Suchergebnisse

Three stages of Dutch research on women & politics are delineated: (1) early research aimed at filling the gaps in knowledge about women's political participation & attitudes; (2) in the second stage, research addressed issues raised by feminism & debates about the scope of the political, & (3) in a now emerging third stage, interest is renewed in the major concepts of the Western political tradition, in which the genderedness of concepts is at stake. This stage may lead to a new paradigm for the discipline, relinking normative with empirical concerns. It is precisely the dominance of the empirical tradition in the Netherlands that prevents the incorporation of insights derived from feminist theory in the analysis of political behavior; however, reappraisal of the normative dimension & the domain of the discipline may reverse this trend. 114 References. Modified AA

The introduction of women's suffrage did not lead to their proportional representation in the Dutch parliament; by the 1980s women occupied only about 25% of the seats in both chambers. A review of the literature suggests that research on this underrepresentation has usually focused on individual & institutional characteristics; however, problems of child care, the labor market, & other factors can make the political system inaccessible to women. Moreover, the selection processes of the political parties impede women's political advancement: decentralized procedures tend to minimize women's chances, while the imposition of quotas increases the likelihood of election of women candidates. 4 Figures, 41 References. M. Meeks

An alternative approach to studying the relationship between the working class & authoritarianism is presented to overcome the difficulties found in the debate between C. P. Middendorp's & J. D. Meloen's "Over het autoritarisme van de arbeidersklasse" ([Working-Class Authoritarianism] Acta Politica, 1989, 24, 83-96) & P. Dekker's & P. Ester's "Klassepositie als determinant van autoritarisme; een reactie op Meloen en Middendorp" ([Class Position as a Determinant of Authoritarianism; A Response to Meloen and Middendorp] Acta Politica, 1989, 24, 97-104). Analysis of statistical data compiled in A. Felling, et al (Religion in Dutch Society 1985. Documentation of a National Survey on Religious and Secular Attitudes in 1985, Amsterdam: Steinmetz Archive, 1987), shows that it is not the working class, but rather small independent businessmen & farmers, who are the most authoritarian segments of the Dutch population. 4 Tables, 21 References. M. Meeks

In contrast to US voters, whose behavior is explained in terms of party identification, controversial issues, & degree of trust in public officials, the behavior of Dutch voters is best analyzed in terms of their position on a Left-Right ideological continuum. Analysis of election data from 1970 studied in C. P. Middendorp's Progressiveness and Conservatism: The Fundamental Dimensions of Ideological Controversy and Their Relationship to Social Class (The Hague/New York: Mouton, 1978), as well as data from 1975, 1980, & 1985, reveals a difference between the actual position on this continuum & voter self-identification, dependent on internally defined philosophical variables. The Left-Right continuum can be expressed along two axes: (1) socioeconomic equality/inequality, & (2) libertarianism/authoritarianism. 6 Tables, 3 Figures, 43 References. M. Meeks

In response to Huib Pellikaan's "Rationele keuze, collectieve besluitvorming en de noodzaak van normen" ([Rational Choice, Collective Formation of Conclusions, and the Necessity of Norms] see SA 37:2/89U5338), criticisms are offered of the basic concepts of rationality & choice. In Eigenbelang, rationaliteit en interpersonele nutsvergelijking (Self-Interest, Rationality, and Use Comparison), Pellikaan offers rebuttals criticizing Van Deemen's terminological imprecision. 40 References. M. Meeks

A historical sketch is presented of how the relationship between Dutch political parties & newspapers has changed since the 1950s, when both relied on support from narrowly defined social class & religious groups. Depillarization & the emergence of a large segment of the electorate with variable party allegiance led to the independence of newspapers from political parties. Despite the diminished influence of newspapers on voting behavior during the 1980s, favorable newspaper comments toward a specific party correlate positively with a higher share of party voters among subscribers. It is concluded that, in contrast to the earlier situation, parties now are dependent on newspapers. 9 Tables, 1 Figure, 20 References. M. Meeks

The consistency between Karl Popper's political theory & his philosophy is analyzed based on a comparison of his anti-utopianism in The Open Society and Its Enemies. Vol. I, Plato (London, 1986) & The Poverty of Historicism (London, 1960). The dependence of his model of the open society on his special understanding of deontological liberalism is discussed, with special attention to his weak rebuttal to the counterarguments of utopianists. M. Meeks

In political participation research it is widely assumed that it is irrelevant on whose behalf a protest action is used, as claimed in A. Marsh's "Exploration in Unorthodox Political Behavior: A Scale to Measure 'Protest Potential"' (European Journal of Political Research, 1974, 2, 107-129). To investigate this claim, interview data were obtained from Dutch adults (N = 34) from 10 cities in 5 provinces on the acceptability of specific political acts, the extent to which they held firm opinions, & the degree to which a specific act would be acceptable in relation to a certain issue. A cursory analysis of data would uphold the commonly held claim; however, closer examination reveals that just over 50% of the responses were made according to the usual expectations. The results indicate that different rules for making decisions are employed not only among different people, but also by the same individual, depending on the issue. 11 Tables, 7 Figures, 3 Graphs, 11 References. Modified HA

