Suchergebnisse

This article aims to investigate the convergence of the integrity, compliance, and anti-corruption guidelines introduced by the Brazilian law of state-owned companies, in view of the best international practices, adopting as an analysis parameter the Anti-Corruption and Integrity Guidelines for State-Owned Companies, published by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). This descriptive study used bibliographic and documentary research and adopted a comparative analysis between the integrity, compliance, and anti-corruption system introduced by the Brazilian law of state-owned companies and the guidelines established by the OECD. The practices analyzed suggest a considerable degree of convergence between the Brazilian legislation and the OEDC guidelines. Thus, the Brazilian legal system presents what can be considered a cutting-edge normative arrangement of integrity, compliance, and anti-corruption practices. However, despite substantially adhering to the transnational recommendations, the law still presents gaps and omissions in at least three perspectives: integrated risk management; internal controls, ethics, and compliance; and autonomy of state-owned companies and their decision-making bodies. The research results point to a propositional agenda for future studies, focusing on investigating the alternatives for improving the law of state-owned companies and the Brazilian institutional environment, based on the gaps identified. It also points to an agenda of applied studies devoted to investigating and understanding the challenges of law implementation and its concrete results in the universe of state-owned companies. ; El objetivo de este artículo es investigar la convergencia de las directrices de integridad, cumplimiento y anticorrupción introducidas por la ley de responsabilidad de las empresas estatales, en vista de las mejores prácticas internacionales, adoptando como parámetro de análisis las Directrices Anticorrupción e Integridad para Empresas del Estado, publicadas por la Organización para la Cooperación y el Desarrollo Económicos (OCDE). De naturaleza descriptiva, el estudio articula la investigación bibliográfica y documental. Para lograr los objetivos propuestos, la técnica adoptada implica un análisis comparativo entre el sistema de integridad, cumplimiento y anticorrupción introducido por la ley de responsabilidad de las empresas estatales y las pautas establecidas por la OCDE. Como resultado, se observó que la ley de responsabilidad de las empresas estatales presenta un grado considerable de convergencia en vista de las buenas prácticas analizadas, al haber introducido en el sistema legal brasileño un arreglo normativo de integridad, cumplimiento y anticorrupción, que avanza hacia lo que podría considerarse el último avance. Por otro lado, a pesar de cumplir sustancialmente con las recomendaciones transnacionales, la ley aún presenta brechas y omisiones en al menos tres perspectivas: gestión integrada de riesgos; controles internos, ética y cumplimiento; y autonomía de las empresas estatales y sus órganos de decisión. Los resultados de la investigación apuntan a una agenda propositiva para futuros estudios, con un enfoque en la investigación de alternativas para mejorar la ley de responsabilidad de las empresas estatales y el entorno institucional brasileño. Por otro lado, también apunta a una agenda de estudios aplicados dedicada a investigar y comprender los desafíos de la implementación de la ley y sus resultados concretos en el universo de las empresas estatales. ; Constitui objetivo deste artigo investigar a convergência das diretrizes de integridade, compliance e anticorrupção introduzidas pela Lei das Estatais, em face das melhores práticas internacionais. Adotam-se, como parâmetro de análise, as Diretrizes em Anticorrupção e Integridade para Empresas de Propriedade Estatal, publicadas pela Organização para a Cooperação e Desenvolvimento Econômico (OCDE). De natureza descritiva, o estudo articula pesquisa bibliográfica e documental e, para a consecução dos objetivos propostos, a técnica adotada envolve a análise comparativa entre o sistema de integridade, compliance e anticorrupção introduzido pela Lei das Estatais e as diretrizes estabelecidas pela OCDE. Como resultado, observou-se que a Lei das Estatais apresenta um grau de convergência considerável em vista das práticas analisadas, tendo introduzido no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro um arranjo normativo de integridade, compliance e anticorrupção que caminha em direção ao que se poderia considerar o 'estado da arte'. No entanto, a despeito de substantivamente aderente às recomendações transnacionais, a lei ainda apresenta limitações e omissões em pelo menos três perspectivas: gestão integrada de riscos; controles internos, ética e compliance; e autonomia das estatais e de seus órgãos decisores. Os resultados da pesquisa sinalizam para uma agenda propositiva de estudos futuros voltados à investigação das alternativas de aperfeiçoamento da Lei das Estatais e do ambiente institucional brasileiro. Também sinaliza para uma agenda de estudos aplicados, devotada a investigar e compreender os desafios da implementação da lei e seus resultados concretos no universo das companhias estatais.

