Suchergebnisse

Međunarodni kazneni sud novo je međunarodno tijelo kojem je glavni cilj istraga i suđenje slučajeva genocida, ratnih zločina, te zločina protiv čovječnosti u zemljama članicama. Iako su Sjedinjene Američke Države u 2000. potpisale Rimski statut, međunarodnu povelju iz 1998. koja predstavlja osnovicu Međunarodnog kaznenog suda, Busheva vlada napravila je velik zaokret godinu dana kasnije, potpuno se ograđujući od svake ideje o suđenju Amerikancima izvan zemlje. Tekst analizira glavne argumente američke vanjske politike povezane s Međunarodnim kaznenim sudom, od navodne pristranosti Suda, te odnosa između Suda i Ujedinjenih naroda, pa sve do pitanja američkog suvereniteta. Također, ponuđena je i međunarodnopravna politička kritika nedavnih poteza američke vlade, koji štete i američkim nacionalnim interesima, i međunarodnoj sigurnosti. ; The International Criminal Court is a new international body constituted with the aim of prosecuting and trying cases of genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. Although in 2000 the United States signed the 1998 Rome Statute, which is the foundation of the International Criminal Court, the Bush Administration took a radically different position the following year, protecting itself from any idea of trying American citizens abroad. This text analyses the main U.S. foreign policy arguments pertaining to the ICC, from the alleged impartiality of the Court and the relationship between the Court and the United Nations, to the question of American sovereignty. In addition, the text offers an international legal and political critique of the recent U.S. policy actions, which harmed both American national interests, as well as international security.

Protectionism is a system of measures used for the purpose of protecting domestic manufacturers from foreign competition. It has emerged simultaneously with the international exchange of goods. The contemporary protectionist policy and practice imposes the necessity of studying this phenomenon in the light of the current situation and conditions. Agricultural protectionism seems to be a particularly significant issue in the international exchange of commodities. ; Protekcionizam označava sustav mjera ekonomske države sa ciljem zaštite domaće proizvodnje u odnosu na konkurenciju inozemnih proizvođača. Javlja se nakon pojave međunarodne razmjene. Međutim, suvremena protekcionistička politika i praksa obavezuje da se istražuje fenomen protekcionizma u suvremenim uvjetima. Posebno je u suvremenoj teoriji za međunarodnu razmjenu značajan agrarni protekcionizam.

U radu se naglašava potreba za novom regulacijom upravljanja zapisima u Republici Hrvatskoj. Opisuje se i analizira primjer Slovenije, koja je nakon osamostaljenja tri puta osuvremenjivala propise u tom području. Uspoređuju se hrvatski propisi i međunarodna norma, prihvaćena od Hrvatskog zavoda za norme kao nacionalnog normizacijskog tijela Republike Hrvatske. Naglašava se potreba primjene specifikacije MoReg – Model requirements for the management of electronic records, koja se primjenjuje u Europskoj uniji. Naznačuju se konkretne mjere koje treba ostvariti u okviru napora za modernizacijom propisa o upravljanju zapisima u Hrvatskoj. ; The necessity of new legal regulation of the records management in Croatia is stressed in the paper. The Slovenian example is described and analysed, having in mind that Slovenia modernised the respective legislation three times in the period after gaining independence. Current Croatian legislation and international standard on records management are compared. The Croatian standardisation institute and its role as national competent body are mentioned. There is a need for accepting MoReg – Model requirements for the management of electronic records, applied in the European Union. The author suggests the concrete measures that should be realised within efforts to modernise the respective Croatian legislation.

