Suchergebnisse

The linguistic trinity policy, which has been implemented in Kazakhstan since its independence in the 1990s, is aimed at integrating translation into global processes. Kazakh-Russian bilingualism, caused by the historical and geopolitical proximity of the two countries, is now turning into trilingualism, joining up with English as the dominant language for international communication. Literary translation as a part of cross-cultural communication is also involved in social inclusion processes, contributing to the exchange of cultural values and a better understanding of modern multilingual Kazakhstani society. This article focuses on the issue of presenting Kazakh literature in translation through a mediating language and the research involves an analysis of culture-related lexemes as representations of a nomadic lifestyle in the mirror of intercultural communication. The authors highlight cultural and linguistic aspects of Kazakh transmitted from the mediatory Russian into the target English. Based on a review of previous findings on indirect literary translation, this article discusses whether a mediating language affects the inclusion of Kazakh culture in the globalization process.

This article seeks to revisit the French social space 30 years after Pierre Bourdieu first mapped it in Distinction. Using data from the International Social Survey Programme, it deploys geometric data analysis to construct a model of the space of class positions that is remarkably similar in its structure to that presented by Bourdieu despite three decades of economic transformation. The relationship with occupational groups and geographical space is also familiar, though gender and, to a greater extent, age are perhaps more prominent than when Bourdieu was writing. The article then goes on to demonstrate the multidimensional nature of symbolic violence, in the form of perception of one's place, and the manner in which social reproduction is misrecognised. On the latter point, it transpires that while there is recognition of unfair advantage, not only is faith in meritocracy the prevailing view but the dominated are the most likely to deny that having educated parents makes a difference to whether one 'gets ahead' or not.

The basic cognitive skill of numeracy is a recognized form of human capital, associated with economic and social well being for individuals and for nations. In this study, we explore how occupational complexity relates to proficiency in numeracy, among adults in full-time employment. We operationalize occupational complexity by constructing three measures of task complexity: complexity with data, complexity with people and complexity with things. Data from the international OECD survey of adult skills, 2012, is employed to investigate both the distribution of these three dimensions of occupational task complexity and how these relate to numeracy in 13 countries. The analysis indicates that data occupational complexity predicts numeracy scores, when controlling for age, gender and educational level. The findings open for a hypothesis that occupational activities may enhance basic skills in adult populations. If elaborated and supported through further studies this finding has practical implications for workplace organization and contributes to theoretical understandings of the development of basic skills in adults.

Under the Salazar regime, many Portuguese citizens spontaneously interacted with the secret police (PIDE), sending it letters of denunciation, prospective applications and petitions. The historians of theEstado Novo, by reducing the nature of the relations between the PIDE and society to its mechanisms of top-down repression, have overlooked the significance of the phenomenon. Drawing on the inputs of the international bibliography on accusatory practices and 'everyday life' under dictatorship, this article looks at the PIDE through the subjective perspectives of the individual citizens who approached it 'from below', thereby nuancing and complementing the established narrative of violence and repression. It focuses on the instrumentalisation of the PIDE by ordinary citizens as: an influential sponsor; an appropriable device of coercion; an instrument of private conflict resolution; a platform for collaborative interaction with the regime; an economic opportunity. The article also puts forward an interpretation of these 'everyday' interactions as part of a broader system of governance used by the authorities of the New State.

AbstractAnti‐consumption behaviours are frequently seen as an effective way for an individual to mitigate harm done to the natural world and foster sustainability. Despite explicit calls to investigate the drivers of anti‐consumption behaviours, the effect of cultural values on anti‐consumption remains under‐researched. Our research examines the influence of two antecedents, cultural values (individualism and collectivism), and self‐efficacy on anti‐consumption behaviours in an emerging country setting. Our results indicate that cultural values influence anti‐consumption behaviours. Consistent with our expectations, we found that collectivistic values positively influenced anti‐consumption behaviours. This relationship remained valid across anti‐consumption behaviours, such as voluntary simplicity and brand avoidance. Furthermore, beyond our initial expectation, this study demonstrated a positive indirect relationship between individualism and anti‐consumption, which is activated through the self‐efficacy pathway. These findings suggest that approaches for managing anti‐consumption behaviour do not work equally well in all cultures, and that managers may need to fine‐tune their international marketing strategies to ensure their effectiveness.