Considering the high prevalence of malnutrition associated with disease and the need to advance education and research in clinical nutrition, the Cartagena Declaration was signed in May 2019. This is the International Declaration on the right to nutritional care which is addressed to societies, colleges and associations affiliated with FELANPE, and to any organization or institution that promotes the fight against malnutrition. The Declaration provides a coherent framework of 13 Principles which can serve as a guide in the development of action plans. In addition, it will serve as an instrument for states to formulate policies and legislate in the field of clinical nutrition. We believe that the general framework of principles proposed by the Declaration can contribute to raising awareness about the magnitude of this problem and forging cooperation networks between the countries of the region, and why not, the world. It will be, then, contributing to achieving the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals that seek, by 2030, to end all forms of malnutrition. ; Frente a la alta prevalencia de malnutrición asociada a la enfermedad y la necesidad de avanzar en la educación e investigación en nutrición clínica, se firmó en mayo de 2019 la Declaración de Cartagena. Se trata de la Declaración Internacional sobre el derecho al cuidado nutricional la cual va dirigida a las sociedades, colegios y asociaciones afiliadas a la FELANPE, y a toda organización o institución que promueva la lucha contra la malnutrición. La Declaración proporciona un marco coherente de 13 Principios los cuales podrán servir de guía en el desarrollo de los planes de acción. Además, servirá como un instrumento para que los Estados formulen políticas y legislen en el campo de la nutrición clínica. Consideramos que el marco general de principios propuesto por la Declaración puede contribuir a crear conciencia acerca de la magnitud de este problema y a forjar redes de cooperación entre los países de la región, y por qué no del mundo. Se estará, ...

This article reports on the experience of the specialization course called: Research training program for nurses to study the drugs pheonomenon in Latin America, which was offered by two institutions, one of which is local (University of São Paulo at Ribeirão Preto College of Nursing) while the other is an international organization (Interamerican drugs abuse control commission - CICAD of the Organization of American States - OAS). This program was offered consecutively in 2002 and 2003. The report discloses data on the negotation and didactical planning process for the first course, the distribution of contents and activities, experiences acquired during the teaching process and student evaluations. According to the participating students, teachers and institutions involved, offering partially in-class and partially distance courses, like the above mentioned program, has proved to be a successful experience with political, academic and social repercussions for the participants. ; Este artículo trata de un relato de experiência de ofrecimiento de docentes de los cursos de especialización; a través del "Programa de capacitación en investigación para enfermeros en el estudio del fenomeno de las drogas en Latino America", planteados de manera colaborativa por dos instituciones, una de carater publico y regional (Escuela de Enfermería de Ribeirão Preto de la Universidad de São Paulo) y otra, una organización internacional (Comisión Interamericana para el control del abuso de drogas - CICAD de la Organización de los Estados Americanos - OEA); la primera con atribuciones tecnico-científicas y la segunda responsable por el apoyo financiero. Ese programa se repitió por dos años consecutivos, en 2002 y 2003. El relato expone datos sobre el proceso de negociación y planeamiento didáctico desde el primer curso, la distribución de contenidos y actividades, las experiencias adquiridas en el proceso de enseñanza y las evaluaciones de los alumnos. Según los participantes (alumnos, profesores e instituciones involucradas) la iniciativa de ofrecimiento de cursos, parte presencial y parte a distancia como los realizados, se ha demostrado una experiencia exitosa con repercusiones políticas, academicas y sociales para todos los involucrados. ; Este artigo trata-se de um relato de experiência de oferta de dois cursos de especialização: "Programa de capacitação em pesquisa para enfermeiros-docentes no estudo do fenômeno das drogas na América Latina" implantados de maneira colaborativa por duas instituições, uma de natureza pública e regional (Escola de Enfermagem de Ribeirão Preto da Universidade de São Paulo) e outra, uma organização internacional (CICAD); a primeira com atribuições técnico-científicas e a segunda responsável pelo apoio financeiro. Esse programa repetiu-se por dois anos consecutivos, em 2002 e 2003. O relato expõe dados sobre o processo de negociação e planejamento didático desde o primeiro curso, a distribuição de conteúdos e atividades, as experiências adquiridas no processo de ensino e as avaliações dos alunos. Segundo os participantes, (alunos, professores e instituições envolvidas) a iniciativa de oferecimento de cursos, em parte presencial e em parte a distância como os realizados, ser uma experiência bem sucedida com desdobramentos políticos, acadêmicos e sociais para todos os envolvidos.

