Suchergebnisse

Pitanje mogućnosti formiranja ekološkog pokreta u Srbiji u kontekstu postsocijalistiĉke transformacije društva i procesa evrointegracija, predstavlja predmet bavljenja ove doktorske disertacije. Rad se sastoji iz tri veće celine i poglavlja u kome su izneta zakljuĉna razmatranja. U prvom delu rada, razvijeni su uporedno-istorijski, kontekstualni, konceptualni i metodološki okvir istraţivanja, kao polazne osnove za dalje analize. Kako bi mogle biti obuhvaćene sve relevantne dimenzije kompleksnog fenomena ekološkog pokreta i sloţena mreţa ĉinilaca koji utiĉu na njegov nastanak i razvoj, u istraţivanju su kombinovano korišćene razliĉite metodološke tehnike: anketno ispitivanje stavova i praksi na reprezentativnom uzorku graĊana Srbije (N=1952) i predstavnika lokalnih samouprava (N=232), polustrukturisani intervjui sa predstavnicima nevladinih organizacija (N=44), kao i dve studije sluĉaja zajednica sa izraţenim ekološkim problemima - Panĉeva i Bora. Drugi deo rada je posvećen opisu i analizi pojedinaĉnih elemenata ekološkog pokreta: ekoloških aktivista, ekoloških grupa / organizacija, ekoloških mreţa, kolektivnog identiteta i ekoloških konflikata. Na osnovu detaljne analize karakteristika osnovnih elemenata pokreta, u zakljuĉnom poglavlju drugog dela rada daje se odgovor na pitanje: da li u Srbiji postoji ekološki pokret? Osnovni istraţivaĉki nalaz je da u Srbiji nije došlo do formiranja klasiĉnog participativnog tipa ekološkog pokreta, kakav je prisutan u zemljama Zapada. TakoĊe, nema ni naznaka znaĉajnijeg prisustva elemenata transakcionog ekološkog aktivizma (pokreta), ĉiji je prisustvo zabeleţeno u zemljama Centralne Evrope. Umesto toga, svedoci smo razvoja specifiĉnog modela ekološkog kolektivnog delanja koji smo nazvali "ekološkim trećim sektorom". Naime, za razliku od participativnog i transakcionog delanja, koji imaju naglašeno politiĉku dimenziju, aktivnosti organizacija u okviru trećeg sektora su preteţno "apolitiĉne" po karakteru, usmerene na pruţanje usluga u oblastima iz kojih se, u sklopu neoliberalnih reformi, drţava povukla. Pored nerazvijenosti konfliktne (politiĉke) dimenzije, ekološki treći sektor odlikuje i atomizovano delanje profesionalnih ekoloških organizacija, koje samo izuzetno (pod spoljnim pritiscima ili podsticajima) uspostavljaju fiziĉke veze (mreţe) meĊu sobom, dok se na planu kolektivnog identiteta razvija samo kognitivna dimenzija (formalno prihvatanje odreĊenih ekoloških vrednosti i naĉela koja ĉine sastavni deo ekološkog diskursa dominantnog na Zapadu). GraĊani, po pravilu, nisu ukljuĉeni u rad ovih organizacija, izuzev kao korisnici usluga. U trećem delu rada se razmatraju razlozi usled kojih ne dolazi do razvoja participativnog i/ili transakcionog ekološkog pokreta (aktivizma). Za potrebe objašnjenja nastanka specifiĉne hibridne forme ekološkog trećeg sektora, kreiran je sintetiĉki eksplanatorni model koji kombinuje elemente razvijene u okviru razliĉitih teorijskih pristupa fenomenu društvenih pokreta. Eksplanatorna shema je formulisana na sledeći naĉin: za pokretanje kolektivnog delanja i nastanak ekološkog pokreta neophodno da prethodno budu ispunjeni sledeći uslovi: potrebno je da postoji izvesno socijalno-konstruisano nezadovoljstvo (problem) kod većeg broja pojedinaca / profesionalnih zastupniĉkih organizacija (socijalno-konstruktivistiĉka reinterpretacija klasiĉnih pristupa); zatim, grupa pojedinaca koja oseća dati problem / zalaţe se za njegovo rešavanje, mora posedovati odreĊene resurse za pokretanje i odrţavanje 5 kolektivne akcije (pristup teorije mobilizacije resursa); šire okruţenje treba da bude relativno povoljno kako bi nagovestilo mogućnost pozitivnog ishoda aktivnosti koja se ţeli realizovati (pristup strukture politiĉkih mogućnosti), a vrednosni okvir na takav naĉin podešen da usmerava na delanje predstavnike profesionalnih ekoloških organizacija i / ili neposredno ugroţenu populaciju (nezadovoljne) i (eventualno) širi krug podrţavalaca (pristup Novih društvenih pokreta). Na proces formiranja ekološkog pokreta, kroz ĉetiri neposredna faktora (socijalna-konstrukcija ekoloških rizika, dostupnost i karakteristike resursa, struktura politiĉkih mogućnosti, vrednosni sistem),indirektno deluju širi društveni procesi - postsocijalistiĉka transformacija i evropeizacija srpskog društva, kao i ĉinioci duţeg trajanja ((pred)socijalistiĉko nasleĊe). Testiranje postavljenih eksplikativnih hipoteza je pokazalo da ni jedan od uslova neophodnih za formiranje ekološkog pokreta, nije delimiĉno ili u potpunosti zadovoljen. Postojeći ekološki problemi su dominantno odreĊeni u kategorijama niskog rizika i male vaţnosti u odnosu na druga društvena pitanja, usled ĉega je i njihov podsticajni kapacitet za kolektivnu (re)akciju bitno sniţen. Pored toga, vladajuće shvatanje prema kome u ekološkoj modernizaciji leţi rešenje za gotovo sve ekološke probleme, pokazuje se kao ĉinilac koji nepovoljno utiĉe na graĊanski aktivizam, jer upućuje na pasivno išĉekivanje uvoĊenja obećanih mehanizama odrţivog razvoja. Većini graĊana na raspolaganju stoji vrlo ograniĉena koliĉina resursa, usled ĉega, u velikom broju sluĉajeva, oni odustaju od uĉešća u ekološkim akcijama. Ekološke organizacije, takoĊe, imaju poteškoća da obezbede neophodne resurse za rad, a dodatni problem predstavlja i naĉin njihove mobilizacije, usled kojeg gube samostalnost postajući zavisne od stranih izvora finansiranja. Kao posledica, ekološko delanje je atomizovano, a rivalitet i konflikti unutar ekološkog civilnog sektora, naglašeni; ekološke mreţe se teško formiraju i odrţavaju, kolektivni identitet je slab (nad njim prevagu odnose partikularni interesi), a kritiĉko delovanje ekoloških organizacija, nerazvijeno. Struktura politiĉkih mogućnosti se, uprkos postojanju relativno povoljnog zakonskog okvira, pokazuje zatvorenom prema uĉešću graĊana