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Considering the high prevalence of malnutrition associated with disease and the need to advance education and research in clinical nutrition, the Cartagena Declaration was signed in May 2019. This is the International Declaration on the right to nutritional care which is addressed to societies, colleges and associations affiliated with FELANPE, and to any organization or institution that promotes the fight against malnutrition. The Declaration provides a coherent framework of 13 Principles which can serve as a guide in the development of action plans. In addition, it will serve as an instrument for states to formulate policies and legislate in the field of clinical nutrition. We believe that the general framework of principles proposed by the Declaration can contribute to raising awareness about the magnitude of this problem and forging cooperation networks between the countries of the region, and why not, the world. It will be, then, contributing to achieving the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals that seek, by 2030, to end all forms of malnutrition. ; Frente a la alta prevalencia de malnutrición asociada a la enfermedad y la necesidad de avanzar en la educación e investigación en nutrición clínica, se firmó en mayo de 2019 la Declaración de Cartagena. Se trata de la Declaración Internacional sobre el derecho al cuidado nutricional la cual va dirigida a las sociedades, colegios y asociaciones afiliadas a la FELANPE, y a toda organización o institución que promueva la lucha contra la malnutrición. La Declaración proporciona un marco coherente de 13 Principios los cuales podrán servir de guía en el desarrollo de los planes de acción. Además, servirá como un instrumento para que los Estados formulen políticas y legislen en el campo de la nutrición clínica. Consideramos que el marco general de principios propuesto por la Declaración puede contribuir a crear conciencia acerca de la magnitud de este problema y a forjar redes de cooperación entre los países de la región, y por qué no del mundo. Se estará, ...

'Will the Netherlands be defended?' The debate about NATO's main lines of defence at the beginning of the 1950sAt the beginning of the 1950s, the Netherlands would not have been able to defend itself in the event of a Soviet attack. Despite the fact that NATO, under the leadership of the Supreme Allied Commander Europe, General Eisenhower, and later General Ridgway, was in the process of rapidly building up its defences, it was still incapable of conducting a forward defence. The pivotal political and military issue in the short term centred on one question: Which areas in Western Europe could and should be kept and which not? Answers to this question exposed conflicting national interests and points of view, particularly those of the Dutch and the French. As it was taking a considerably long time to build up the Netherlands' defences, the Dutch government had very few trump cards to add weight to its demands. Indeed, in the summer of 1952, when Parliament asked to be given a precise account of how the Dutch defences were progressing, the government was practically boxed into a corner.

