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Ironically, since 11 September 2001, world politics seems to have taken a turn towards certainty. This article is an intervention that demonstrates how the illusion of the sovereign state in an insecure and anarchic international system is sustained and how it might be challenged. It does so through a Derridean analysis of Hedley Bull's The Anarchical Society. The article examines how International Relations (IR) thinking works; it teases out the implications of our reading of Bull's work and proposes that what we call generalising the international could lead to an alternative analysis of world politics, one that retains an openness to the future and to politics. Copyright © British International Studies Association.

A critical intervention in international communications, in which an array of eminent scholars challenge the Western-dominated conceptions of the field

Written by foreign military officers attending the National Defense University at the invitation of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This forum opens a debate that is long overdue: for far too long, the fields of international political sociology (IPS) and international political economy (IPE) have been standing apart. Discussions take place in different conference sections, in different networks that publish in different journals. Yet, this divide is surprising given that the two fields share similar trajectories, theoretical concerns, problématiques, and conceptual challenges. This forum starts exploring this shared terrain: we believe that there is no a priori reason to separate the sociocultural, the political and the economic when we aim at making sense of the world in any meaningful way. We propose that bridging the IPE-IPS divide has tremendous potential for the development of a socio-political economy analysis that, we believe, has two benefits. First, it allows for the opening of new empirical terrains or deepening and widening existing ones. Second, bringing IPE/S back together creates reflexive spaces for more holistic, embodied and contextualised conceptual innovation. The contributors to this forum show each in their own way such empirical and conceptual added value of moving beyond the IPE and IPS divide in order to develop what we call here a socio-political economy of the globe. They focus on various issues, such as the transformation of capitalism from an oil- to a data-dependent accumulation regime with the rising of the so-called 'digital age' (Chenou); the profound social, economic and political transformation triggered by urbanisation in the development world (Elias, Rethel and Tilley); emerging global risks and the neglected role of the insurance industry (Lobo-Guerrero); regional development-security nexuses (Lopez Lucia); and business power in climate change diplomacy (Moussu).

For patriotic citizens, living in their native country is intrinsically preferable compared to living in the diaspora. In this paper, we analyze the implications of such a patriotic lock-in in a world with international migration and redistributive taxation. In a formal model of redistribution with international migration and fiscal competition we derive the main hypothesis: that countries with a more patriotic population should have higher redistributive taxes. Using ISSP survey data and combining them with OECD taxation data, we find robust evidence suggesting that a) higher patriotism is associated with higher tax burdens, and b) this relation is stronger for the upper-middle range of the income distribution. ; Die individuelle Entscheidung, dauerhaft im Ausland zu leben, wird sowohl von finanziellen als auch von nicht-monetären Aspekten beeinflusst. Patriotismus (Heimatbindung) ist einer dieser nicht-monetären Faktoren, der zwischen den Ländern aber auch innerhalb eines Landes variiert. Ausgehend davon analysieren wir zunächst theoretisch die Auswirkungen von Patriotismus auf den Steuerwettbewerb zwischen zwei Ländern. In der ersten Stufe des Spieles entscheiden die Individuen, ob sie auswandern oder nicht und in der zweiten Stufe erheben die Länder vom hoch-produktiven Anteil der Bevölkerung (unabhängig vom Ursprung der Individuen) Steuern zur Umverteilung. Wenn die ursprüngliche Bevölkerung (vor Migrationsbewegungen) in Land A im Durchschnitt heimatverbundener als die in Land B ist, reagiert sie weniger elastisch auf den Steuersatz. Im Gleichgewicht führt daher höherer (durchschnittlicher) Patriotismus zu höheren Steuersätzen. Im zweiten Teil überprüfen wir diese Hypothese empirisch, indem wir ISSP-Surveydaten und OECDSteuerdaten zusammenführen. Im Ländervergleich besteht für gleiche relative Einkommen ein positiver Zusammenhang zwischen Patriotismus und Steuerbelastung.

Gefahrenvorstellungen spielen seit jeher eine zentrale Rolle in der Außenpolitik. Dieser Band geht der Bedeutung der Angst für außenpolitische Entscheidungsprozesse anhand von ausgewählten Fallbeispielen in der Neuzeit nach. Nach theoretischen Vorüberlegungen differenziert der erste Themenkomplex die verschiedenen mit Angst verbundenen Emotionen, anschließend steht die Angst als Perzeptionsfaktor im Fokus. Die Instrumentalisierung von Angst wird ebenso in den Blick genommen wie die Angst der Regierenden vor der Angst der Regierten. Abgeschlossen wird der Band durch zwei historische Längsschnitte: Hier werden Angstmotive in den Blick genommen, deren Wirkung sich über mehrere Jahrhunderte erstreckte. Mit seinen vielseitigen Perspektiven gibt der Sammelband neue Impulse für die Untersuchung von Entscheidungsprozessen in den Internationalen Beziehungen und hebt die Notwendigkeit der historischen Analyse von emotionalen Faktoren hervor.