u donošenju odluka. GraĊani percipiraju predstavnike vlasti kao neprijemĉive za njihove potrebe, što se nepovoljno odraţava na njihovu spremnost da se organizuju i pokušaju da nametnu svoje zahteve. S druge strane, ekološke organizacije su iskljuĉene iz procesa odluĉivanja i svedene na ulogu asistenata u podizanju kapaciteta drţave za sprovoĊenje programa u oblasti zaštite ţivotne sredine. Konfliktno delanje organizacija je ograniĉeno, s jedne strane, time što ne dobijaju podršku moćnih aktera (meĊunarodne ekološke organizacije, strani donatori), a sa druge, finansijskim uslovljavanjem od strane drţavnih struktura. Karakteristike kulturološkog konteksta se, takoĊe, pokazuju nepovoljnim za razvoj ekološkog pokreta u Srbiji. Dominacija materijalistiĉkog sistema vrednosti i s njim povezano visoko vrednovanje ekonomskog razvoja, koje u senci ostavlja ekološke probleme, negativno utiĉe na ekološko aktiviranje graĊana. Ipak, uprkos preteţno materijalistiĉkoj vrednosnoj orijentaciji, graĊanima su vrlo bliske vrednosti Nove ekološke paradigme. MeĊutim, od naĉelnog prihvatanja vrednosti karakteristiĉnih za ovu paradigmu do aktivnog delanja, u kontekstu materijalne oskudice, put je dug i vrlo neizvestan. Zakljuĉno poglavlje je posvećeno rezimiranju i diskusiji empirijskih nalaza, kao i razmatranju širih implikacija nerazvijenosti ekološkog pokreta na zaštitu ţivotne sredine u Srbiji. ; he environmental movement in Serbia, in the context of post-socialist transformation and the EU integration process. The paper consists of three major parts and the concluding chapter. In the first part a comparative - historical, contextual, conceptual and methodological framework of the research is developed, as a starting point for the further analyses. In order to capture all relevant dimensions of the complex phenomenon of environmental movement and the composite set of factors that influence its emergence and development, the study is using a combination of different methodological techniques: a survey of attitudes and practices based on a representative sample of Serbian citizens (N = 1952) and local government representatives (N = 232), in parallel with the semi-structured interviews with representatives of non-governmental organizations (N = 44), and the two case studies of communities with serious environmental problems – the municipalities of Pancevo and Bor. The second part contains the description and analysis of individual elements of the environmental movement: environmental activists, environmental groups / organizations, environmental networks, collective identity and environmental conflicts. Based on a detailed analysis of the characteristics of the key elements of environmental movement, the concluding chapter of this part of the paper offers an answer to the question - is there an environmental movement in Serbia? The main research finding is that participatory type of environmental movement that is typical for the Western countries has not been formed in Serbia. There are even no indications of the existence of significant elements of transactional environmental activism (movement), that is present in the countries of Central Europe. Instead, we are witnessing the development of a distinct model of collective environmental action that we have named "the third environmental sector". Different from the participative and transactional activism which have an emphasized political dimension, the nature of the activities of the third sector organizations is mostly "non-political", aimed at providing services in those areas that the state has withdrew from, in the context of neo-liberal reforms. In addition to the underdeveloped conflict/political dimension, the environmental third sector is characterized by atomized actions of professional environmental organizations, which establish physical connections (networks) among themselves only as an exception (under external pressures or incentives), while at the level of collective identity only the cognitive dimension is being developed (the formal acceptance of the environmental values and principles which form an integral part of the environmental discourse dominant in the West). Citizens, as a rule, are not included in the work of these organizations, except as users of services. In the third part, the reasons for the absence of the participatory and / or transactional environmental movement (activism) are discussed. In order to explain the emergence of the specific hybrid form of the environmental third sector, a synthetic explanatory model was established, combining elements developed within different social movement theories. The explanatory scheme has been formulated as follows: for the launch of collective action and the emergence of the environmental movement certain conditions are necessary to be met - a certain level of socially-constructed 8 dissatisfaction (problem) needs to be generated in large numbers of individuals / professional advocacy organizations (social constructivist reinterpretation of classical approaches); then, a group of individuals who perceive the problem / advocates for its solution must possess appropriate resources to initiate and sustain a collective action (the Resource Mobilization Theory approach); the wider context should be relatively favorable as to suggest the possibility of a positive outcome of the action (the Political Opportunities Structure approach); the value framework should be set up in such a way to initiate the action of professional environmental organizations and / or the directly affected population, and possibly also of a wider circle of supporters (the New Social Movements approach). Through the four direct factors (social – construction of environmental risks, the availability and characteristics of resources, the structure of political opportunities, the