Dugo je vremena koncept suvereniteta smatran kamenom temeljcem domaćeg i međunarodnog prava te političke misli. Koncepcija suvereniteta blisko je povezana s koncepcijom države. Bilo je to »normalno« stanje države, u kojem ona ima vrhovnu ili konačnu vlast u unutarnjim političkim i pravnim pitanjima, a svojstvo neovisnosti prema drugim državama. Međunarodnu zajednicu činile su ravnopravne i neovisne države. Danas, na početku 21. stoljeća, koncept suvereniteta izložen je mnogim izazovima, od kojih je najznačajniji proces globalizacije koji je doveo do sve veće međupovezanosti ljudi širom svijeta vidljive na svim poljima: političkim, vojnim, ekonomskim, kulturnim i pravnim. U ovom radu usredotočit ćemo se na pitanje kako globalizacija utječe na državni suverenitet te da ti pregled argumenata korištenih u novijoj literaturi. ; The concept of sovereignty was for a long time considered as one of the cornerstones of national and international law, and of political thought. The concept of sovereignty was closely connected with the concept of the state. It was a »normal« situation of a country where it had supreme or final power in political and legal matters in its domestic affairs, while at the same time it was independent in relation to all other countries. The international community used to consist of equal and independent states. At the beginning of the 21st century, the concept of sovereignty is faced with many challenges, both in theory and in practice. What happens within a country's territory and to its inhabitants is now less a consequence of national politics than the result of international circumstances – the difference between internal and foreign affairs is becoming increasingly vague. Several processes are happening simultaneously: globalisation (the development of information and communication technology; increase in foreign investments, the development of multinational corporations, and strengthening of the international economic and trade organisations' role), the process of European integration, the development of international protection of human rights (the development of cogent rules of international law, humanitarian interventions, the role of transnational non- governmental organisations), and the phenomenon of »failed states«. All the above mentioned has created a need to redefine the concept of sovereignty.

Dugo je vremena koncept suvereniteta smatran kamenom temeljcem domaćeg i međunarodnog prava te političke misli. Koncepcija suvereniteta blisko je povezana s koncepcijom države. Bilo je to »normalno« stanje države, u kojem ona ima vrhovnu ili konačnu vlast u unutarnjim političkim i pravnim pitanjima, a svojstvo neovisnosti prema drugim državama. Međunarodnu zajednicu činile su ravnopravne i neovisne države. Danas, na početku 21. stoljeća, koncept suvereniteta izložen je mnogim izazovima, od kojih je najznačajniji proces globalizacije koji je doveo do sve veće međupovezanos- ti ljudi širom svijeta vidljive na svim poljima: političkim, vojnim, ekonomskim, kulturnim i pravnim. U ovom radu usredotočit ćemo se na pitanje kako globalizacija utječe na državni suverenitet te dati pregled argumenata korištenih u novijoj literaturi. ; The concept of sovereignty was for a long time considered as one of the corner- stones of national and international law, and of political thought. The concept of sovereignty was closely connected with the concept of the state. It was a »normal« situation of a country where it had supreme or final power in political and legal matters in its domestic affairs, while at the same time it was independent in relation to all other countries. The international community used to consist of equal and independent States. At the beginning of the 21st Century, the concept of sovereignty is faced with many challenges, both in theory and in practice. What happens within a country's territory and to its inhabitants is now less a consequence of national politics than the result of international circumstances - the difference between internal and foreign affairs is becoming increasingly vague. Several processes are happening simultaneously: globalisation (the development of information and communication technology; increase in foreign Investments, the development of multinational corporations, and strengthening of the international economic and trade organisations' role), the process of European integration, the development of international protection of human rights (the development of cogent rules of international law, humanitarian interventions, the role of transnational non/governmental organisations), and the phenomenon of »failed States«. All the above mentioned has created a need to redefine the concept of sovereignty.

