Suchergebnisse

Reflects on the continuing evolution of the international system toward a third phase of capitalism that might achieve greater world unity & equality than in the 19th century. The historical growth of capitalism separated nation-states into a center & periphery. In the post-WWII period, capitalism entered a new phase in which production became disconnected from local contexts & capital became immune from national policies. It is unclear how the international system will evolve, but three types of relationships will structure the near future: center-periphery states, East-West, & between Western nations. Progressive forces should work toward a polycentric internationalism that seeks to link the nation-states of the international system on the basis of their level of development. D. M. Smith

The extent to which agents acting on behalf of the state are constrained by internal & external factors is examined. Literature on the influence of various factors on state decision making is reviewed, & constraints that affect state decision making on foreign policy are identified: agent views & inclinations; agent positions in the state structure; state political & legal foundations; & state economic, historical, & geographical position in relation to other states. International diplomatic standards, global law, international morality, different regimes, & global institutions also influence state decision making. Although none of the aforementioned constraints are absolutes, it is concluded that successful foreign policy requires the balancing of freedom & necessity. 34 References. J. W. Parker

Examines the growing threat of international terrorism, calling for a multinational legislative approach. It is argued that the key to such an approach, along with international cooperation in crime prevention & criminal justice, is the adoption of a legal definition of terrorism that can be enforced through domestic legislation. Efforts toward such a definition by the G7 countries plus Russia (P-8), including the 1995 Halifax (Nova Scotia) & Ottawa (Ontario) Summits, the 1996 Sharm el-Sheikh Summit, & International Crime Control Act, are analyzed. The recommendations of the 1996 Lyon & Paris (France) Ministerials for constructive engagement to promote change in certain countries are discussed. It is concluded that until nations beyond the P-8 implement these measures, they will be useless against terrorists increasingly driven by religious fanaticism. T. Arnold

Demonstrates that, as it has been implemented by international development agencies, the women in development (WID) regime, with its origins in modernist colonial discourses & discourses of the market, disempowers Third World women. Drawing on relevant literature, colonial discourses are described as privileging the economy, culture, society, & politics of European peoples & homogenizing & essentializing Third World peoples, particularly women. Moreover, the discourses of the market are taken to stress individualism & voluntary choice in a manner that disempowers Third World nations in the international political economy. It is shown that these discourses have been at the root of the WID regime as it has been implemented by the World Bank. The Third World women's, or empowerment, perspective is advocated as an alternative basis for development, because it is rooted in the concrete experiences of women & grassroots strategies of organization that do not essentialize or disempower the people it is trying to assist. D. M. Smith

Considers the impact of 1980s-1990s transformations in global financial markets on capitalist diversity. Financial markets are described as a central mechanism through which diverse market processes are brought together in a single web. Currently, financial markets are undergoing a transformation in which they are being integrated at a global level. This process has reduced the ability of national political structures to regulate & stabilize their markets. It has also seriously eroded capitalist diversity. While the proper solution to this situation may be the development of international-level regulatory solutions, these have not been developed because of political difficulties. Better forms of regulation will require a strong international coalition, considerable political & legal autonomy on the part of the negotiators, a narrow technical focus, & that it be enforceable. Without the institution of transnational regulation, it is likely that the transnational financial structure will be run by a private regime located in the financial markets themselves. D. Ryfe

Draws on women's narratives compiled as part of ethnographic work on development & fertility in India, & an analysis of the 1994 International Conference on population & development in Cairo, Egypt, to examine the hidden discourse of whiteness in international programs of population control. The deconstruction, or "provincializing," of whiteness involves challenging the purposes of schemes of progress created by nonnative interests & contextualizing discourses of emancipation/progress in colonialist/neocolonialist ideology. The political, social, & business aspects of the development industry are shown to focus on economic advantages for the West, as exemplified by the enormous financial benefits of family planning enjoyed by the contraceptive industry. The Cairo conference drew increased international attention to female fertility by reviving alarm over expanding populations & finite resources, while ignoring destructive overconsumption in First World nations. Feminist language was incorporated into the patriarchal discourse to present an illusion of the male leadership's cultural sensitivity. These discourses exemplify the maintenance of white power through an agenda of dominance over international media, development, & politics. 35 References. J. Lindroth