value system), the process of development of the environmental movement is indirectly affected by wider-scale social processes – the post-socialist transformation and Europeanization of Serbian society, as well as by the factors of longer duration ((pre-) socialist heritage).The testing of the set of explicative hypotheses showed that the necessary pre-conditions for the formation of the environmental movement in Serbia have neither been fully, nor even partially met. In comparison with other issues, the existing environmental problems are dominantly defined in the terms of low-risk and low-importance, due to which their capacities to induce collective (re)action are significantly reduced. In addition, the prevailing concept of environmental modernization, presented as a solution to almost all environmental problems, proves to be a factor that adversely affects civic activism, as it leads to passive anticipation of the promised introduction of mechanisms for sustainable development. Since the majority of citizens have access only to very limited resources, they, in many cases, tend to give up their participation in environmental actions. Environmental organizations also face difficulties in obtaining necessary resources for their operation. An additional problem lies in the way resources are being mobilized: becoming increasingly dependent on foreign funding, organizations tend to lose their autonomy. As a result, the environmental action is atomized and rivalries and conflicts within the environmental civil society accentuated; environmental networks are difficult to establish and maintain and the collective identity is weak (due to domination of particular interests); the conflictual dimension of environmental organizations remains undeveloped. Despite the relatively favorable legal framework, the structure of political opportunities seems closed to the participation of citizens in the decision-making process. Citizens perceive government representatives as unresponsive to their needs, which negatively affects their readiness to act in an organized way and to attempt to impose their demands. On the other hand, environmental organizations are excluded from the decision-making process and reduced to the assisting role in the capacity building of the state bodies for the implementation of programs in the field of environmental protection. Conflicting action of such organizations is limited, on the one hand by the lack of support from powerful actors (international environmental organizations, international donors), and on the other - by the financial preconditions imposed by the state authorities. The characteristics of the cultural context also appear to be unfavorable for the development of the environmental movement in Serbia. The dominance of the materialistic value system and the related high priority attributed to the economic 9 growth, leaves the environmental problems on the margins, thus negatively affecting the environmental activation of citizens. However, despite the predominantly materialistic value orientation, the values of the New environmental paradigm are very familiar to the citizens. Still, in the context of material insecurity, the road from the general acceptance of such values to active action towards reaching them, is long and very uncertain. The concluding chapter is devoted to summarizing and discussing the empirical findings, as well as to considerations of implications of the under-developed environmental movement to the overall state of environmental protection in Serbia.

The subject of this dissertation relates to the study of psychosocial characteristics of military servicemen. The military profession implies significant social and personal responsibilities, requires discipline and unconditional compliance with the hierarchy of the military organization, willingness to be transferred if required, possible separation from the family, changing work environment and difficult working conditions, sometimes hazardous to health and life, and often quoted is also a limited freedom to express personal opinions and to participate in trade unions and politics. The military profession has undergone numerous transformations in the contemporary environment. Family tradition, which contributes to the development of the personality profile that predisposes a person to successful military service, has also undergone significant changes. The question is what represents the capacity of the individual to adapt to the military profession in the modern military organization, and what factors contribute to a successful military career. The success rate assessment is important for gaining insight into the proper balance of actual skills, knowledge and behavior patterns of officers possessing the desired standards in the defense system, set by the government and various requirements of international integration processes. Apart from rewarding the work, an adequate success rate assessment is important for personnel development planning, conception and evaluation of educational programs, HR policies, and is particularly important as a validation of selection procedures and in terms of enhancing complexity of the selection criteria for admission to the military (Pajević, 2006). In the military practice thus far, the officers' success has been perceived through the officer's rank, level of education / training, awards, duties that the officer has performed or is currently performing. Family environment, financial solvency and resolved housing issues have been used as the data complementing the picture of the officer, without a deeper analysis of the connection of these factors with motivation and success in the military profession. The PhD dissertation Family Context, Authoritarianism and Success Rate in the Military Profession deals