The challenge of performing environmental governance at the international level has resulted in the creation of several environmental agreements focused on the common interests involved in the management of natural resources among countries. In recent decades, there has been a proliferation of such agreements, which made the environment the second area with the largest number of international agreements in the world (second only to international trade), which indicates the growing importance given to environmental issues in international arenas. Among these agreements, we highlight the result of the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (Rio-92): the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, the Convention on Biological Diversity and the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification. This paper presents an overview of the status of implementation of these conventions in Brazil, focusing on the governance framework (institutional and legal), as well as on the actions taken to meet the commitments arising from these agreements. Main gaps and some of the challenges to be faced in the implementation of the analyzed conventions in Brazil are also identified.

A presente discussão se insere no debate acerca do estado da arte de Economia Política Internacional (epi) na América Latina e, especificamente, da necessidade de se produzir panoramas mais completos acerca do desenvolvimento da subárea no Brasil. A partir de uma literatura crítica frente à produção de conhecimento na periferia das Relações Internacionais, parte-se do suposto de que entender os caminhos do campo de estudo revelam os limites e as potencialidades da produção de conhecimento autóctone nas distintas regiões. O objetivo do trabalho é, neste contexto, apresentar um estudo exploratório da produção acadêmica de epi no Brasil entre os anos 2000 e 2015, em especial com relação aos artigos publicados em periódicos brasileiros no período. ; La presente discusión se inserta en el debate acerca del estado del arte de la Economía Política Internacional (epi) en América Latina y, específicamente, de la necesidad de producirse panoramas más completos acerca del desarrollo de la subárea en Brasil. A partir de una literatura crítica frente a la producción de conocimiento en la periferia de las Relaciones Internacionales, se parte del supuesto de que entender los caminos del estudio revelan los límites y las potencialidades de la producción de conocimiento autóctono en las distintas regiones. El objetivo del trabajo es, en este contexto, presentar un estudio exploratorio de la producción académica de epi en Brasil entre los años 2000 y 2015, en especial en relación con los artículos publicados en periódicos brasileros en el periodo. ; The article is part of the debate about the state of art of ipe research in Latin America and, particularly, on the necessity to develop broader perspectives aboutthe development of the ipe subfield in Brazil. Inspired by the critical literature concerning the knowledge production in the periphery of ir, the assumption here is that the understanding of the ir field pathways discloses the limits and potentials of indigenous knowledge production in diferent regions and places. Shows therefore, the article aims to present an exploratory research proyects about the academic research on ipe in Brazil from 2000 to 2015, notably in regard to articles published in Brazilian journals daries this period.

