Suchergebnisse

Zo'n 900 onderzoekers uit 55 verschillende landen zochten elkaar op in de University of Illinois om de conferentie Qualitative Inquiry bij te wonen. Het congres, dat sinds 2005 jaarlijks door de International Association of Qualitative Inquiry (IAQI) georganiseerd wordt, stond dit jaar in het teken van Qualitative inquiry and the politics of evidence, ofwel de zoektocht naar meer erkenning van en waardering voor een alternatieve manier van bewijsvoering door kwalitatief onderzoek binnen academische instellingen en faculteiten, beoordelingscommissies, onderzoeksfondsen, professionele organisaties en wetenschappelijke tijdschriften. Ik was er als junior onderzoeker op het terrein van patiëntenparticipatie in wetenschappelijk onderzoek voor het eerst bij en zal verslag doen van de bijgewoonde lezingen en workshops.

Dynamism and complexity of international environment is reflected in Incessant rotation of values. Experience and knowledge from disaster of Two Enormous World Wars, grounded in complicated structure of contemporary world - democratic values, which have dominated circle of principles. The main role in this process was plaid by United Nations, that became promoter of peace and regard for otherness. The author analyze how international community had been changed. The awareness of circulation of values determines the way of human thinking and proclaimed such important factors in global system. Disproportions in development in different parts of the World are escalated by increasing economic cooperation between international actors, and Hi­tech achievements. Singular nation cannot solve this issue by itself. Challenges of globalization like: poverty and hunger, pollution, or gender unequal, demand transnational activity. Most of those disadvantages has argued how necessary global social movements are to neutralize global disproportions. The author notices that social activities in global assessment created new attitude for global citizens. Members of this new global community identify world as a common place. That project has been creating and in authors opinion belongs to one of the most important challenge in the future.

The subject of this study is the strategic cooperation of the permanent members in the Security Council in the period 1946 2000. Because of their right of veto the cooperation of the permanent members has a significant influence on the functioning of the Council. The most important aspects of the cooperation that were investigated are the intensity of the cooperation and the ef-fectiveness of this cooperation in preventing and ending wars. To investigate these aspects, for both the intensity and the effectiveness measuring instruments were constructed. These measuring instruments were based on comprehensive sets of so-called 'leading indicators' and statistical methods and techniques. The intensity of the cooperation increased gradually from 1946 until 1990 (the end of the Cold War). Then it started to increase rapidly until 1996. From 1996 a slight decrease can be discer-ned. The strong increase in the strategic cooperation of the permanent members in the security Council can be established in all the majors forms of cooperation in the Council: the numbers of adopted strategic resolutions and presidential statements, the numbers of employed means (like peacekeeping missions and enforcement actions) and the amounts of money that were spent on peacekeeping activities. Further it was established that the response times of the Council regarding potential and waged wars dropped significantly since the end of the Cold War. The effectiveness of the cooperation of the permanent members in the Council was, insofar this was measurable with the applied method, not good for many years, but after the Cold War a clear improvement can be discerned. This goes for the prevention of wars, as well as for post war peacebuilding and the ending of wars. Also the numbers of potential and waged wars in which the Council not intervened dropped significantly since the end of the Cold War, as well as the use of vetoes. The large number of potential and waged wars in which the Council did not intervene during the Cold War was nearly exclusively caused by 'non decisions' (the non placing of wars on the agenda), and not by the use of vetoes by permanent members, as is often assumed in literature. Further, a comparison of two phase classifications of the Cold War showed that the great powers, even when there are great tensions among them, are prepared to cooperate in the Security Council to resolve strategic matters, if they consider this in their interest. Analyses of the adopted strategic resolutions during the Cold War revealed that cooperation here was nearly exclusively limited to issues that were not core issues of the Cold War. From this it can be concluded that cooperation against third party states was a basis of cooperation of the great powers in the Security Council. Finally, the results of this study show clearly that the Security Council was regarded and used to a large extent by the permanent members in the period 1946 2000 as an instrument of foreign policy to pursue their national interests, and not as an instrument of the world community to prevent and end wars.