with the success rate of the military profession performance from the perspective of the family and its role in the professional selection, advancement and success. The family context is considered to be both the family of origin and the current officer's family, more precisely, the emotional quality of partner relations. The family of origin is considered through the perceived parental upbringing practices towards children (acceptance and rejection). The current officer's family is considered as a modern institution that meets numerous psychological needs, such as affiliation, loyalty, protection, union, support and intimacy. The quality of emotional relations in partnerships is assessed on the basis of subjective evaluation of mutual respect, communication, understanding, acceptance and agreement in daily emotional partner relations (current families of officers). The main objective of the research is to determine the parameters associated with success in the military profession. In the core of the research is the family, i.e. the perceived parental upbringing styles and practices in the family of origin and their contribution in shaping the personality of a person whose professional choice is the military vocation, performed with more or less success. In addition, the relations between these parameters and the quality and satisfaction with partnerships have been studied, as well as the ways those partnerships contribute to the satisfaction and success in the military profession. Specifically, we were interested whether the contribution of the current partnership to the satisfaction and success in the military profession is more significant than the contribution of the family of origin. A particularly important aim of the research was to study the contribution of upbringing styles and practices in the family of origin in shaping the authoritarian personality structure, as well as the connection between authoritarianism and the parameters of success in the military profession. The study used the Questionnaire on Success in the Military Profession (designed for research purposes), Parental Acceptance/Rejection Questionnaire - PARQ (Rohner, 1984), Revised F scale of authoritarianism (Rot and Havelka, 1973) and Dyadic Adjustment Scale - DAS (Spanier, 1976) to assess the emotional quality of partnerships. The reliability of the applied tools is high (Cronbach's alpha coefficients range from 0.744 to 0.893). The sample is purposive and composed of the Serbian Armed Forces officers (443 in total), divided into three subsamples (successful, average, and unsuccessful) in accordance with the criteria set by the Ministry of Defense and the Serbian Armed Forces. The correlation analysis results have shown a statistically significant positive correlation between the perception of the parental acceptance (mother, father), on the one hand, and educational and professional success, positive perception of the job and people, good cooperation and communication with both superiors and subordinates, on the other hand. Also, a statistically significant negative correlation between the authoritarian personality structure – authoritarianism, and the criteria of objective and subjective success was found. The respondents with higher levels of authoritarianism are more commonly found in the lower ranks and have lower performance grades, while the respondents with average (lower) levels of authoritarianism have higher ranks and higher performance grades. The respondents with higher levels of authoritarianism assessed the cooperation with the subordinates in helping to resolve personal problems with higher scores. In addition, it has been determined that there are complex relations between the conformity of intimate partners and success in performing their jobs. A statistically significant correlation between the conformity of the partners and the objective elements of success was determined. Officers with higher performance grades perceive a greater cohesion in partnerships, while the lower ranked officers of more satisfied with agreement in the partnership dyad and emotional expression. Also, there was a statistically significant correlation found between the conformity of intimate partners and the subjective success rates. The respondents with higher self-assessment of their professional performance, knowledge of the rules and regulations of the military service, good relations with the subordinates are more satisfied in the partnership dyad. A statistically significant correlation between the perceived parental acceptance / rejection and authoritarianism was determined. The respondents who perceive their parents as rejecting and hostile have a more pronounced authoritarian personality structure. Also, the respondents who assessed their parents as accepting have established a better conformity with their intimate partners in all aspects. The results of multiple regression analysis show that authoritarianism is a significant predictor of the objective success rate, while the emotional quality of partner relations is a significant predictor of the subjective success in the military profession. The obtained results conform with all of the hypotheses and previous research suggesting that the professional success depends on a proper balance between the family and professional roles. In addition, the results and conclusions can be further developed on the basis of research of other relevant factors of professional success, such as: psychological personality profile, system of values, social and emotional intelligence, communication skills. Also, the results enhance the knowledge about the factors of the general professional success, including the military profession (especially in terms of the development of authoritarian personality structure from the perspective of the parental acceptance / rejection theory, as well as the importance of the emotional quality of partner relations) in order to implement them in the military education curricula (primarily in the Military psychology subject) and training plans for the Ministry of Defense and the Serbian Armed Forces personnel, innovation in the selection processes and modification of the psychological selection criteria, and career management.