The region of Southeast Asia is faced with a complex set of challenges stemming from political, economic and religious developments at the national, regional and global level. This paper sets out to examine trade-, foreign- and security policy implications of the issues confronting the region. In ASEAN, the Southeast Asian countries are continuing their ambitious attempts at further integration. Plans outlining deeper security and economic communities have been adopted. However, huge differences in political systems, economic development and ethnic/religious structures are hampering prospects of closer cooperation. The highly controversial conflict case of Burma/Myanmar is testing the much adhered-to principle of non-interference and at the same time complicating relations with external powers. Among these, the United States and China are dramatically strengthening their interests in the region. American influence is not least manifesting itself in light of the war against terrorism, which the region is adapting to in different ways and at different speeds. By contrast, the European Union does not seem to answer Southeast Asian calls for further engagement. A flurry of bilateral and regional trade agreements is another prominent feature of the economic landscape of the region. This is to a certain degree a reflex ion of impatience with trade liberalization in the WTO and within ASEAN itself. Structures of economic cooperation are under rapid alteration in Southeast Asia. The paper analyses the above-mentioned developments with a view to assessing the prospects of future stability, economic development and integration in and among ASEAN countries. It is concluded that although the scope for increased economic benefit and political harmonization through ASEAN integration alone is limited, the organization could still prove useful as a common regional point of reference in tackling more important policy determinants at national and global level.

Global mapping is an international collaborative initiative through voluntary participation of national mapping organizations of the world, aiming to develop a globally homogeneous geographic data set at the ground resolution of 1 km, and to establish concrete partnership among governments, NGOs, private sectors, data providers and users to share information and knowledge for sound decision-making. The primary objective of Global Map project is to contribute to the sustainable development through the provision of base framework geographic dataset, which is necessary to understand the current situation and changes of environment of the world. The purpose of the Global Map is to accurately describe the present status of the global environment in international cooperation with respective National Mapping Organizations (NMOs) of the world. International Steering Committee for Global Mapping (ISCGM) has been playing a central role in the development of the Global Map data sets. It was established in February 13th 1996 in Tsukuba Japan by the participants of the Preparatory Meeting of the ISCGM, and its First Meeting was held on February 14th, 1996. The Global Map data sets produced by converting existing geographic information into Global Map Specifications and country-specific data sets for 22 countries developed by respective NMOs are currently distributed to the public through the internet web site www.iscgm.org. The Global Map data of Macedonia as a first European country was published at the web page of the International Steering Committee for Global Mapping on March 8th 2006. This data is open for all governmental institutions, private sector and other users, only for non-commercial uses. ; Global Mapping je međunarodna inicijativa suradnje kroz dobrovoljno sudjelovanje nacionalnih kartografskih organizacija iz cijeloga svijeta u svrhu razvoja globalnoga homogenoga skupa geopodataka s razlučivošću od 1 km na Zemljinoj površini i osnivanja konkretnih partnerstava između vlada, nevladinih organizacija, privatnoga sektora, dobavljača podataka i korisnika kako bi razmijenili informacije i znanje za dobro donošenje odluka. Glavni je cilj projekta Global Map pridonijeti održivom razvoju stvaranjem osnovne mreže skupa geopodataka, koja je nužna za razumijevanje trenutačne situacije i promjena okoliša u svijetu. Svrha je Global Mapa točno opisivanje trenutačnoga stanja globalnog okoliša u međunarodnoj suradnji s odgovarajućim nacionalnim kartografskim organizacijama (National Mapping Organizations - NMOs) iz svijeta. Međunarodno nadzorno povjerenstvo za globalnu kartografiju (International Steering Committee for Global Mapping - ISCGM) igralo je središnju ulogu u razvoju skupova podataka Global Mapa. Osnovali su ga 13. veljače 1996. u Tsukubi (Japan) sudionici Pripremnog sastanka ISCGM-a (Preparatory Meeting of the ISCGM), a prvi je sastanak održan 14. veljače 1996. Skupovi podataka Global Mapa proizvedeni su pretvaranjem postojećih geoinformacija prema tehničkim uputama Global Mapa (Global Map Specifications) iz skupova podataka, specifičnih za određenu zemlju, za 22 zemlje. Ti podaci, što su ih proizvele odgovarajuće nacionalne kartografske ogranizacije, javno se objavljuju putem interneta, na adresi www.iscgm.org. Dana 8. ožujka 2006. na web stranici ISCGM-a objavljeni su podaci Global Mapa za Makedoniju kao prvu europsku zemlju. Ti su podaci dostupni svim vladinim institucijama, privatnom sektoru i drugim korisnicima za nekomercijalnu upotrebu.