Combinar ideias de autores clássicos da geografia política com autores contemporâneos permite analisar temas ambientais em uma escala internacional. Para regular os diversos interesses em jogo, foram criadas convenções internacionais sobre o ambiente, que oferecem novas formas de intercâmbio, comércio e cooperação entre países. Mas a assimetria das relações entre as partes aponta para a necessidade de discutir soberania, sustentabilidade e segurança ambiental, conceitos centrais que sustentam a ordem ambiental internacional, o conjunto de acordos multilaterais sobre o ambiente. Por isso, é fundamental analisar as matrizes teóricas dos conceitos citados combinados com convenções internacionais elaboradas em reuniões de Cúpula, como as de Estocolmo, do Rio de Janeiro e a de Joanesburgo, para reforçar o diálogo na resolução de problemas internacionais. ; The combination of classical and contemporaneous authors of political geography allow us to analiser an international scale. International Conventions on Environment were created to regulate the different interests at stake. They offer new forms of interchange, commerce and cooperation among countries. However the asymmetric relationship among the parties exposes the need to discuss sovereignty, sustainability and environmental security, central concepts that maintain the international environmental order, the set of multilateral agreements on environment. For this reason, it is instrumental to examine the theoretical matrix of the above mentioned concepts in combination with the international conventions elaborated in Summits, such as the ones held in Stockholm, Rio de Janeiro and Johannesburg, to reinforce the dialogue in the resolution of international problems.

In recent decades, the International Cooperation for Development (ICD) has experienced alternative ways of implementation, integrating developed countries, developing countries and multilateral organizations in triangular arrangements. In a context of economic crisis, the limitations of ICD to promote development and the doubts on the fulfillment of the financial commitments of OECD donors, led to new roles and responsibilities for emerging economies in the international development tasks. They bet on more horizontal forms of cooperation, with approaches and practices a priori distinct from the traditional North-South Cooperation (NSC). For emerging countries such as Brazil, but also for other developing countries, Triangular Cooperation (TRC) is an instrument of support to South-South Cooperation (SSC) which allows to increase the scale of their projects, deepen their impact and explore complementarities with other countries and international organizations.

The widespread of the COVID-19 pandemic has brought significant impacts on human relations, generating ample repercussions characterized by certain patterns of national and international relations. Taking this theme as a reference this paper is aimed to analyze the patterns of socio-political interaction in relation to the securitization of the COVID-19 pandemic in Canada and Brazil through a constructivist approach. The methodological basis of this research is characterized by an exploratory and descriptive nature according to its ends and as well as quali-quantitative to its means which is instrumentalized by the use of a comparative method and a discursive historical-theoretical-deductive logic. The results of the research indicate that the dynamics of national and international relations have become permeated during the pandemic by Lockean (competitive), Hobbesian (conflictive) and Kantian (consensual) the patterns of interaction due to an asymmetrical field of power that turns out to be more complex. It is concluded based on the results presented in the text that the interactional dynamics reported by Canada and Brazil demonstrate the convergence towards a negative apprehension of the COVID-19 pandemic in the social structure despite the different historical trajectories constructed on a Kantian pattern of relative consensus related to the decision-making processes in Canada in comparison to the Hobbesian pattern of intranational and international conflicts materialized in Brazil.

Grønlands udenrigspolitiske repræsentanter benytter den store internationale interesse for Arktis til at positionere Grønland som en mere selvstændig udenrigspolitisk aktør. Det er muligt, da Danmark er afhængig af Grønland for at opretholde sin status som "arktisk stat", og fordi Grønlands udenrigspolitiske kompetence er åben for fortolkning. Denne artikel analyserer, hvordan repræsentanter for skiftende grønlandske regeringer har udvidet det udenrigspolitiske handlerum ved i diskurs og praksis at styrke Grønlands position i en arktisk kontekst. Det er blandt andet opnået ved 1) højlydt at italesætte utilfredshed i Arktisk Råd, 2) stiltiende symbolske handlinger ved Ilulissat-erklæringens tiårs jubilæum, og 3) ved at mime suverænitet ved Arctic Circle konferencen, der pga. sin mere uformelle struktur er særligt nyttig til at styrke bilaterale internationale relationer. ; Greenland's foreign policy representatives use the great international attention to the Arctic to appear and act as a more sovereign foreign policy actor. This is possible due to Denmark's dependence on Greenland to maintain its "Arctic state" status and because Greenland's foreign policy competence is open to interpretation. The article analyzes how representatives of shifting Greenlandic governments have expanded the foreign policy room for manoeuvre in discourse and praxis to strengthen Greenland's position at Arctic-related events. This has been achieved by, among other things, 1) outspoken discontent in the Arctic Council, 2) tacit gestures at the Ilulissat Declaration's 10-year anniversary, and 3) by mimicking full sovereignty at the Arctic Circle conference serving as a particularly useful platform for enhancing bilateral international relations due to its more informal setup.