This article reports on the experience of the specialization course called: Research training program for nurses to study the drugs pheonomenon in Latin America, which was offered by two institutions, one of which is local (University of São Paulo at Ribeirão Preto College of Nursing) while the other is an international organization (Interamerican drugs abuse control commission - CICAD of the Organization of American States - OAS). This program was offered consecutively in 2002 and 2003. The report discloses data on the negotation and didactical planning process for the first course, the distribution of contents and activities, experiences acquired during the teaching process and student evaluations. According to the participating students, teachers and institutions involved, offering partially in-class and partially distance courses, like the above mentioned program, has proved to be a successful experience with political, academic and social repercussions for the participants. ; Este artículo trata de un relato de experiência de ofrecimiento de docentes de los cursos de especialización; a través del "Programa de capacitación en investigación para enfermeros en el estudio del fenomeno de las drogas en Latino America", planteados de manera colaborativa por dos instituciones, una de carater publico y regional (Escuela de Enfermería de Ribeirão Preto de la Universidad de São Paulo) y otra, una organización internacional (Comisión Interamericana para el control del abuso de drogas - CICAD de la Organización de los Estados Americanos - OEA); la primera con atribuciones tecnico-científicas y la segunda responsable por el apoyo financiero. Ese programa se repitió por dos años consecutivos, en 2002 y 2003. El relato expone datos sobre el proceso de negociación y planeamiento didáctico desde el primer curso, la distribución de contenidos y actividades, las experiencias adquiridas en el proceso de enseñanza y las evaluaciones de los alumnos. Según los participantes (alumnos, profesores e instituciones involucradas) la iniciativa de ofrecimiento de cursos, parte presencial y parte a distancia como los realizados, se ha demostrado una experiencia exitosa con repercusiones políticas, academicas y sociales para todos los involucrados. ; Este artigo trata-se de um relato de experiência de oferta de dois cursos de especialização: "Programa de capacitação em pesquisa para enfermeiros-docentes no estudo do fenômeno das drogas na América Latina" implantados de maneira colaborativa por duas instituições, uma de natureza pública e regional (Escola de Enfermagem de Ribeirão Preto da Universidade de São Paulo) e outra, uma organização internacional (CICAD); a primeira com atribuições técnico-científicas e a segunda responsável pelo apoio financeiro. Esse programa repetiu-se por dois anos consecutivos, em 2002 e 2003. O relato expõe dados sobre o processo de negociação e planejamento didático desde o primeiro curso, a distribuição de conteúdos e atividades, as experiências adquiridas no processo de ensino e as avaliações dos alunos. Segundo os participantes, (alunos, professores e instituições envolvidas) a iniciativa de oferecimento de cursos, em parte presencial e em parte a distância como os realizados, ser uma experiência bem sucedida com desdobramentos políticos, acadêmicos e sociais para todos os envolvidos.

The challenge of performing environmental governance at the international level has resulted in the creation of several environmental agreements focused on the common interests involved in the management of natural resources among countries. In recent decades, there has been a proliferation of such agreements, which made the environment the second area with the largest number of international agreements in the world (second only to international trade), which indicates the growing importance given to environmental issues in international arenas. Among these agreements, we highlight the result of the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (Rio-92): the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, the Convention on Biological Diversity and the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification. This paper presents an overview of the status of implementation of these conventions in Brazil, focusing on the governance framework (institutional and legal), as well as on the actions taken to meet the commitments arising from these agreements. Main gaps and some of the challenges to be faced in the implementation of the analyzed conventions in Brazil are also identified.

A presente discussão se insere no debate acerca do estado da arte de Economia Política Internacional (epi) na América Latina e, especificamente, da necessidade de se produzir panoramas mais completos acerca do desenvolvimento da subárea no Brasil. A partir de uma literatura crítica frente à produção de conhecimento na periferia das Relações Internacionais, parte-se do suposto de que entender os caminhos do campo de estudo revelam os limites e as potencialidades da produção de conhecimento autóctone nas distintas regiões. O objetivo do trabalho é, neste contexto, apresentar um estudo exploratório da produção acadêmica de epi no Brasil entre os anos 2000 e 2015, em especial com relação aos artigos publicados em periódicos brasileiros no período. ; La presente discusión se inserta en el debate acerca del estado del arte de la Economía Política Internacional (epi) en América Latina y, específicamente, de la necesidad de producirse panoramas más completos acerca del desarrollo de la subárea en Brasil. A partir de una literatura crítica frente a la producción de conocimiento en la periferia de las Relaciones Internacionales, se parte del supuesto de que entender los caminos del estudio revelan los límites y las potencialidades de la producción de conocimiento autóctono en las distintas regiones. El objetivo del trabajo es, en este contexto, presentar un estudio exploratorio de la producción académica de epi en Brasil entre los años 2000 y 2015, en especial en relación con los artículos publicados en periódicos brasileros en el periodo. ; The article is part of the debate about the state of art of ipe research in Latin America and, particularly, on the necessity to develop broader perspectives aboutthe development of the ipe subfield in Brazil. Inspired by the critical literature concerning the knowledge production in the periphery of ir, the assumption here is that the understanding of the ir field pathways discloses the limits and potentials of indigenous knowledge production in diferent regions and places. Shows therefore, the article aims to present an exploratory research proyects about the academic research on ipe in Brazil from 2000 to 2015, notably in regard to articles published in Brazilian journals daries this period.