Premda su u 20. stoljeću i druge države prolazile kroz dramatične društvene i političke promjene, i to od totalitarizma do konsolidirane demokracije, Južnoafrička Republika slučaj je za sebe. Poziciju sui generis najjužnija afrička država dobila je zbog rigorozne rasne segregacije i diskriminacije koju je režim sustavno provodio prema domicilnom stanovništvu.Vrhunac te politike bilo je uvođenje aparthejda 1950. godine, koji je uz kontinuiranu represiju i istodobnu međunarodnu izolaciju potrajao do 1990. i početka demokratske i postsegregacijske tranzicije. Nakon tri ciklusa višerasnih kompetitivnih izbora Južnoafrička Republika danas je država čiju uspješno započetu tranziciju obilježavaju relativno visok stupanj unutarnje stabilnosti i aktivna uloga u međunarodnoj zajednici, ali i potpuno novi izazovi, od side i porasta kriminala do regionalnih suparništava i opasnosti od pojave "obrnutog" rasizma. ; In the 20th century a number of countries went through dramatic social and political changes, passing from totalitarianism to consolidated democracy, but South Africa is in a league of its own. The southernmost African state has acquired a sui generis position due to the fact that its regime sistematically exercised rigorous racial segregation and discrimination against the natives. The peak of that policy was the introduction of apartheid in 1950 which was characterised by sustained repression and simultaneous international isolation. Apartheid came to an end in 1990 with the beginning of democratic and post-segregational transition. After three cycles of multirace competitive elections, South Africa is today a state whose successfully launched transition is marked by a relatively high degree of internal stability and an active role in the international community, but also by completely new challenges, such as AIDS and an increase in crime, regional rivalries and the threat of emergence of an "inverse" racism.

I marts 2005 var det 20 år, siden Mikhail Gorbatjov kom til magten i Sovjetunionen som generalsekretær for Sovjetunionens Kommunistiske Parti og fremlagde sit program til reform af det sovjetiske system. Nøgleordene i reformen var perestrojka, glasnost og demokratisering. De fik ikke alene betydning indadtil, men også udadtil i forholdet til omverdenen, der hurtigt fattede lid til Gorbatjov og hans nyskabelser. Dette working paper giver et overblik over Gorbatjovs og hans meningsfællers opfattelse af udviklingen siden da og deres vurdering af reformernes skæbne og skildrer Ruslands stilling på verdensscenen i dag. Dette indebærer også en kritisk vurdering af præsident Vladimir Putins indenrigs- og udenrigspolitik. Der tegnes et billede af et svagt Rusland, der ikke har frigjort sig fra den sovjetiske arvs byrde, men tværtimod på mange måder søger tilbage til den autoritære styreform, et Rusland, der ved inertiens kraft stadig nyder en vis respekt, om end ikke anseelse i det internationale samfund. ; In March 2005 it was 20 years since Mikhail Gorbachev came to power in the Soviet Union as Secretary-General of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and presented his programme for reform of the Soviet system. Key words in the reform were perestroika, glasnost and democratization. They became important not only internally but also externally in the relations to the outside world that swiftly put its trust in Gorbachev and his innovations. This working paper gives an overview of the perception that Gorbachev and his like-minded have of the development since then, presents their evaluation of the fate of the reforms and of the position of Russia on the world scene today. This also includes a critical evaluation of the domestic and foreign policies of President Vladimir Putin. The paper outlines a weak Russia that has not released itself from the burden of the Soviet heritage but on the contrary in many ways goes back to the authoritarian form of government, a Russia that by inertia still enjoys a certain respect although not esteem in the international community.