Introduction: The detection of pyrogens is essential for the quality control of injectable products. The Rabbit Pyrogen Test remains widely used, despite the existence of alternative methods such as the Monocyte Activation Test (MAT). Objective: To review the use of alternative methods for pyrogen testing, pointing out advances and perspectives from the recognition of MAT by the European pharmacopoeia and its acceptance for regulatory purposes in Brazil. Method: A search was performed on the PubMed and BVS databases, with further classification, categorization by topic and critical analysis of the results. Results: Twenty-four papers were identified, addressing topics such as applications of MAT, its validation and comparisons with in vivo tests. MAT presented better results when compared to other tests, both in the evaluation of biological products and in the detection of non-endotoxin pyrogens. Limitations to diffusion include difficulties in obtaining whole human blood as a source of monocytes, for which several alternatives have been proposed. Conclusions: MAT is a promising method, with application in safety evaluation of new technologies. Its application in Brazil depends on a national implementation policy, which might include greater integration between BraCVAM, Concea and RENAMA in search for its recognition for regulatory purposes. ; Introdução: A detecção de pirogênios é imprescindível no controle da qualidade de produtos injetáveis. O Teste de Pirogênio em coelhos ainda tem larga aplicação, apesar da existência de métodos alternativos como o Teste de Ativação de Monócitos (MAT). Objetivo: Revisar o uso dos métodos alternativos no teste de pirogênio, apontando avanços e perspectivas a partir do reconhecimento do MAT pela Farmacopeia Europeia e sua aceitação para fins regulatórios no Brasil. Método: Uma busca foi realizada nas bases PubMed e BVS, com posterior classificação, categorização por assuntos e análise crítica dos resultados. Resultados: Foram identificados 24 trabalhos, abordando temas como as aplicações do MAT, sua validação e comparação com testes in vivo. O MAT apresentou melhores resultados quando comparado a outros testes, tanto na avaliação de produtos biológicos como na detecção de pirogênios não-endotoxinas. Limitações para sua difusão incluem a dificuldade de obtenção de sangue total humano como fonte de monócitos, para o qual diversas alternativas têm sido propostas. Conclusões: O MAT se mostra um método promissor, com aplicação na avaliação da segurança de novas tecnologias. Sua aplicação no Brasil depende de uma política nacional de implantação, que inclua maior Integração entre BraCVAM, Concea e RENAMA na busca por seu reconhecimento para fins regulatórios.