The central question of this dissertation is what role national identity has played in the interdepartmental policy field of international cultural policy (ICP) in the Netherlands between 1970 and 2012. In four chapters I analyse the history of ICP and the related political debate, using a theoretical framework consisting of the main concepts of a Discourse Historic Analysis (critique, ideology, and power), and tensions within the discourses on ICP and national identity. The role of national identity in the first period (1970-1986) is characterized as 'cultural nationalism'. Culture plays an important role in distinguishing the nation state from the rest of the world, and due to the decreasing autonomy in the field of economics and politics culture is considered (by some) to be the last bearer of the national identity. The debates focus on the question whether or not the government has a role in (actively) protecting that identity. The publication of the report "Culture without borders" by the Scientific Council for Government Policy marks the beginning of the second period (1987-1996). Gradually the primacy of the policy shifts from foreign to cultural policy, and attempts are made to combine within ICP the growing cultural diversity of the Dutch society with the uniting role of a national identity. Therefore the role of national identity is characterized as 'multiculturalism'. Extra funding for international cultural activities in 1997 marks the beginning of the third period (1997-2006), in which the role of national identity is characterized as 'cultural relativism'. The relationship between culture and the nation becomes more loose, and cultural activities abroad no longer seem to represent the nation's identity. This approach in ICP contrasts strongly with the growing discontent and heated public and political debate on national identity. Characteristic for the fourth period (2007-2012) is the return to the primacy of foreign policy and the focus on diplomatic and economic goals. Culture is treated as a ...

Combinar ideias de autores clássicos da geografia política com autores contemporâneos permite analisar temas ambientais em uma escala internacional. Para regular os diversos interesses em jogo, foram criadas convenções internacionais sobre o ambiente, que oferecem novas formas de intercâmbio, comércio e cooperação entre países. Mas a assimetria das relações entre as partes aponta para a necessidade de discutir soberania, sustentabilidade e segurança ambiental, conceitos centrais que sustentam a ordem ambiental internacional, o conjunto de acordos multilaterais sobre o ambiente. Por isso, é fundamental analisar as matrizes teóricas dos conceitos citados combinados com convenções internacionais elaboradas em reuniões de Cúpula, como as de Estocolmo, do Rio de Janeiro e a de Joanesburgo, para reforçar o diálogo na resolução de problemas internacionais. ; The combination of classical and contemporaneous authors of political geography allow us to analiser an international scale. International Conventions on Environment were created to regulate the different interests at stake. They offer new forms of interchange, commerce and cooperation among countries. However the asymmetric relationship among the parties exposes the need to discuss sovereignty, sustainability and environmental security, central concepts that maintain the international environmental order, the set of multilateral agreements on environment. For this reason, it is instrumental to examine the theoretical matrix of the above mentioned concepts in combination with the international conventions elaborated in Summits, such as the ones held in Stockholm, Rio de Janeiro and Johannesburg, to reinforce the dialogue in the resolution of international problems.

In recent decades, the International Cooperation for Development (ICD) has experienced alternative ways of implementation, integrating developed countries, developing countries and multilateral organizations in triangular arrangements. In a context of economic crisis, the limitations of ICD to promote development and the doubts on the fulfillment of the financial commitments of OECD donors, led to new roles and responsibilities for emerging economies in the international development tasks. They bet on more horizontal forms of cooperation, with approaches and practices a priori distinct from the traditional North-South Cooperation (NSC). For emerging countries such as Brazil, but also for other developing countries, Triangular Cooperation (TRC) is an instrument of support to South-South Cooperation (SSC) which allows to increase the scale of their projects, deepen their impact and explore complementarities with other countries and international organizations.