The agreement on the foundation of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) and other documents signed by the members states to determine the scope of collaboration, their common objectives and principles, were an exclusive legal foundation of CIS until the CIS Statute was signed. The Statute does not determine the range of CIS's competence and it only stipulates the scope of joint operations of member states. CIS institutions, composed of high ranking officials from member states, only have coordinating competence. However, they are a forum for making common decisions concerning CIS functioning. CIS coordinating organs do not have the authority over member states either, and they can only make recommendations. The Commonwealth of Independent States is relatively young in comparison to other international structures. It is extremely difficult and usually time-consuming to create any form of integration, especially in the realm of politics. It is particularly complicated with respect to CIS as a coherent attitude of all, highly diversified, members is required to work out permanent principles of functioning. ; The agreement on the foundation of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) and other documents signed by the members states to determine the scope of collaboration, their common objectives and principles, were an exclusive legal foundation of CIS until the CIS Statute was signed. The Statute does not determine the range of CIS's competence and it only stipulates the scope of joint operations of member states. CIS institutions, composed of high ranking officials from member states, only have coordinating competence. However, they are a forum for making common decisions concerning CIS functioning. CIS coordinating organs do not have the authority over member states either, and they can only make recommendations. The Commonwealth of Independent States is relatively young in comparison to other international structures. It is extremely difficult and usually time-consuming to create any form of integration, especially in the realm of politics. It is particularly complicated with respect to CIS as a coherent attitude of all, highly diversified, members is required to work out permanent principles of functioning.

The agreement on the foundation of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) and other documents signed by the members states to determine the scope of collaboration, their common objectives and principles, were an exclusive legal foundation of CIS until the CIS Statute was signed. The Statute does not determine the range of CIS's competence and it only stipulates the scope of joint operations of member states. CIS institutions, composed of high ranking officials from member states, only have coordinating competence. However, they are a forum for making common decisions concerning CIS functioning. CIS coordinating organs do not have the authority over member states either, and they can only make recommendations. The Commonwealth of Independent States is relatively young in comparison to other international structures. It is extremely difficult and usually time-consuming to create any form of integration, especially in the realm of politics. It is particularly complicated with respect to CIS as a coherent attitude of all, highly diversified, members is required to work out permanent principles of functioning.

Owing to the Internet the concept of a 'free marketplace of ideas' is thriving. Although even today it is difficult to decide unanimously whether the Miltonian principle of the self-righting process is a theory reflected in real life, or rather a 'rhetoric myth', it is beyond any doubt that the conviction that under the conditions of free exchange of information and opinion truth is able to triumph over falsehood still intrigues people, who feel compelled to verify this conviction over and over again. How much the ideas referred to at the beginning of this text, namely the free marketplace of ideas and self-righting process, have taken possession of the imagination of a contemporary information recipient is demonstrated by the fact that they are echoed both in the academic studies devoted to the issue of freedom of speech and in introductory, journalistic or educational publications. It seems that in the future it will be the Internet that remains one of the main instruments to verify the rightness of the self-righting process. One should not doubt that it will be a never-ending process, as predicted by Milton. One can assume though that the concept of a 'free marketplace of ideas' will continue to exert a significant impact on the development of international standards of free speech both in Western culture and elsewhere. ; Owing to the Internet the concept of a 'free marketplace of ideas' is thriving. Although even today it is difficult to decide unanimously whether the Miltonian principle of the self-righting process is a theory reflected in real life, or rather a 'rhetoric myth', it is beyond any doubt that the conviction that under the conditions of free exchange of information and opinion truth is able to triumph over falsehood still intrigues people, who feel compelled to verify this conviction over and over again. How much the ideas referred to at the beginning of this text, namely the free marketplace of ideas and self-righting process, have taken possession of the imagination of a contemporary information recipient is demonstrated by the fact that they are echoed both in the academic studies devoted to the issue of freedom of speech and in introductory, journalistic or educational publications. It seems that in the future it will be the Internet that remains one of the main instruments to verify the rightness of the self-righting process. One should not doubt that it will be a never-ending process, as predicted by Milton. One can assume though that the concept of a 'free marketplace of ideas' will continue to exert a significant impact on the development of international standards of free speech both in Western culture and elsewhere.