Russia's strategy in the Arctic is dominated by two overriding discourses – and foreign policy directions – which at first glance may look like opposites. On the one hand, an IR realism/geopolitical discourse that often has a clear patriotic character, dealing with "capturing", "winning" or "conquering" the Arctic and putting power, including military power, behind the national interests in the area – which is why we, in recent years, have seen an increasing military build-up, also in the Russian Arctic. Opposed to this is an IR liberalism, international law-inspired and modernization-focused discourse, which is characterized by words such as "negotiation", "cooperation" and "joint ventures" and which has as an axiom that the companies and countries operating in the Arctic all benefit the most if they collaborate in peace and friendliness. So far, the IR liberalism discourse has set the trend of the Russian policy carried out in relation to the Arctic. Thus, it has primarily been the Russian Foreign Ministry and, above all, Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov that have drawn the overall lines of the Arctic policy, well aided by the Transport Ministry and the Energy Ministry. On the other side are the Russian national Security Council led by Nikolai Patrushev and the Russian Defence Ministry headed by Sergey Shoygu, which both have embedded their visions of Russia and the Arctic in the IR realism/geopolitical discourse. Russia's president, Vladimir Putin, does the same. Nevertheless, he has primarily chosen to let the Foreign Ministry set the line for the Arctic policy carried out, presumably out of a pragmatic acknowledgement of the means that have, so far, served the Russian interests best. Moreover, it is worth noting that both wings, even though they can disagree about the means, in fact are more or less in agreement about the goal of Russia's Arctic policy: namely, to utilize the expected wealth of oil and natural gas resources in the underground to ensure the continuation of the restoration of Russia's position as a Great Power when the capacity of the energy fields in Siberia slowly diminishes – which the Russian Energy Ministry expects to happen sometime between 2015 and 2030. In addition to that, Russia sees – as the polar ice slowly melts – great potential for opening an ice-free northern sea route between Europe and Asia across the Russian Arctic, with the hope that the international shipping industry can see the common sense of saving up to nearly 4,000 nautical miles on a voyage from Ulsan, Korea, to Rotterdam, Holland, so Russia can earn money by servicing the ships and issuing permissions for passage through what Russia regards as Russian territorial water. The question is whether Russia will be able to realize its ambitious goals. First, the Russian state energy companies Gazprom and Rosneft lack the technology, know-how and experience to extract oil and gas under the exceedingly difficult environment in the Arctic, where the most significant deposits are believed to be in very deep water in areas that are very difficult to access due to bad weather conditions. The Western sanctions mean that the Russian energy companies cannot, as planned, obtain this technology and know-how via the already entered-into partnerships with Western energy companies. The sanctions limit loan opportunities in Western banks, which hit the profitability of the most cost-heavy projects in the Arctic. However, what hits hardest are the low oil prices – at present 50 dollars per barrel (Brent). According to the International Energy Agency (IEA), the fields in the Arctic are not profitable as long as the oil price is under 120 dollars per barrel. Whether Russia chooses to suspend the projects until the energy prices rise again – and until it has again entered into partnerships that can deliver the desired technology and know-how – or whether the Russian state will continuously pump money into the projects is uncertain. The hard-pressed Russian economy, with the prospects of recession, increasing inflation, increasing flight of capital, rising interest rates and a continuously low oil price, provides a market economic incentive for suspending the projects until further notice. Whether the Kremlin will think in a market economic way or a long-term strategic way is uncertain – but, historically, there has been a penchant for the latter. One of the Kremlin's hopes is that Chinese-Russian cooperation can take over where the Western-Russian cooperation has shut down. Russia has long wanted to diversify its energy markets to reduce its dependence on sales to Europe. At the same time, those in the Kremlin have had a deeply-rooted fear of ending up as a "resource appendix" to the onrushing Chinese economy, which so far has been a strong contributing reason for keeping the Russian-Chinese overtures in check. The question now is whether the Western sanctions can be the catalyst that can make Russia overcome this fear and thus, in the long term, support the efforts to enter into a real, strategic partnership with China. ; Russia's strategy in the Arctic is dominated by two overriding discourses – and foreign policy directions – which at first glance may look like opposites. On the one hand, Russia have an IR realism/geopolitical discourse that often has a clear patriotic character, dealing with "exploring", "winning" or "conquering" the Arctic and putting power, including military power, behind the national interests in the area – which is why we, in recent years, have seen an increasing military build-up, also in the Russian Arctic. Opposed to this is an IR liberalism, international law-inspired and modernization- focused discourse, which is characterized by words such as "negotiation", "cooperation" and "joint ventures" and which has as an axiom that the companies and countries operating in the Arctic all benefit the most if they cooperate peacefully.