Introduction: The detection of pyrogens is essential for the quality control of injectable products. The Rabbit Pyrogen Test remains widely used, despite the existence of alternative methods such as the Monocyte Activation Test (MAT). Objective: To review the use of alternative methods for pyrogen testing, pointing out advances and perspectives from the recognition of MAT by the European pharmacopoeia and its acceptance for regulatory purposes in Brazil. Method: A search was performed on the PubMed and BVS databases, with further classification, categorization by topic and critical analysis of the results. Results: Twenty-four papers were identified, addressing topics such as applications of MAT, its validation and comparisons with in vivo tests. MAT presented better results when compared to other tests, both in the evaluation of biological products and in the detection of non-endotoxin pyrogens. Limitations to diffusion include difficulties in obtaining whole human blood as a source of monocytes, for which several alternatives have been proposed. Conclusions: MAT is a promising method, with application in safety evaluation of new technologies. Its application in Brazil depends on a national implementation policy, which might include greater integration between BraCVAM, Concea and RENAMA in search for its recognition for regulatory purposes. ; Introdução: A detecção de pirogênios é imprescindível no controle da qualidade de produtos injetáveis. O Teste de Pirogênio em coelhos ainda tem larga aplicação, apesar da existência de métodos alternativos como o Teste de Ativação de Monócitos (MAT). Objetivo: Revisar o uso dos métodos alternativos no teste de pirogênio, apontando avanços e perspectivas a partir do reconhecimento do MAT pela Farmacopeia Europeia e sua aceitação para fins regulatórios no Brasil. Método: Uma busca foi realizada nas bases PubMed e BVS, com posterior classificação, categorização por assuntos e análise crítica dos resultados. Resultados: Foram identificados 24 trabalhos, abordando temas como as aplicações do MAT, sua validação e comparação com testes in vivo. O MAT apresentou melhores resultados quando comparado a outros testes, tanto na avaliação de produtos biológicos como na detecção de pirogênios não-endotoxinas. Limitações para sua difusão incluem a dificuldade de obtenção de sangue total humano como fonte de monócitos, para o qual diversas alternativas têm sido propostas. Conclusões: O MAT se mostra um método promissor, com aplicação na avaliação da segurança de novas tecnologias. Sua aplicação no Brasil depende de uma política nacional de implantação, que inclua maior Integração entre BraCVAM, Concea e RENAMA na busca por seu reconhecimento para fins regulatórios.

The widespread of the COVID-19 pandemic has brought significant impacts on human relations, generating ample repercussions characterized by certain patterns of national and international relations. Taking this theme as a reference this paper is aimed to analyze the patterns of socio-political interaction in relation to the securitization of the COVID-19 pandemic in Canada and Brazil through a constructivist approach. The methodological basis of this research is characterized by an exploratory and descriptive nature according to its ends and as well as quali-quantitative to its means which is instrumentalized by the use of a comparative method and a discursive historical-theoretical-deductive logic. The results of the research indicate that the dynamics of national and international relations have become permeated during the pandemic by Lockean (competitive), Hobbesian (conflictive) and Kantian (consensual) the patterns of interaction due to an asymmetrical field of power that turns out to be more complex. It is concluded based on the results presented in the text that the interactional dynamics reported by Canada and Brazil demonstrate the convergence towards a negative apprehension of the COVID-19 pandemic in the social structure despite the different historical trajectories constructed on a Kantian pattern of relative consensus related to the decision-making processes in Canada in comparison to the Hobbesian pattern of intranational and international conflicts materialized in Brazil.

The objective of this study is to analyze some of the factors that influence the process of internationalization of Brazilian civil society as a partner for economic and social development in other countries, from the experience of the Non-Governmental Development Organization (NGDO) Viva Brazil Rio in Haiti. Although considered a successful experience, Viva Rio faced a number of obstacles in expanding its international reach, and was not yet followed by a similar movement from other Brazilian NGO's, despite support from the Brazilian government, the United Nations (UN) and other institutions from developed countries. By analyzing the ways by which the national government, international organizations, transnational corporations and NGDOs interact with Northern NGDOs of the global South, it becomes clear that the international capabilities of Brazilian NGDO's are still constrained due to the incipient internationalization of both Brazilian society and government.