Latest issue consulted: Vol. 42, no. 5/6 (1996) ; Description based on: 1994, 9 ; Beginning in 1996, issues called v. 42, no. 1- ; Issues numbered 1-12 within each year, -1995, 11/12 ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Published: 1955-Oct. 1956, Znanye Pub.; Nov. 1956-July 1963, Soviet Society for the Popularization of Political and Scientific Knowledge; Aug. 1963-Dec. 1964, All-Union Society "Knowledge"; Mar. 1975-Jan. 1977, All-Union Society "Znaniye"; Feb. 1977- All-Union Znaniye Society; Mezhdunarodnai︠a︡ zhiznʹ; Minneapolis, MN : East View Publications, Issued also in French and Russian editions ; UCLA Library - CDL shared resource. ; UPD

This paper explores current contestations of women's rights and the implications thereof for international legislation. While contestation over women's rights is a far from new phenomenon, over the past two decades opposition to gender equality has become better organized at the transnational level, mobilizing a dispersed set of state and non-state actors, and is becoming more successful in halting the progress of women's rights. I argue that the position of oppositional actors vis-à-vis women rights activism appears to be strengthened by two recent political developments: democratic backsliding and the closure of civic space. Some preliminary findings show how these interrelated developments lead to an erosion of women's rights at the national level. Governments use low key tactics to dismantle institutional and implementation arrangements and sideline women's organisations. Next, I explore the implications of these developments for gender equality norms at the national and international level. The active strategy of counter norming adopted by conservative and religious state and non-state actors, designed to circumvent and also undermine Western norms, is increasingly successful. In addition to this, the threatened position of domestic actors monitoring compliance of international treaties, makes the chances of backsliding on international commitments much higher.

This text gives a general overview of the Code of Private International Law (Act of 16 July 2004, published in the Official Gazette on 27th July 2004), which entered into force on 1st of October 2004. The text focuses primarily on the aspects of the Code which are useful for notaries, such the law of estate and the law of matrimonial property. The text also gives an overview of the general rules of the Code of Private International law, with specific attention to the innovations (such as the escape clause to be found in Article 19).

Publié sous le titre "L'invention des relations internationales" ; National audience ; Issue de la science politique, la récente discipline Relations internationale s'est constituée dès la fin de la Première Guerre mondiale dans un but noble : favoriser la paix, avant de privilégier des objectifs de connaissance. Elle intégre progressivement des théories et des éléments d'analyse issus d'autres sciences sociales, qui pevent introduire un danger de dissolution. Mais ce dynamisme est le signe d'une grande vitalité de la part d'une discipline cruciale afin de comprendre le monde.

Each session consists of varying number of reports; each report has a distinctive title. ; At head of title: League of Nations, 1919; League of Nations Internal Labour Office, 1920. ; Description based on: 3rd (Oct.-Nov. 1921). ; Reports for 1919-1920 lack session numbering. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; "Reprinted with certain additions from the International labour review."

Defence date: 17 June 2016 ; Examining Board: Professor Piero Gottardi, EUI, Supervisor; Professor Paola Conconi, Université Libre de Bruxelles; Professor Bernard Hoekman, RSCAS; Professor Thierry Verdier, Paris School of Economics. ; This thesis tackles three topics in international trade: (i) the motives behind restrictions on Foreign Direct Investments (FDI) and the role of investment agreements, (ii) the determinants of services trade policies, and (iii) the role of domestic institutions in affecting trade flows and the gains from trade. Tariffs have almost completely disappeared but various barriers that restrict FDI still remain. Many trade agreements and Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs) have been signed to lower tariffs and reduce the risks of expropriation whereas few agreements have been signed to lower entry barriers. The first chapter looks at the interaction between political and economic motives for protectionism. Lobbies give contributions to the governments to affect the policies. The repatriation of profits by foreign affiliates leads governments to restrict the entry of multinationals. Given these two motives, the cooperative outcome, which differs from the chosen policy, can be implemented through an agreement. However I highlight two reasons that can explain why such agreements might be unnecessary. First foreign lobbying counteracts domestic lobbying and, under certain conditions, can push the government to choose the cooperative outcome without signing an agreement. Second the presence of tax havens where firms shift their profits removes the gains from cooperation and makes an agreement unnecessary. The second chapter focuses on the determinants of services trade agreements. Most of the literature on trade policy and agreements has focused on goods, tariffs and trade agreements whereas, in this paper, we study services, foreign direct investment and services agreements. We provide a rationale for governments to commit to liberalize. The third chapter contributes to the debate on the role of various institutions in affecting economic exchanges. We focus here on the role of contract enforcement in shaping the optimal organization of firms and the allocation of entrepreneurs across sectors. Different institutional qualities are a source of comparative advantage and export specialization. We find that liberalization leads to asymmetric gains of trade in terms of productivity and reallocation of resources. The country with the poorest institutions benefits less from trade than the country with the best institutions.