AbstractThe World Health Organization categorised the Corona virus as a public health emergency of international concern. As a result of this declaration, a raft of procedures to stem the spread of the virus to safeguard the health and safety of its citizens was enacted by the Australian Government. The promotion of social isolation and distancing were among these measures. The governmental social distancing measures put in place in Australia resulted in a curtailing of face-to-face work and moving to online service delivery for many agencies who provide counselling for children/young people who have experienced maltreatment. This article presents the findings of a review of the literature on the pertinent ethical issues in relation to online counselling. The results of the review highlighted common ethical issues discussed across the literature, with a major gap in the literature focusing on issues for children and young people and a continued privileging of the adult voice over children and young people's needs.

Family caregivers play an integral role in supporting patient self-management, yet how they perform this role is unclear. We conducted a qualitative metasynthesis of family caregivers' processes to support patient self-management of chronic, life-limiting illness and factors affecting their support. Methods included a systematic literature search, quality appraisal of articles, data abstraction, and data synthesis to produce novel themes. Thirty articles met inclusion criteria, representing 935 international family caregivers aged 18 to 89 years caring for patients with various health conditions. Three themes characterized family caregivers' processes to support patient self-management: "Focusing on the Patient's Illness Needs," "Activating Resources to Support Oneself as the Family Caregiver," and "Supporting a Patient Living with a Chronic, Life-Limiting Illness." Factors affecting family caregivers' support included Personal Characteristics, Health Status, Resources, Environmental Characteristics, and the Health Care System. The family caregiver role in supporting patient self-management is multidimensional, encompassing three processes of care and influenced by multiple factors.

Indigenous peoples have found the nationalist language of peoples' inherent right to self-determination helpful in articulating their political demands. Gerald Taiaiake Alfred's model of indigenous nationalism explains the emergence of this form of indigenous self-assertion as a reaction to settler-colonial incursions. However, it cannot account for the timing of its recent successes in unsettling the status quo of indigenous–settler-state relations. This article addresses this limitation by incorporating Michael Keating's concept of post-sovereignty, which highlights the supranational plane constraining states' freedom of action, while providing indigenous peoples with laws and norms above state level to appeal to. Additionally, Keating's concept of plurinationalism is drawn upon to capture the emerging reconfiguration of indigenous–settler-state relations. This combined conceptual framework is used to illuminate the Sámi people's relations to the Nordic states as expressive of emergent indigenous nationalism, formed in reaction to settler-colonialism and enabled by international norms, laws and global indigenous peoples' networks.

AbstractUntil recently, the Mongolian welfare system was entirely category based. However, a new food stamps programme funded by loans from the Asian Development Bank, which targets aid according to proxy means testing, has been introduced as part of the bank's aim to push Mongolia towards a fiscally sustainable welfare model. The food stamps programme is presented as efficient and responsible in contrast to Mongolia's universal child money programme. Based on long-term participant observation research in thegerdistricts of Ulaanbaatar, areas inhabited by many rural-urban migrants living in poverty, this paper compares the two programmes, interweaving street-level accounts of the experiences of residents and bureaucrats alike with the respective histories and funding sources of the two programmes. Doing so provides a multi-level analysis of the emergent welfare state in Mongolia, unpicking the 'system' thatgerdistrict residents encounter, linking the relative influence of international financial institutions to democratic and economic cycles, and offering a critique of the supposed efficiency of targeted welfare programmes.

Abstract
The primary objective of the US refugee resettlement program is for beneficiaries to achieve economic self-sufficiency. Yet, little research has examined the extent to which this objective has been achieved, nor the programmatic and contextual variables that influence this outcome. This study examines how beneficiaries' individual and job characteristics are associated with the likelihood of job retention after 90 days of employment. Data were obtained on 1787 refugees served by the International Institute of New England from March 2015 to January 2019. Logistic regression models were used to examine the predictors of retention in four cities (Boston, MA; Lowell, MA; Manchester, NH; and Nashua, NH). Different patterns emerged across cities, related to factors such as pay, educational level, legal immigration status, job permanency, and gender. The concept of self-sufficiency is closely linked to the context of resettlement and thus requires more careful articulation as a goal of the refugee resettlement program.