Raspravljajući o porijeklu hrvatske nacije, autor u prvom dijelu odbacuje tvrdnju da se ona razvijala kao tzv. "jezična nacija". Također osporava gledište da je u tome bitnu ulogu imalo jugoslavenstvo. Zatim pokazuje da je hrvatska nacija nastala u procesu međusobnih interakcija socijalnih i povijesnih vrijednosti, koje su napokon odredile njezinu individualnost spram svake druge zajednice na cjelokupnom prostoru Srednje i Jugoistočne Europe. Sve je to autor dokazao u drugom dijelu rasprave, gdje analizira hrvatski nacionalno-politički program, koji je nastao za revolucije 1848/49. godine. U njemu su hrvatski liberali i demokrati jasno odredili individualnost hrvatske nacije i hrvatske države (ujedinjene Trojedne Kraljevine Hrvatske), i to kao jedinstvene, samostalne i autonomne moderne države u sklopu konfederalnog političkoga i društvenog sustava Srednje Europe (austrijske konfederacije). ; In the present paper the author deals with the origin and development of Croatian nation, and creation of the modern Croatian state (Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia) in the first half of the 19th century, especially during the 1848/49 revolution, at several levels: idea about nation, ideology, political and social programmes, political actions, institutions, and political community. If considered from the point of view of new socio-political processes, when transformation of a people into a modern national-political community takes place, we can see that Slavic peoples in the middle and south-eastern Europe formed multinational states, but followed some quite clear courses: formation of individual ethnic and national communities within a plural social system. Being aware of these historical processes, at the time of formation of their own national communities, these Slavic peoples (according to the level of their social and political organizations), especially in 1848, asked for a change of traditional societies and reorganization of the existing empires, not only by the language national principle, but also by the principle of sovereignty, policy of federalism and confederalism and the principles of international law and international agreement. All this should have made possible formation of essentially new political communities: individual national states within equal and democratic multinational communities, but within a new middle-class society. However, considered from the point of view of formation of the identity and individuality of Croatian nation, which is the subject of this paper, it is indisputable that Croatian national political programme and programme of confederalism as well as legal principles compatible with them (like natural and national laws, Croatian historical and constitutional laws, international law and international agreements), which were the values Croatian politicians based their national policy on since 1848, had the essential influence on the explicit quality of Croatian national-political individuality, and thus, looking historically, on the integration of Croatian nation and creation of Croatian political and state community (the united State of Croatia). The subject and vey complex structure of that political programme had an impact onto clear definition of Croatian national-political community (the united Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia) in relation to other political communities in such a multinational state as it was the Habsburg Monarchy. And that state, in their eyes should have been formed (within the new middle-class society, and a democratic and parliamentary system) on confederal basis, by means of international agreements between quite equal ethnic/national states: within the middle European Austrian confederation. In any case, Croatian nation (if we consider its national integrative processes in terms of events, in terms of idea and ideology and/or in terms of ethnic identity) was not formed nor developed as solely the so-called "language nation", as historiography would like it. For, neither is ethnos (not even ethnic community, or people, or nation, or ethnic identity) only a language-cultural category, nor the Croatian politicians and reformers took only language and culture to determine Croatian people and nation. On the contrary, Croatian nation was formed in the process of interactions of social and historical values which defined its individuality in relation to any other community on the whole area of middle and south-eastern Europe. Also, Croatian nation was not formed only as a natural community (determined by natural conditions of work and society and genealogic structure, i. e. determined by undefined Slavic union and/or undefined Slavic ethnic identity), but, in the course of processes of modernization, it was formed first of all as a historical community, based on group institutions of its own historical community. In other words, Croatian nation was formed on its own cultural, political, state and public-law traditions. It is quite clear that in this process neither Slavism, nor Illyrism, nor Yugoslavism had any role more important that the secondary one, not even for the definition of any particular ethnic identity. Illyrism and Yugoslavism had declarative ideological meaning, expressed through the idea of still non-existing community. On the contrary, Croatianism (as a national principle, as a community and as a legal, state and political system) was an expression of existence of Croatian community as reality. Thus, if we want to discuss the integration of Croatian nation and formation of Croatian political community, i. e. the united State of Croatia, we should realize that these processes were influenced by numerous values and structures, especially spiritual-cultural, political, economic, legal and social. However, the importance of political system and all its substructures – political action, political organization of the community, political programme and formation of a modern national state — should also be noted. Formation of Croatian political and state community, which was clearly stated in the Croatian national and political programme of 1848/49, assumed: 1) associating the segments of Croatian people into one political people, within one integral Croatian political community; 2) uniting of all Croatian provinces into one united Croatian state (Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia, Dreieiniges Koenigreich Kroatien). And these were the most important determinants which led to the political homogeneity and formation of Croatian nation and Croatian modern state.