An examination of the growth, decline, & resurgence of the international women's movement focuses on how women's groups both reflect & help to shape world culture. Analysis of the discourse & actions of international women's organizations (WINGOs) reveal when women's issues became a global concern & how that concern changed the world polity. The history of the women's movement is traced through three chronological stages: the formative period (1850s-WWI), the interwar period, & post-1945 developments. What began as female-led moral crusades eventually became rationalized actions decreed by official world bodies on behalf of women. It is shown how the goals & structure of women's groups mirrored changes in conceptions of womanhood that advanced from notions of "protection" to principles of equality. Other issues include the proliferation & complexity of WINGOs in both highly developed & Third World regions; the impact of the International Labor Organization & UN groups on women's organizations; tensions between different women's groups; & national/regional factors that affect the international organizing agenda. 1 Figure. J. Lindroth

Über 40 Jahre dominierte der bipolare Konflikt des Kalten Krieges durch das "Gleichgewicht des Schreckens" die Weltpolitik. Gemäß dem "realpolitischen" Dogma standen Fragen der Macht bzw. die der "glaubwürdigen Drohung" in Zentrum der außenpolitischen Strategieüberlegungen. Dieses klassische Paradigma (eternal paradigma) ist mit den Revolutionen von 1989 theoretisch und praktisch in Wanken geraten. Der vorliegende Beitrag untersucht diesen Erosionsprozeß für die deutsche Außenpolitik. Die Ausführungen zeigen, daß von einem entscheidenden Bruch und Abweichen vom (neo)realistischen Paradigma für die deutschen Eliten nur bedingt die Rede sein kann; die grundlegenden politisch-strategischen Kalküle blieben/bleiben die gleichen. Revisionen erfolgten bei taktischen Fragen und der Wahl des politischen Instrumentariums. Der Autor diskutiert die Vor- und Nachteile dieser Kontinuität der deutschen Außenpolitik seit dem Zusammenbruch des Kommunismus. (ICE)

"This essay treats three major themes or questions that have emerged in the study of the politics of international migration. The first major theme revolves around the question of control, that is the role of the nation-state in establishing rules of entry and exit. To what extent can states control their borders? What are the factors that define the capacity and limits of control? These questions will lead us directly to the second major theme of the essay which is the impact of migration an international relations. How does migration affect the sovereignty and autonomy of the nation-state? What are the possibilities for controlling or managing migration at the international, as opposed to the domestic, level? What is the relationship between migration, national security, and foreign policy. And why do states "risk migration?" The third theme to be explored is intricately related to the first two. It revolves around the issue of incorporation, specifically the impact of immigration on citizenship, the social contract, and the polity itself. How do emigration and immigration affect the political behavior of individuals, natives as well as migrants? What role does the state play in incorporating immigrants into society and the economy? And what is the relationship between social and political citizenship? These questions lead inevitably to discussions of national identity, citizenship, and rights, which are at the heart of the way in which every polity defines itself. The final section of the essay will link these three themes (control, sovereignty and incorporation) together, focusing on political explanations for international migration and the role of the state in encouraging or discouraging migration. Demarcating the politics of international migration is a first and essential step to talking across the disciplines." (extract)

Examines how the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) was able to convince states to adopt humanitarian rules of war laid out by the first Geneva Convention. Exploration of the theoretical arguments underlying humanitarian principles focuses on their desirability from an individual perspective, as well as the threat they pose to sovereignty & traditional understandings about international politics. A world-cultural argument is used to explain the context in which the Red Cross succeeded, arguing that functional & interest-related explanations are insufficient. War is viewed as an organized cultural institution with changing rules &, since state & personal survival conflict during war, other social/cultural values are needed to motivate soldiers to risk their lives. Cultural models also determine the "right" way to fight, & these rules of war have become increasingly globalized. An overview is presented of the origin, content, & spread of the rules of warfare contained in the Geneva Conventions, maintaining that the worldview & moral code expressed in this early period impacted all subsequent ICRC humanitarian efforts. J. Lindroth