception index value in selected EU countries and to determine whether are these states in the problem unified or differentiated.

The aim of the paper is to examine interconnections between the process of state-building and the process of nation-building during a period of post-conflict reconstruction. The specific case of the current reconstruction process in Kosovo is exceptional due to extensive international support expressed through political and economic means. Regardless of efforts towards reform made by powerful members of the international community, future sustainability may be questioned. An alternative to the currently favoured institutional approach is provided by the work of Barry Buzan on the state, which puts an emphasis on the idea of the state, assuming integration between territorial, societal and political aspects. The conclusion presented in this article might be used as a lesson learnt from previous mistakes in work dealing with ethnically divided societies, for which it is not sufficient to provide institutional structures without an adequate socio-political reconstruction of existing conditions. If a society is not adequately adapted to the newly-established situation, the institutional structures will not be able to fulfil their key functions completely. Furthermore, it has to be clear that any possible reconstruction of institutional bases must be attempted only with a deep consideration of specific local conditions; otherwise its sustainability is doubtful. ; The aim of the paper is to examine interconnections between the process of state-building and the process of nation-building during a period of post-conflict reconstruction. The specific case of the current reconstruction process in Kosovo is exceptional due to extensive international support expressed through political and economic means. Regardless of efforts towards reform made by powerful members of the international community, future sustainability may be questioned. An alternative to the currently favoured institutional approach is provided by the work of Barry Buzan on the state, which puts an emphasis on the idea of the state, assuming integration ...

This study deals with the phenomenon of paradiplomacy, or parallel diplomacy. Paradiplomacy refers to international activities of cities and regions and includes marketing and public diplomacy, cross-border cooperation, functional trans-border cooperation, cultural and educational cooperation, and other activities. Paradiplomacy developed in the last third of the 20th century as a result of economic globalization, state decentralization, nationalism and the strengthening of regional identity, European integration, and the internationalization of cultural, educational, environmental, transport and other topics labelled as "low politics". Thus, we can identify both economic and political foundations of paradiplomacy. The first part of the study presents a review of literature on paradiplomacy; the second part is a case study of foreign policy instituted by the City of Prague in the electoral term 2006-2010. This case study confirmed initial hypotheses: first, that paradiplomacy is influenced by three supra-national factors: economic globalization (a), regional and global political and economic regimes (b), and transnational networks, mainly based in the EU (c); second, that paradiplomacy is influenced by institutional and constitutional relations between the centre and regions; third, that paradiplomacy is influenced by the antagonistic nature of these relations. Adapted from the source document.

Le monde diplomatique: ttip, nafta, tisa: una otan de la economía -- Página Legal -- Índice -- Los tratados comerciales -- 1 Nueva ola -- El tifón que amenaza a los pueblos -- La globalización feliz -- Agrupados frente -- Los obstáculos que bloquean -- Tribunales para atracar a los Estados -- La máquina de coser del mundo -- Cincuenta sombras de liberalización -- El Far West asiático -- El beso de la muerte -- 2 Perseverare diabolicum -- Y Paraguay descubrió el libre comercio -- Asia, el regreso -- Nueva mirada sobre -- Napoleón III eligió el libre comercio

Le thème de la gouvernance culturelle est abordé sous une triple approche : approche historique ; approche par la coopération au développement et les relations internationales ; approche par la société du savoir, l'économie créative et les tic. Aujourd'hui, les politiques culturelles, en se fondant sur les droits culturels et sur une autre "gouvernance", pourront mieux répondre aux défis du monde de demain. ; El tema de la governança cultural queda englobat en un enfocament triple: l'enfocament històric, l'enfocament de la cooperació al desenvolupament i les relacions internacionals, i l'enfocament de la societat del saber, l'economia creativa i les tic. Avui en dia, les polítiques culturals, en basar-se en drets culturals i en una altra «governança», podran respondre de manera més satisfactòria als desafiaments del demà. ; El tema de la gobernanza cultural queda englobado en un enfoque triple: el enfoque histórico, el enfoque de la cooperación al desarrollo y las relaciones internacionales, y el enfoque de la sociedad del saber, la economía creativa y las tic. Hoy en día, las políticas culturales, al basarse en derechos culturales y en otra «gobernanza», podrán responder de manera más satisfactoria a los desafíos del mañana. ; The question of cultural governance is dealt with from three approaches: the historical approach, the development cooperation and international relations approach, and the knowledge society, creative economy and ict approach. Today, cultural policies, based on cultural rights and on other "governance", will be better placed to meet the challenges of tomorrow.