Ovo empirijsko istraživanje zasnovano je na analizi literature koju je sproveo Stergiou (2017). Cilj istraživanja usmeren je na merenje kvaliteta obrazovnog rada, nastavnog materijala i aktivnosti univerzitetskih nastavnika u Grčkoj, na osnovu povratnih informacija dobijenih od njihovih diplomiranih studenata. U istraživanju je primenjen upitnik. Uzorak se sastojao od 388 diplomaca, studenata ASPETE programa iz Soluna, akademske 2017/2018. i 2018/2019. Godine. Ispitanici su, pored svojih deklarisanih demografskih karakteristika, na skali od pet tačaka davali odgovore za svaku od 27 stavki koje opisuju aspekte kvaliteta obrazovnog rada, nastavnog materijala i aktivnosti, kao i nastavnih metoda svojih univerzitetskih nastavnika (1 – nimalo; 2 – veoma malo; 3 – prilično; 4 – mnogo; 5 – veoma mnogo). Rezultati pokazuju da diplomci smatraju kako njihovi univerzitetski nastavnici dobro poznaju sadržaj kurseva, te da su dosledni tokom predavanja (praćenje rasporeda i zadovoljavajuća priprema). Studenti su dali prosečne ocene svojim nastavnicima u 20 od 27 kriterijuma kvaliteta univerzitetskog nastavnika. Nastavnici su ocenjeni ispod proseka za organizaciju aktivnosti čiji je cilj aktivno učešće studenata u radu u učionici, davanje uvoda i rekapitulacija nastave u učionici, povezivanje nastavnih metoda sa profesionalnim okruženjem (sa tržištem rada), povezivanje sadržaja izučavanih kurseva sa drugim kursevima i korišćenje radnih resursa (npr. radnih listova, pokaznog materijala) koji olakšavaju učenje. Faktorska analiza pokazala je da sva pitanja imaju visoko opterećenje na jednoj faktorskoj osi – univerzitetskoj pedagogiji (F1, Kronbah α = 0,947, 42% ukupne varijanse), dok su dve druge ose specijalizovane za konkretna polja: jedna za savetodavno-mentorsku ulogu univerzitetskog nastavnika (F2, Kronbah α = 0,879, 24% ukupne varijanse), a druga za nauku i stručnost (F3, Kronbah 0,741, 13% ukupne varijanse). Hijerarhijskom klaster analizom izdvojile su se četiri grupe diplomaca. Prva (C1) obuhvata 16,8% uzorka, druga (C2) 33%, treća (C3) 41,5% i četvrta (C4) 8,8% diplomaca. Klaster C1 sastoji se od pojedinaca koji vrednuju pedagošku kompetenciju i pedagoško obrazovanje svojih univerzitetskih nastavnika, kao i njihovu primarno naučnu orijentaciju i profesionalizam, dok u potpunosti negiraju njihovu mentorsko-savetodavnu ulogu. Grupu C2 čine diplomirani studenti koji u dovoljnoj meri uvažavaju mentorsko-savetodavnu ulogu svojih nastavnika, ali imaju negativno mišljenje o njihovim pedagoškim i didaktičkim aspektima. Diplomci koji pripadaju C3 grupi daju prosečnu ocenu kako pedagogiji nastave i pedagoškom obrazovanju svojih nastavnika, tako i njihovoj primarno naučnoj orijentaciji i profesionalizmu, dok misle da njihovi nastavnici nisu uspeli u svojoj mentorsko-savetodavnoj ulozi. Najzad, najmanji klaster C4 čine diplomci koji iako smatraju da pedagogija nastave i nastavne veštine njihovih nastavnika nisu adekvatne i ne veruju u njihove naučne veštine i profesionalizam, ipak prepoznaju njihov skroman doprinos kao savetnika i mentora koji su im pomogli da steknu predstavu o profesiji kojom bi želeli da se bave i da se tome prilagode. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju da većina studenata daje nisku ocenu nastavnicima grčkih univerziteta u gotovo svim aspektima univerzitetske pedagogije, što ukazuje na odsustvo pedagoških i didaktičkih veština nastavnika. Ovaj rezultat je očekivan, zbog nepostojanja kvalifikovane obuke za nastavnike. To, zapravo, uopšte nije preduslov za započinjanje akademske karijere i ne postoji akademska ustanova koja bi im omogućila da steknu pedagoške i didaktičke kompetencije. Usaglašenost sa dobrom praksom drugih evropskih zemalja trebalo bi da bude strateški izbor obrazovne politike u cilju modernizacije grčkih univerziteta u ovoj oblasti i da se to čini sveobuhvatnije i efikasnije. ; This is a questionnaire based empirical research designed to measure the quality of educational work, teaching material and activities of Greek University teachers, based on their graduates' feedback. The sample consisted of 388 graduates, all students of the ASPETE programs of Thessaloniki, for the academic years 2017-2018 and 2018-2019. The subjects, in addition to their declared demographic characteristics, answered, on a five-point scale (1 – not at all, 2 − very little, 3 − quite, 4 − much, 5 − very much), the 27 items (criteria) describing the aspects of educational work quality, teaching material and activities and teaching methods of their academic teachers. Results showed that graduates perceive that their academic teachers had a good knowledge of the courses content and they were consistent during teaching courses (timetable observation and satisfactory preparation). Students gave moderate scores to their teachers in 20 out of the 27 quality criteria of an academic teacher. Teachers were rated below average in the organization of activities aiming at actively involving the students in the classroom, providing them with the introduction and recapitulation of their classroom teaching, linking their teaching methods to the professional environment (the labour market), linking the content of the studied courses with other courses and the use of labour resources (e.g. worksheets, demonstration materials) that facilitate learning. Factor analysis showed that all questions were highly loaded on one