The objective of this study is to analyze some of the factors that influence the process of internationalization of Brazilian civil society as a partner for economic and social development in other countries, from the experience of the Non-Governmental Development Organization (NGDO) Viva Brazil Rio in Haiti. Although considered a successful experience, Viva Rio faced a number of obstacles in expanding its international reach, and was not yet followed by a similar movement from other Brazilian NGO's, despite support from the Brazilian government, the United Nations (UN) and other institutions from developed countries. By analyzing the ways by which the national government, international organizations, transnational corporations and NGDOs interact with Northern NGDOs of the global South, it becomes clear that the international capabilities of Brazilian NGDO's are still constrained due to the incipient internationalization of both Brazilian society and government.

O artigo trata da presente crise do capitalismo internacional, interessando-se pelo nexo entre seus aspectos propriamente econômicos e as questões políticas e institucionais que ela suscita. São discutidos alguns elementos de caráter cognitivo e metodológico importantes para uma agenda de pesquisa da crise, e em seguida é apresentado um panorama do processo de globalização neoliberal que caracterizou o mundo nas ultimas décadas e que está no centro da crise contemporânea. O artigo conclui com uma breve prospecção das mudanças que poderão advir da crise, sobretudo no que diz respeito à revalorização da política e ao fortalecimento do papel do estado. ; The article deals with the current crisis of world capitalism, relating its specifically economic aspects to political and institutional questions raised by the financial crash. It discusses some cognitive and methodological issues which are relevant for a research agenda of the process, followed by an overview of the development of neoliberal globalization. This model, which characterized the world during the last few decades, is in the heart of the contemporary economic problems. The article concludes with a brief prospect of the changes that may be stemming from the crisis, especially those related to the strengthening of politics and the state's role.

Executive Council Thirty-Fourth Ordinary Session 7 – 8 February 2019 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia ; The African Union Advisory Board on Corruption (AUABC) was established in accordance with the provisions of article 22 (5) (a) of the African Union Convention on Preventing and Combating Corruption (AUCPCC). The Convention was adopted at the second ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of States and Government of the African Union in Maputo, Mozambique, on 11th July 2003, and entered into force on 5th August 2006, thirty (30) days after the deposit of the fifteenth instrument of ratification. As at November 2018, the Convention had been signed by 49 states and ratified or acceded to by 40 States.