This article examines a previously un-researched aspect of nationalist politics, borderland contestation, national indifference and the politicisation of youth and cultural diplomacy in interwar Central Europe: the German–Polish 'summer vacation exchange for children' (Ferienkinderaustausch). The Versailles territorial settlement, which left nationalists in both countries in discontent about territories and minority groups remaining in the hands of the neighbour, formed the basis for this venture in cultural diplomacy. Each party gave the other the right to rally 'its youth' living on the other side of the border to travel to its 'motherland' for summer camp. Focusing on the case study of the heatedly contested industrial borderland of Upper Silesia, this article examines the German–Polish children's exchange on two levels. On the local level it examines how youth were rallied and transported to their 'motherland' for the summer and what treatment and experience they received. On the international level it explores the paradox of German–Polish cooperation and the conflict that was an inherent aspect of this venture.

Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to describe and analyse the development and content of the Vulnerable Adults Act 2018 (hereafter "the Act") in Singapore. It reports the parliamentary processes and deliberations.


Design/methodology/approach
A synthesis of publicly available research, policy documents, parliamentary debate, media reports and commentary.


Findings
The paper sets the Act's development and aims in Singapore's social and legal contexts. It notes the interface with other legislation and the focus of the Act on community and family abuse and neglect.


Research limitations/implications
The paper suggests some areas for research including how the Act is used and its impact and also points to areas where the Act does not apply.


Practical implications
The paper outlines new professional powers and responsibilities and the role of government and community-based organisations.


Originality/value
This paper provides an early account of the genesis and aims of the new legislation, its powers and administration. Also, international comparisons are drawn.

AbstractThis article reviews the legal and political science literatures on the extensive interpretation of the European fundamental freedoms and on possible ways out. The common market rules were originally laid down in an international treaty, the Treaty of Rome. In functional terms, this treaty became ade factoconstitution, implying that its content, including the fundamental freedoms, were constitutionalised. We review how this constitutionalisation constrains legislators at the Member State and European levels. In order to identify possible ways out, we also review several reform options: institutional reforms of the European judicial system; the de-constitutionalisation of the fundamental freedoms; counterbalancing these freedoms with further strengthened social rights; and contestation of over-constitutionalisation within the given primary law framework. We conclude that reform options are available that could gradually free the legislators from the over-constitutionalisation of the common market rules. Such options should become part of the 'Conference on the Future of Europe' process and debates about EU reforms in general, as more flexibility is warranted in a heterogeneous EU.

This essay extends themes in Adom Getachew's Worldmaking after Empire: The Rise and Fall of Self-Determination (2019) by introducing Iran as a mediating element in Cold War worldmaking. It recovers the story of Pahlavi Iran's diplomatic efforts during the Sixth Special of the United Nation General Assembly, which resulted in the declaration of the New International Economic Order. Getachew's book provides a framework to interpret these diplomatic efforts with greater precision. The same framework explains the Islamic Republic's internationalist policies in the 1980s. Worldmaking after Empire is less equipped, however, to explain the popular revolution separating different modes of Iranian statecraft between the 1970s and 1980s. This observation reveals the limits of the book's methodological approach—namely, its overemphasis on elites and its overinvestment in exactitude. These limits invite a revised approach to writing histories of anticolonial worldmaking. An alternate approach focuses on statecraft (exactitude) and popular politics (inexactitude) at once, echoing the simultaneous affi rmation of nation building and worldmaking in Getachew's theory of decolonization.

AbstractThis article takes advantage of three new big historical datasets to identify four salient features of the Chinese academe during the Republic of China. First, it was highly international in terms of training. Second, the proportion of female students was unexpectedly large. Third, there was a heavy emphasis on STEM subjects. Finally, the social and spatial origins of China's university students and university faculty members changed from a national population of civil servant families to business and professional families largely from Jiangnan and the Pearl River Delta. The datasets are the China University Student Dataset – Republic of China, which includes almost half of all students to graduate from a Chinese university during the first half of the 20th century; the China University Student Dataset – Overseas, which includes the vast majority of all Chinese students to graduate from a North American, European or Japanese university during this same period; and the China University Employee Dataset, which includes almost all university faculty members in China, 1941–1950.