In this dissertation, I contribute to the thriving empirical literature in international trade by looking specifically at the international fragmentation of production and non-traditional trade costs. In chapter 1, using the new features of global input-output tables, I quantify the impact of the recent changes in foreign input use on the factor content of trade. I found that the changes in the factor content of trade are driven by each country position in the global supply chains. The chapter 2 analyzes the links between political relations and trade in light of the growing interdependency between countries. In this joint work with Julian Hinz, using a new proxy fora negative shock to political relations between countries, we show that the impact of such a negative shock is crucially heterogeneous across traded goods. Finally, in chapter 3 co-authored with Julian Hinz, we introduce a new measure for spoken languages based on Twitter data. We then use this measure to evaluate the effect of changes in language diversity on trade and real income in different locations in Europe. ; La présente thèse contribue au renouveau de la littérature empirique en commerce international en s'intéressant tout particulièrement à la fragmentation internationale de la production et aux coûts au commerce non-traditionnels. Dans le chapitre 1, je quantifie les conséquences de l'évolution de l'utilisation d'inputs étrangers sur le contenu factoriel du commerce en tirant profit des nouvelles caractéristiques des tableaux entrées-sorties mondiaux. Les variations du contenu factoriel du commerce sont conditionnées par la place des pays dans les chaînes de production mondiales. Le chapitre 2 analyse les liens entre les relations diplomatiques et le commerce à la lumière de l'interdépendance croissante entre pays découlant de l'internationalisation des chaînes de production. Conjointement avec Julian Hinz, nous montrons, grâce à une nouvelle mesure d'un choc diplomatique, que l'impact de ce choc sur le commerce dépend crucialement du type ...

In this dissertation, I contribute to the thriving empirical literature in international trade by looking specifically at the international fragmentation of production and non-traditional trade costs. In chapter 1, using the new features of global input-output tables, I quantify the impact of the recent changes in foreign input use on the factor content of trade. I found that the changes in the factor content of trade are driven by each country position in the global supply chains. The chapter 2 analyzes the links between political relations and trade in light of the growing interdependency between countries. In this joint work with Julian Hinz, using a new proxy fora negative shock to political relations between countries, we show that the impact of such a negative shock is crucially heterogeneous across traded goods. Finally, in chapter 3 co-authored with Julian Hinz, we introduce a new measure for spoken languages based on Twitter data. We then use this measure to evaluate the effect of changes in language diversity on trade and real income in different locations in Europe. ; La présente thèse contribue au renouveau de la littérature empirique en commerce international en s'intéressant tout particulièrement à la fragmentation internationale de la production et aux coûts au commerce non-traditionnels. Dans le chapitre 1, je quantifie les conséquences de l'évolution de l'utilisation d'inputs étrangers sur le contenu factoriel du commerce en tirant profit des nouvelles caractéristiques des tableaux entrées-sorties mondiaux. Les variations du contenu factoriel du commerce sont conditionnées par la place des pays dans les chaînes de production mondiales. Le chapitre 2 analyse les liens entre les relations diplomatiques et le commerce à la lumière de l'interdépendance croissante entre pays découlant de l'internationalisation des chaînes de production. Conjointement avec Julian Hinz, nous montrons, grâce à une nouvelle mesure d'un choc diplomatique, que l'impact de ce choc sur le commerce dépend crucialement du type ...

The concept of anarchy is seen as the cardinal organizing category of the discipline of International Relations (IR), which differentiates it from cognate disciplines such as Political Science or Political Philosophy. This entry provides an analytical review of the scholarly literature on anarchy in IR, on two levels—conceptual and theoretical. First, it distinguishes three senses of the concept of anarchy: (1) lack of a common superior in an interaction domain; (2) chaos or disorder; and (3) horizontal relation between nominally equal entities, sovereign states. The first and the third senses of "anarchy"' are central to IR. Second, it considers three broad families of IR theory where anarchy figures as a focal assumption—(1) realism and neorealism; (2) English School theory (international society approach); and (3) Kant's republican peace. Despite normative and conceptual differences otherwise, all three bodies of theory are ultimately based on Hobbes's argument for a "state of nature." The discussion concludes with a summary of the key challenges to the discourse of international anarchy posed by the methodology of economics and economics-based theories which favor the alternative discourse of global hierarchy.