Objectif : L'objectif de cet article c'est d'analyser la pandémie du coronavirus prise dans sa dimension de catastrophe mondiale, ainsi que le fait que ses effets sont plus graves sur les personnes en situation de vulnérabilité, manifestant ainsi l'existence d'une véritable crise des droits de l'Homme. En tant que problème mondial, sa prise en compte conduit à l'adoption de mesures conjointes et coordonnées par les États, en application du principe de solidarité.Méthodologie : La méthode hypothético-déductive est utilisée dans la préparation de la recherche, en partant de l'hypothèse que les groupes les plus vulnérables sont plus susceptibles de subir la violation des droits causée par la pandémie.Résultats : Cette recherche a montré que le Brésil connaît une crise des droits de l'Homme en raison des effets de la catastrophe du COVID-19, en particulier l'impact sur certains groupes de personnes en situation de vulnérabilité. Par ailleurs, face à l'absence de politiques publiques efficaces, de nombreuses actions individuelles soutenues par l'initiative privée ont été entreprises en faveur de ces groupes vulnérables et en application du principe de solidarité.Contributions : Le présent travail s'inscrit dans l'application des principes de solidarité mondiale et de non-indifférence comme véritable boussole pour guider les pratiques des États face aux situations les plus défavorables qui se manifestent dans le domaine des relations internationales, qu'il s'agisse de crises économiques, de catastrophes environnementales, de bouleversements sociaux, de crime organisé, de trafic de drogue, de rupture de l'État de droit, de conflits armés, de faim, de misère et de maladies, comme dans le cas du COVID-19.Mots-clés: Pandémie; catastrophe mondiale; solidarité internationale; droits de l'Homme; groupes vulnérables. RESUMOObjetivo: O presente artigo tem como objetivo analisar a pandemia do coronavírus como catástrofe global, bem como o fato de que seus efeitos são mais graves sobre pessoas em situação de vulnerabilidade, a indicar a existência de uma verdadeira crise de direitos humanos. Enquanto problema de ordem mundial, seu enfrentamento enseja a adoção de medidas conjuntas e coordenadas pelos Estados, em aplicação ao princípio da solidariedade.Metodologia: Na elaboração da pesquisa, utiliza-se o método hipotético-dedutivo, na medida em que se partiu do pressuposto de que grupos mais vulneráveis são mais suscetíveis à violação de direitos causada pela pandemia.Resultados: Esta pesquisa demonstrou que o Brasil vivencia uma crise de direitos humanos em razão do impacto da catástrofe da COVID-19, em especial no impacto em alguns grupos de pessoas em situação de vulnerabilidade. Além disso, observa-se que diante da deficiência de políticas públicas efetivas, inúmeras ações individuais com apoio da iniciativa privada foram empreendidas em prol desses grupos em situação de vulnerabilidade e em aplicação do princípio da solidariedade.Contribuições: O presente trabalho delineia na aplicação dos princípios da solidariedade global e da não indiferença como uma verdadeira bússola a orientar as práticas dos Estados diante das mais adversas situações que se manifestam no campo das relações internacionais, sejam elas provenientes de crises econômicas; catástrofes ambientais; convulsão social; crime organizado; tráfico de drogas; rompimento com o Estado de Direito; conflitos armados; fome, miséria e doenças, como no caso da COVID-19.Palavras-chave: Pandemia; catástrofe global; solidariedade internacional; direitos humanos; grupos vulneráveis. ABSTRACTObjective: The objective of this article is to analyze the pandemic of the coronavirus as a global catastrophe, as well as the fact that its effects are more serious on people in vulnerable situations, indicating the existence of a real human rights crisis. As a global problem, its confrontation requires the adoption of joint and coordinated measures by the States, applying the principle of solidarity.Methodology: The hypothetical-deductive method is used in this research, since it is based on the assumption that more vulnerable groups are more susceptible to the violation of rights caused by the pandemic.Results: This research has shown that Brazil is experiencing a human rights crisis due to the impact of the COVID-19 catastrophe, especially in the impact on some groups of people in vulnerable situations. In addition, it is observed that in the face of the deficiency of effective public policies, numerous individual actions with support from private initiative have been undertaken on behalf of these groups in situations of vulnerability and in application of the principle of solidarity.Contributions: The present work outlines in the application of the principles of global solidarity and non-indifference as a true compass to guide the practices of States in the face of the most adverse situations that manifest themselves in the field of international relations, whether they come from economic crises; environmental catastrophes; social upheaval; organized crime; drug trafficking; breakdown with the rule of law; armed conflicts; hunger, misery and diseases, as in the case of COVID-19.Keywords: Pandemic; global catastrophe; international solidarity; human rights; vulnerable groups. ; Cet article vise à analyser la pandémie de coronavirus prise dans sa dimension de catastrophe mondiale, ainsi que le fait que ses effets sont plus graves sur les personnes en situation de vulnérabilité, manifestant ainsi l'existence d'une véritable crise des droits humains. En tant que problème mondial, sa prise en compte conduit à l'adoption de mesures conjointes et coordonnées par les États, en application du principe de solidarité. La méthode utilisée dans l'étude a été hypothétique-déductive, car la recherche partait de l'hypothèse que les groupes les plus vulnérables sont plus susceptibles de subir la violation des droits causée par la pandémie. Cette prémisse visait à obtenir des données prouvant ou indiquant une possible crise des droits de l'Homme vécue au Brésil. A cet effet, l'impact de -la Covid-19 sur certains groupes de personnes en situation de sous-suffisance a été observé, ainsi que l'efficacité de toute action entreprise en application du principe de solidarité.