factorial axis, University Pedagogy (F1, Cronbach's α = 0.947, 42% of the total variance), while the two other axes were specialized in the fields, one in the Advisory- Mentor Role of the academic teacher (F2, Cronbach's α = 0.879, 24% of the total variance) and the other in Science and Professionalism (F3, Cronbach's 0.741, 13% of the total variance). Hierarchical Cluster Analysis highlighted four groups of graduates. The first (C1) includes 16.8% of the sample, the second (C2) 33%, the third (C3) 41.5% and the fourth (C4) 8.8% of the graduates. Cluster C1 consists of individuals who appreciated the value of pedagogical competence and teaching training of their university teachers as well as their scientific background orientation and professionalism while their mentoring-advisory role was completely deprecated. C2 consists of graduates who, while appreciating enough the mentor-advisory role of their teachers, have a negative view of their pedagogical and didactic training. C3 grades moderately both the teaching pedagogy and teaching training of their university teachers as well as their scientific background orientation and professionalism, while they think that their teachers have failed their mentor-advisory role. Finally, the smallest cluster C4, although it considers teaching pedagogy and teaching skills of their teachers inadequate, and does not believe in their science skills and professionalism, it recognizes a modest contribution as advisors and mentors who helped them get an idea of the profession they would like to follow and adapt to it. In conclusion, Greek university teachers are low-rated by the majority of students in almost all aspects of University Pedagogy, indicating the absence of their pedagogical and didactic training skills. This result was expected, due to absence of qualified teacher training. Indeed, it is not a prerequisite for entering the academic career and there is no academic institution offering them pedagogical and didactic competence. The compliance with good practices from other European countries should be a strategic educational policy choice in order to modernize Greek universities in this area and to do so more comprehensively and effectively. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

학위논문 (석사)-- 서울대학교 대학원 : 정치학과, 2012. 2. 박찬욱. ; 본 연구는 1970년대 이후 미국의 통상정책 결정과정에서 주된 절차적 기제로 작용해온 신속처리절차(Fast-track procedures)가 2002년 무역법을 통해 무역증진권한(Trade Promotion Authority; TPA)으로 재입법되는 과정의 동학을 의회-행정부 관계를 중심으로 설명하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 신속처리절차는 대통령이 비관세장벽 관련 내용이 포함된 무역협정을 체결하고 이행법안을 의회에 제출하면 양원은 수정안 제출 없이 가부만을 결정해서 90일내에 처리해야 한다는 규정으로 1974년 무역법에서 처음 도입된 이래 30년 간 미국의 무역정책결정과정에서 중요한 위치를 차지해왔다. 하지만 자유무역정책에 대한 양당의 합의가 약해지면서 1994년 만료되었고, 2002년 8월 6일 부시 대통령이 법안에 서명을 하면서 8년 만에 통상정책결정과정에 다시 등장했다. 그렇다면 어떠한 맥락에서 클린턴 행정부 시기에는 부결되었던 연장 법안이 부시 행정부 때는 성공할 수 있었을까? 기존의 연구들은 1997년과 2001년 표결 분석을 통해 의원 차원에서 이익집단ㆍ유권자들과의 관계, 정당 차원에서 단점정부를 그 요인으로 지적한다. 하지만 입법과정에서 의회의 행태는 의원 개인, 정당 두 차원 외에도 행정부와의 관계에서 입법부로서의 의회를 강화하고자 하는 유인의 영향을 받는데 본 논문은 마지막 차원에 주목한 설명을 제시하고자 한다. 즉 의회는 국내외 경제적 상황, 유권자와 이익집단에 대한 고려, 행정부 등 다양한 요구에 대응하는 과정에서 입법부로서의 지위 강화를 위해 행정부와의 관계에서 개입을 증대하는 동시에 실패했을 경우에 부담해야 하는 비난, 지지기반의 이탈과 같은 손실을 최소화하는 방향으로 정책을 입안하려고 했고, 그 결과로 2002년에 무역증진권한이 다시 입법되었다는 것을 보이고자 한다. 입법 과정을 보면 초기에는 기존 연구 결과에서 나타나듯 의원 개인의 차원에서는 재선을 위해 유권자와 이익집단을 고려했고 정당 차원에서는 다수당이 되려는 선거 정치에 대한 고려와 이익집단과의 관계에서 통과와 저지의 공을 주장하려는 의도에서 정당 간 대립이 나타나기도 했다. 하지만 입법과정이 본격화되고 상원에서 안데스 산맥 국가들에 대한 무역특혜협정, 무역조정지원과 포괄법안의 형태로 입법되는 것으로 논의되면서 양당의 지도부는 의회가 미국의 전반적인 무역정책의 수립에 어떻게 개입해야 하는가에 대한 고민을 시작했다. 의회는 무역개방이 필요하다는 방향성에는 전반적으로 동의하고 있었고 WTO Doha Round가 임박해오고 있는 상황에서 행정부에 권한을 위임하지 않았다가 미국의 무역과 경제 상황이 악화된다면 그에 대한 책임을 온전히 부담해야 하기 때문에 무역증진권한의 입법을 통해 책임을 공유할 필요가 있었다. 이 경우 직접적인 권한 행사 주체는 행정부이기 때문에 실패했을 때는 행정부에 책임을 전가할 수 있는데다 권한의 위임범위와 재량권을 더욱 축소하고 적극적으로 개입해 무역 정책을 수립할 수 있기 때문에 의회의 입장에서는 결과에 대한 직접적인 책임을 회피할 수 있다. 동시에 절차의 적용 요건을 강화하고 감독기구를 늘리고 등의 조치를 통해 협상과정에 의회가 능동적으로 개입할 수 있는 통로를 확대하고, 행정부가 의회의 의사와 반하는 협상을 할 여지를 줄이기 위해 재량의 범위를 제한했다. 하지만 2002년 무역법에서 의회의 무역정책수립에 대한 적극적인 개입 의지가 가장 강하게 드러난 부분은 주도적으로 무역개방으로 인해 피해를 입은 부문에 대한 보상정책을 수립했다는 점이다. 무역조정지원에서 규정한 정책들은 분배정책적인 특성으로 인해 수혜자들에게 공을 주장하기는 쉽지만 비난을 받거나 실패할 확률은 낮기 때문에 의회의 입장에서는 헌법상 수임기관으로서 무역정책을 적극적으로 수립하는 의무를 다하고 있다고 주장하기에 효과적인 조치였다. 의회는 이처럼 무역조정지원 법안을 통해 적극적으로 개입해 직접 무역정책을 수립하고 무역협정체결과정에서 개입을 증대하는 동시에 권한을 위임하지 않았을 경우 WTO Doha Round에서 미국의 협상지위 약화로 미국의 무역과 경제 상황이 악화될 수 있다는 우려 때문에 개입의 정도를 자제하고 행정부에 직접적인 무역협정체결권한을 위임하는 내용의 무역증진권한을 입법한 것이다. ; The purpose of this study is to analyze the dynamics of legislating the Trade Act of 2002 which granted Trade Promotion Authority, previously called fast-track negotiating authority, to the President of the United States focusing on the relations between the executive and Congress. Fast-track procedures were set forth in the Trade Act of 1974, stipulating that once the president formally submits a bill implementing a trade agreement concerning non-tariff barriers, both houses must vote on the bill without any amendments or filibusters. Being continuously in effect for 30 years, they have acted as a principal procedural mechanism for enacting trade agreements since 1970's. As the bipartisan consensus on free trade was eroded by the emergence of social issues like labor and environment in trade talks, however, they expired in 1994 due to failure to reach an agreement on how these issues should be handled. In 2002, a long and enthusiastic debate in both houses finally ended and the procedures were restored after a 8-year hiatus during the Bush presidency. If that is the case, in what circumstances was it possible for president Bush to regain the authority that president Clinton failed to win? The existing studies which conducted a comparative analysis on the roll-call voting that took place in 1997 and 2001 pointed out that representatives' consideration of constituents including pressure