It is argued that Max Weber's concept of charismatic leadership is useful in better understanding current political developments, using the example of the rise of the Ayatollah Khomeini & the religious establishment to revolutionary power in Iran during the 1960s & 1970s. Most analyses fall short in explaining the breakdown of the Iranian monarchy by relying too much on social factors that were characteristic of Iranian society long before it entered the revolutionary decades, & by failing to recognize the interrelationship among revolutionary developments. If the charismatic character of Khomeini's leadership is acknowledged, charisma reveals itself as the most central element in the revolution & the social, political, economic, & religious causes of the revolution become explicable as a by-product of this single fact. 4 Tables, 35 References. Modified AA

Although women's right to vote was achieved seventy years ago in the Netherlands, their political representation is still limited. One strategy to elect more women to office is to found women's parties, nominating only women as candidates. In 1918 ten women's parties existed, as compared to two in 1989. Data from party documents, newspapers, & interviews with members (N not given) identify key policy goals, especially implementation of a feminist ideology stressing the differences between men & women in political values. Electoral success is not to be expected in terms of a campaign victory on the national level, but rather of advancing larger representation for women's interests & needs. 2 Tables, 28 References. Modified HA

It is argued that contemporary Marxism is in a crisis from which it is not likely to recover. Nevertheless, discussion of Marxism in the context of contemporary political philosophy is appropriate for two reasons: (1) Marxists set the agenda for current political & philosophical debate; & (2) Marxism has recently, at least in the West, given rise to a new & lively debate about the value of fundamental Marxian notions such as the idea of historical materialism & exploitation by the so-called (& self-styled) "analytical Marxists." The Marxians have undertaken a critical evaluation of Marxist political philosophy & have departed from orthodox Marxism. The analytical Marxists have tried to rephrase & uphold the framework of Karl Marx's political & materialist philosophy or have taken it upon themselves to construct a new Marxist edifice of political philosophy, even to reconstruct the whole Marxist scheme. This analytical Marxism is discussed in detail, along with endeavors by Western Marxists & dissident Marxists in & from Eastern Europe to come to terms with actually existing socialist societies & their basic political tenets. 63 References. Modified HA

The approaches of Jurgen Habermas & Jean-Francois Lyotard are compared with respect to issues in ethics & the philosophy of law. Though both consider language to be both the pivot of & the means to sociopolitical action & events, they differ in their diagnoses about the pathology of politics & society. Their opinions about language, law, morality, & the role of philosophy, politics, & science are compared, & sketched against the background of their general philosophy. While Habermas is a strong defender of the Enlightenment project & maintains that it is possible to apply philosophical ideas in the interest of democratization & the nonviolent settlement of conflicts, Lyotard's postmodern philosophy is more skeptical, asserting that no metadiscourse can exist in the social world that would allow real mediation & conflict settlement. The paradoxes in Lyotard's "language-ontology" philosophy, of which he is well aware, are explored. 6 References. Modified HA

Rational-choice theory is the economic study of nonmarket decision making. The methodology of rational-choice is that of economics: methodological individualism, rationality, & Pareto efficiency. Rational-choice theory is a generic title for four different decision-making theories: collective action, public choice, social choice, & game theory. The distinction between these decision-making theories is the result of the development of the concept of rationality in classical & neoclassical economic theory. For nonmarket decisions (in contrast to market decisions), the economic criterion of Pareto efficiency is not attainable if individuals are behaving as rational utility maximizers. This is one of the main problems for rational-choice theory, described by the prisoner's dilemma game. Several solutions of this dilemma have been suggested, but none can be accepted as conclusive. It is asserted here that the methodological point of departure of rational-choice theory prohibits a solution for the dilemma, because the crux of the economic approach consists in the realization that it is impossible to attain the Pareto optimal. 3 Figures, 1 Schema, 48 References. Modified HA

It is often argued that new social movements, in contrast to earlier ones such as the Wc movement, should be analyzed primarily in terms of value change rather than of structural characteristics of movement participants. The influence of three major value types associated with new social movements -- postmaterialism, individualism & hedonism, & antimodernism -- on the Dutch peace movement is examined through research findings. Individualism & hedonism are unrelated or negatively related, & antimodernism is only weakly related, to the individual potential for new social movements; only postmaterialism is strongly related to it. Postmaterialism is itself primarily related to structural variables such as SC position & integration into institutions such as the Church & the private sector of the economy that reproduce existing social conditions. These findings call the current emphasis on values change into question. 4 Tables, 21 References. Modified HA