Normama se utvrđuju standardna obilježja proizvoda i njihove specifi kacije. Utvrđuju se konsenzusom svih zainteresiranih subjekata, od gospodarskih do tijela državne uprave. Njihova je primje na dragovolj na, ali značenje im je veliko, u Europskoj uniji povezano sa slobodom kretanja robe. Normizacijom se bavi niz međunarodnih, jednako kao i nacionalne normizacijske organizacije. U okviru Europske unije važni regulativni instrument u području normizacije predstavlja ju direktive novog pristupa. Hrvatska je značajno modernizirala zakonodavstvo u području norma te je značajno napredovala u procesu usklađivanja s tehničkim propisima Europske unije, europskom normizacijom, mjeriteljstvom i akreditacijom, kao i postupcima za ocjenu sukladnosti proizvoda. ; Norms and standards define standard product characteristics and their specifications. They are established by consensus of all interested parties, from businesses to state administrative bodies. Although their implementation is voluntary, they are extremely important, particularly in the European Union where they are essential for the free movement of goods. Numerous international and national organisations deal with standardisation. Within the EU, new approach directives are an important regulatory instrument of standardisation. Croatia has significantly modernised its legislation on standardisation and has made considerable progress in the process of harmonisation with technical regulations of the EU, European standardisation, measurement, and accreditation, as well as with the procedures for the assessment of product compatibility.

Negativni ishod referenduma o Ustavu Europske unije u Francuskoj i Nizozemskoj doveo je u žarište alternativu između preoblikovanja Europe u federativnu državu i njezinog zadržavanja statusa svojevrsne međunarodne organizacije. U radu se naglašava da je ta alternativa manje oštra nego što se čini. Europska je unija proces koji obje mogućnosti drži otvorenima. Europa se može istodobno razvijati i prema čvršćim strukturama u nekim područjima i prema većoj elastičnosti i prilagodljivosti u drugima: sigurnost, regulacija, javne službe, socijalna skrb, snaženje kapaciteta za ekonomsku kompeticiju, poboljšanje sposobnosti za suočavanje s globalnim izazovima. Uspoređuju se rezultati radova o upravljanju višerazinskim teritorijalnim sustavima, osobito u njemačkoj i američkoj tradiciji, u pogledu kapaciteta rješavanja problama u višerazinskim sustavima pod uvjetima pregovaranja i labave skopčanosti među razinama. U konačnici, taj je kapacitet važniji od formalnih obilježja europskog integracijskog oblika. ; The negative out come of the referenda about the European Constitution in France and the Netherlands have, apparently, put the alternative between the transformation of Europe in a federative State and its remaining an international organization in to sharper focus. The argument in this paper is that this alternative is less sharp than it might appear. The European Union is an evolving proces that keeps both alternatives open. Europe could move simultaneously towards tighter structures in some fields and towards greater elasticity and adaptivenes in others: security, regulation, public services, social benefits, increasing capacity for economic competition, better ability to face new global challenges. Work done about the govenance of multi level territorial systems, particularly in the German and American traditions, is compared from the point of view of the problem-solving capacity of multi level systems under conditions of bargaining and loose coupling among its levels. This capacity, in the final analysis, is more important than the formal attributes of the European construction.