from interest groups and divided government had a noticeable effect in the different consequences. But besides these two, the respective members and party, a motive to reinforce the legislative branch as an institution has a impact on the behavior of Congress. This study aims to propose an explanation focusing on the third dimension from a view of interbranch politics. Then, responding to both domestic and international economic condition, demand from interest groups and constituents, and request from the executive branch, Congress approved the measure as a consequence of reflecting the intention to improve its status by increasing engagement with the process of decision making in the executive branch and minimize the loss such as the blame from the public or decrease in support accompanying failure of certain policy at the same time. In the early stage of legislation congressmen's consideration of constituents for winning reelection and partisan rivalry prevailed as other studies predicted. But as the actual legislative process progressed, the situation changed. With the Senate Democrats insisting on enactment of the omnibus trade bill incorporating TPA and two other bills, Andean Trade Preference Act and Trade Adjustment Assistance, concern over how Congress should engage with the establishment of generic trade policy spread throughout the party leaders. Congress agreed with the executive branch on the need of trade expansion and delegating the power to negotiate trade agreements for imminent WTO Doha Round because it would make them share the responsibility for possible deterioration in economy and trade in the future. The fact that the direct agent of exerting the authority was the executive branch had Congress make up its leeway as it could shift all the blame onto the other branch. Furthermore, when the economy got worse Congress could curtail the limit of the delegation and discretionary power given to the executive and establish trade policy firsthand. Delegating the authority, Congress expanded the means to actively involve in negotiating process by reinforcing its role of oversight, downsizing the discretionary power to prevent the executive from concluding the agreement despite congressional opposition, and tightening up the conditions to meet for the application of the fast-track procedures. But the most impressive part of the Trade Act of 2002 is TAA which reflected Congress's intension to play a leading role in making compensation policy for the people who got injured by trade. In conclusion, a broad agreement that TPA should be extended spread over Congress as it would consolidate the firm standing of the United States in trade talks including the upcoming WTO Doha Round. Moreover, Congress did not want to take full responsibilities or blame for the potential deteriorating economy. But at the same time Congress wanted to increase its engagement with trade policy making with the authority originally given to it by Constitution and its grown capabilities. The effort to restore the fast-track negotiating authority; TPA during the Bush presidency was feasible as it was linked to TAA bill, a measure taken by Congress to expand its involvement in trade policy making, and some steps to increase its engagement with the process of negotiation were taken. In other words, the Trade Act of 2002 was legislated as a result of Congress' struggle to balance between two motives, desire to avoid blame and increase its engagement with policy making. ; Master

학위논문 (석사)-- 서울대학교 대학원 : 정치학과, 2012. 2. 신종갑. ; This paper aims to examine the alliance policy of Roh Moo-Hyun (Roh) government by focusing on its strategic flexibility and missile defense. More specifically, this paper argues that Roh government's dependency on the United States is the main variable that describes Roh government's alliance policy. The Bush administration realized the uncertainty of threat and the vulnerability of its homeland security following the September 11 attacks in 2001. The new military security strategy appeared to be coping with the changed international security environment and have maintained the United States' unipolarity. The core of the military security strategy was the war on terrorism and military transformation, and the United States was preparing to consolidate its alliances and partnerships in order to implement these strategies effectively. The United States emphasized Global Defense Posture Review (GPR) and Missile Defense, and demanded the cooperation of its allies. The United States' demands brought about the alliance security dilemma to the Republic of Korea (ROK), a weaker state in the asymmetric alliance. Cooperation with the United States could cause the ROK to become unintentionally involved in the northeast asia conflict and Peninsula conflict, while noncooperation could cause abandonment from the United States in facing the threat of North Korea. In the alliance security dilemma, Roh government gave an opposite decision, that is, the agreement of strategic flexibility and the decision not to participate in missile defense. In the case of strategic flexibility, Roh government recognized that South Korea was superior to North Korea in terms of conventional power. But what Roh government ultimately pursued was not the power to win the war, but the power to deter the war (deterrence). North Korea, as a result of its aggressive military strategies and its strengthening military power, could cause immense damage to South Korea by launching a sudden attack on South Korea. The participatory government judged that South Korea was not equipped for deterrence to prevent North Korea's sudden attack alone. The United States Forces Korea (USFK)'s fighting power (especially counterfire warfare power, intelligence capabilities) contributed to South Korea's