O artigo trata da presente crise do capitalismo internacional, interessando-se pelo nexo entre seus aspectos propriamente econômicos e as questões políticas e institucionais que ela suscita. São discutidos alguns elementos de caráter cognitivo e metodológico importantes para uma agenda de pesquisa da crise, e em seguida é apresentado um panorama do processo de globalização neoliberal que caracterizou o mundo nas ultimas décadas e que está no centro da crise contemporânea. O artigo conclui com uma breve prospecção das mudanças que poderão advir da crise, sobretudo no que diz respeito à revalorização da política e ao fortalecimento do papel do estado. ; The article deals with the current crisis of world capitalism, relating its specifically economic aspects to political and institutional questions raised by the financial crash. It discusses some cognitive and methodological issues which are relevant for a research agenda of the process, followed by an overview of the development of neoliberal globalization. This model, which characterized the world during the last few decades, is in the heart of the contemporary economic problems. The article concludes with a brief prospect of the changes that may be stemming from the crisis, especially those related to the strengthening of politics and the state's role.

This paper analyzes the opportunities for greater participation of Brazilian police officers in United Nations peace operations, offering recommendations for facilitating such contributions and maximizing their impact with a view to Brazil's international profile. Following a presentation of the general evolution of peace operations with an emphasis on the rule of law component, the text introduces the tasks, doctrine and challenges of past police participation in these operations, using concrete examples, and discusses the national institutional arrangements that govern police components, including recruitment and training. The text's third section maps Brazilian internal processes, essentially in three phases: before, during and after deployment. The analysis begins with the selection process and training. Still before deployment, there is discussion of the provision of documents and health services to those deployed. Deployment itself is treated in some detail, with emphasis on officers' communication with Brazil and on legal and financial questions. The fourth and final section offers concrete policy recommendations for the continued utility of these contributions as an opportunity to strengthen Brazil's profile in an important international activity. The policy inputs are divided between the international, (Brazilian) federal and state levels.

Self-determination is a crucial concept in establishing the legitimacy of political communities in the international system, and thereby in constructing social identities and political loyalties. At the most general level, self-determination refers to an idea of a right to freedom. In international politics, it also refers to a norm on ways of bounding political communities. At the same time, what selfdetermination precisely means is contested and contingent. I argue that self-determination evolves today amidst a tension between the challenges of diversity and liberal peace dictates. While diversity has to do with varieties of cultural expression, socioeconomic organization and political status, liberal peace dictates concern global governance practices that tend to impose previous liberal models of democracy, development and human rights. The essay first presents the evolution of the meaning of self-determination in international politics. Then it addresses critical approaches upon contemporary liberal peace. The remaining sections analyze how contemporary self-determination movements present claims highly suggestive to rethink forms of political community, of state-community relation, and of participation in global governance structures.

Self-determination is a crucial concept in establishing the legitimacy of political communities in the international system, and thereby in constructing social identities and political loyalties. At the most general level, self-determination refers to an idea of a right to freedom. In international politics, it also refers to a norm on ways of bounding political communities. At the same time, what self-determination precisely means is contested and contingent. I argue that self-determination evolves today amidst a tension between the challenges of diversity and liberal peace dictates. While diversity has to do with varieties of cultural expression, socioeconomic organization and political status, liberal peace dictates concern global governance practices that tend to impose previous liberal models of democracy, development and human rights. The essay first presents the evolution of the meaning of self-determination in international politics. Then it addresses critical approaches upon contemporary liberal peace. The remaining sections analyze how contemporary self-determination movements present claims highly suggestive to rethink forms of political community, of state-community relation, and of participation in global governance structures.