Der er sagt mange skarpe ord om danskerne i udenlandske medier. Die Woche i Tyskland henviste til titlen på en nazistisk kampsang, når det skrev om en dansk "Die Fahne Hoch"-mentalitet og i The Guardian i London hed det, at i forhold til højrefløjens fremmarch i Danmark virkede nazismens fremmarch i Tyskland sløv. Dagsavisen i Oslo bragte i november 2001 et foto fra København af en nynazist med strakt arm, med henvisning til at den danske valgkamp var præget af fremmedhad. Er danskerne fremmedfjendske? følger den udenlandske omtale af den danske debat om indvandringen tilbage til 2000, og det giver en vigtig pointe: Billedet af Danmark som fremmedfjendsk var udbredt længe før regeringsskiftet. Udenlandske medier citerer igen og igen forslag til stramninger i udlændingepolitikken, og henvisning til "Die Fahne Hoch"-mentaliteten er fra februar 2000. Derimod tav man med, at Danmark - sammen med Norge - havde rekord i tildeling af asyl og gav højere sociale ydelser til indvandrere end næsten alle andre lande. Allerede da berettede man om det, der passede med en skabelon om danskerne som fremmedfjendske, og udelod det, der talte imod.Samtidig sammenligner bogen debatten i Danmark med debatten i nabolandene. Der er klart mere sordin på i Sverige og Tyskland. Dermed kan den danske debat forekomme barsk for svenskere og tyskere. Derimod er det svært at se en større forskel mellem debatten i Danmark og debatten i Norge.Endelig viser bogen, at internationale holdningsundersøgelser slet ikke tyder på, at danskerne skulle være specielt fremmedfjendske. Vi stiller skrappe krav om, at indvandrere skal tilpasse sig landets normer, men modsat er vi også det folk i EU, der stærkest ønsker at inddrage indvandrerne i det politiske liv. Hvad man fremhæver, afhænger af, hvilken skabelon man bruger

U ovom se radu istražuje odnos između nacije, nacionalizma, građanstva i strategija europskih integracija. Propituje se problem odnosa između 'nacionalnog' i 'građanskog' aspekta u postojećoj nacionalnoj državi i problem odvajanja nacionalnog od građanskog u nekim opravdanjima transnacionalnih političkih integracija. Propituje se i teza nekih autora da su i nacija i država zapreka afirmaciji građanstva kao univerzalnog statusa u slobodi i jednakosti svih. Zapravo, analizira se krucijalno pitanje je li neka transnacionalna politička organizacija moguća kao "zajednica građana" prema konceptu 'konstitucionalnog patriotizma' ili kao internacionalna zajednica "društva narodā" s "pravom narodā" na pretpostavkama političkog liberalizma ili pristojno uređene državne vlasti. Autor analizira i pojam 'nacionalizma' te neopravdanost njegova proskribiranja per se. Na kraju komentira i analizira uočene nacionalne (nacionalističke) strategije integracije u Europsku uniju. ; This paper explores the relationship between the nation, nationalism, citizenship and European integration strategies. It addresses the problem of the relationship between the 'national' and 'civil' aspects of the existing nation state and the problem of separating the national from the civil in some justifications of transnational political integrations. It also examines the thesis of some authors who claim that both the nation and the state are obstacles to asserting citizenship as a universal status in the freedom and equality of all. In fact, it analyses the crucial issue whether a transnational political organisation is possible as a 'community of citizens' in line with the concept of 'constitutional patriotism', or as an international community in the sense of a 'Society of Peoples' with the 'right of nations' under the assumptions of political liberalism or of a properly ordered state government. The author also analyses the concept of 'nationalism' and the unjustifiableness of its proscription per se. In the final section, he comments on and ...