The role of unilateral and collective sanctions in international has been increasing after\nthe ending of the "Cold War".New regimes of "smart" and "targeted" economic, financial and personal\nsanctions have been developed. Quite a new phenomenon is the impact of sanctions on non-State\nactors. The term "sanctions" is traditionally employed to indicate measures taken by the SC Art. 41 and\n42 of the UN Charter."Sanctions" according to prevailing views differ from the notion "countermeasures"\nas stipulated by the ILC Draft Articles on Responsibility of States.Regional organizations may\ntake sanctions against their own members, if their statute presumes it. Against third states they may\nimpose sanctions legally with authorization of the UNSC. It is controversial whether third states may\nresort to sanctions in case of a violation of obligations erga omnes, if this violation is not of serious\ngravity. The legal content of sanctions stricto sensu remains still to be seriously analyzed, especially\nwith regard to "countermeasures" and the practice of states.

En este número se recogen tres ponencias presentadas en el X Congreso Internacional Internet, Derecho y Política (IDP 2014), organizado por los Estudios de Derecho y Ciencia Política de la UOC, que tuvo lugar en Barcelona los días 3 y 4 de julio de 2014.A lo largo de estos diez años de vida, este congreso se ha convertido en un foro académico internacional de referencia en materia de la incidencia de las tecnologías de la información y la comunicación en el ámbito del derecho y de la ciencia política. En concreto, se han abordado temas como la libertad de expresión en la red, los retos de la propiedad intelectual en internet, la protección de la privacidad en las redes digitales, el derecho al olvido, el comercio electrónico y la protección de los consumidores, la ciberdelincuencia, la administración pública electrónica, y la utilización de las nuevas tecnologías en el ámbito de la política y la participación ciudadana. ; En aquest número es recullen tres ponències que es van presentar al X Congrés Internacional Internet, Dret i Política (IDP 2014), organitzat pels Estudis de Dret i Ciència Política de la UOC, que va tenir lloc a Barcelona els dies 3 i 4 de juliol de 2014.Al llarg d'aquests deu anys de vida, aquest congrés s'ha convertit en un fòrum acadèmic internacional de referència en matèria de la incidència de les tecnologies de la informació i la comunicació en l'àmbit del dret i de la ciència política. Concretament, s'han abordat temes com ara la llibertat d'expressió a la xarxa, els reptes de la propietat intel·lectual a internet, la protecció de la privadesa a les xarxes digitals, el dret a l'oblit, el comerç electrònic i la protecció dels consumidors, la ciberdelinqüència, l'administració pública electrònica, i la utilització de les noves tecnologies en l'àmbit de la política i la participació ciutadana. ; This issue includes three conference papers presented at the Tenth International Conference on Internet, Law & Politics (IDP 2014) that took place in Barcelona on 3 and 4 July 2014 and was organised by the UOC's Law and Political Science Department.In its ten-year history, this conference has become a leading international academic forum on the impact of the information and communications technologies on the fields of law and political science. Topics addressed over the years have included the freedom of expression on the Internet, intellectual property challenges posed by the Internet, privacy protection in digital networks, the right to be forgotten, e-commerce and consumer protection, cybercrime, e-government, and the use of new technologies in politics and citizen participation.