deterrence against North Korea immensely, and South Korea realized that it would be difficult to replace USFK's fighting power within a short period of time. A combination of the degree of threat South Korea faced from North Korea, the extent to which the United States could contribute to deterrence and defense against the threat of North Korea, and the limited availability and high cost of alternative means of meeting the threat made Roh government more dependent on the United States. A high degree of alliance dependency led Roh government to perceive the fear of abandonment by the United States as greater than the fear of being involved in unwanted conflicts; accordingly, Roh government agreed to the strategic flexibility of USFK in order to decrease the possibility of abandonment by the United States. In the case of missile defense, Roh government perceived North Korea's weapons of mass destruction as weapons for the purpose of maintaining its regime or having leverage during negotiations rather than for threatening South Korea. Therefore, Roh government sought a peaceful resolution through dialogue. In addition, a missile defense system asked by the United States would not be reliable enough to be suitable for deployment, and was not suitable for the geography of the South Korean peninsula. The perception of a low level of threat and the small amount of security contributions made by the United States to protect South Korea against North Korea's weapons of mass destruction led Roh government to become less dependent on United States' security umbrella. A low degree of alliance dependency led Roh government to perceive the fear of abandonment from the United States as less than the fear of being involved in unwanted conflicts; accordingly, Roh government decided not to participate in a missile defense system in order to decrease its possibility of entrapment. However, in October 2006, North Korea's nuclear testing led Roh government to perceive North Korea's weapons of mass destruction as a 'serious threat'. Therefore, Roh government needed to protect South Korea against North Korea's weapons of mass destruction and then officially declared the need to construct the Korea Missile&Air Defense (KAMD). This paper concluded that a combination of Roh government's threat perception and United States' security contributions had a decisive effect on the decision of USFK's strategic flexibility and missile defense. In other words, while a low level of United States dependency led Roh government to present a strong level of commitment to the United States, a high level of dependency on the United States led Roh government to present a weak level of commitment to the United States. This conclusion shows that asymmetry between allies within an asymmetric alliance differs depending on the case; it also suggests that studies on the ROK-US alliance should overcome limitations of claims that weak states have no choice but to accept strong states' demands. ; 본 논문은 참여정부의 동맹정책을 전략적 유연성과 미사일방어체제 결정사례를 중심으로 살펴보는 것을 목적으로 한다. 보다 구체적으로 주한미군의 전략적 유연성 합의와 미사일방어체제 불참 결정을 비교분석함으로써 참여정부의 동맹정책을 설명하는 주요 변수가 참여정부의 미국 의존성이라는 점을 주장하고자 한다. 부시 행정부는 2001년에 발생한 9․11테러를 계기로 위협의 불확실성과 본토안보의 취약성을 인식하였다. 변화된 국제안보환경에 대응하고 미국 중심의 단극질서 유지를 위해 나타난 것이 새로운 군사안보전략이었다. 군사안보전략의 핵심은 테러와의 전쟁과 군사 변혁(Military Transformation)이었다. 그리고 미국은 전략의 효과적인 수행을 위해 동맹 및 파트너십의 강화를 도모하였다. 미국은 군사안보전략의 구체적 실천에 있어 미국의 전 세계 군사태세의 변화를 의미하는 해외주둔미군재배치계획과 새로운 능력의 구축이자 전쟁수행방식의 변화를 의미하는 미사일방어체제를 강조하였으며, 동맹국에 동참을 요구하였다. 미국의 동참 요구는 비대칭동맹인 한미동맹 내에서 약소동맹국인 한국에 동맹의 안보딜레마를 야기하였다. 각 쟁점에의 협력은 한국이 동북아 분쟁 및 한반도 분쟁에 의도치 않게 개입되는 상황을 야기하는 반면, 미국에 대한 비협조는 북한의 위협에 대한 미국으로부터의 방기를 야기하는 것이었다. 참여정부는 연루와 방기의 딜레마에 직면하여 주한미군의 전략적 유연성 합의와 미사일방어체제 불참이라는 상반된 결정을 내렸다. 전략적 유연성의 경우, 참여정부는 재래식 전력에서 한국이 북한보다 우위에 있다고 인식하였다. 하지만 참여정부가 궁극적으로 지향하는 바는 전쟁에서 승리할 수 있는 전력이 아니라 전쟁 자체를 예방하는 전쟁억제력이었다. 북한의 공세적인 군사전략과 군사력 증강은 북한이 기습적으로 공격을 가해 한국에 막대한 피해를 야기할 수 있었다. 참여정부는 북한의 기습적인 공격을 예방하기 위한 전쟁 억제력을 한국 단독으로 갖추고 있지 않다고 판단하였다. 주한미군이 갖추고 있던 전력, 특히 대화력전 능력과 정보력이 한국의 대북억제력에 지대한 기여를 하였으며, 한국이 이를 단시간 내에 대체하기는 어렵다고 보았다. 북한 위협에 대한 인식과 미국의 안보기여에 대한 고려는 참여정부로 하여금 안보획득을 위해 미국에 보다 의존적이 되도록 하였다. 높은 의존성은 원치 않는 분쟁에 연루되는 위험보다 미국으로부터 버림받는 위험을 더 크게 인식하도록 하였으며, 이에 따라 참여정부는 방기의 위험을 줄이기 위해 미국에 강한 공약, 즉 전략적 유연성 합의를 결정하였다. 미사일방어체제의 경우, 참여정부는 2006년 북핵 실험 이전에는 북한의 대량살상무기를 한국에 대한 위협용이라기보다는 체제 유지용 혹은 협상용으로 인식하였다. 따라서 대화를 통한 평화적 해결을 모색하였다. 그리고 북한의 대량살상무기를 방어하기 위해 요구된 미사일방어체제는 운용 신뢰성이 배치에 부합할 만큼 높지 않았으며, 군사분계선과 서울과의 인접성과 협소한 면적을 특징으로 하는 한반도 지형에는 적합하지 않는 체계였다. 북한의 대량살상무기에 대한 낮은 위협인식과 낮은 미국의 안보기여는 참여정부로 하여금 미국의 안보우산에 덜 의존적이 되도록 하였다. 낮은 의존성은 미국으로부터 방기되는 위험보다 원치 않는 분쟁에 연루되는 위험을 더 크게 인식하도록 하였으며, 이에 따라 참여정부는 연루의 위험을 최소화하기 위해 미국에 약한 공약 즉 미사일방어체제 불참을 공식화하였다. 하지만 2006년의 북핵 실험은 참여정부가 북한의 대량살상무기를 '심각한 위협'으로 받아들이게 하였다. 이는 북한의 대량살상무기 공격으로부터 한국을 보호할 필요성을 야기하였으며, 그 결과는 한국형 미사일방어체제의 공식적 구축이었다. 본 논문은 주한미군의 전략적 유연성 합의와 미사일방어체제 불참 결정에는 참여정부의 위협인식과 미국의 안보기여가 결합된 미국 의존도가 핵심적으로 영향을 미쳤음을 밝혔다. 미국 의존도가 낮을 경우 참여정부는 연루의 위험을 줄이기 위해 약한 공약을 제시하고, 반면 의존도가 높을 경우 방기의 위험을 줄이기 위해 강한 공약을 제시하였던 것이다. 이는 비대칭 내 동맹국들 간의 비대칭성이 쟁점별로 다를 수 있으며, 한미동맹에 대한 연구들이 약소국은 강대국의 요구를 수용할 수밖에 없다는 주장의 한계에서 벗어나야함을 보여준다. ; Master

Stvaranje Evropske unije bespovratno je narušilo tradicionalno ustrojstvo drţava, pa i samog meĊunarodnog poretka. Uspostavljanje strukture koja obuhvata više centara moći u okviru kojih se (ne)ravnopravno donose odluke od znaĉaja za ţivot graĊana, uticalo je na slabljenje nacionalnih, a nedovoljnu samostalnost nadnacionalnog nivoa unutar nje. Stalno pregovaranje i lobiranje na kojima poĉiva Unija pruţa mogućnost za ostvarivanje ciljeva pojedinih interesnih grupa i drţava. Koncept demokratije je ovakvim stanjem najviše izgubio. Pojаm demokrаtije je teško definisаti, isto koliko je komplikovаno pronаći kriterijume za njeno identifikovanje a koji su primjenljivi nа sve politiĉke sisteme. Situаcijа se dodаtno usloţnjаvа kаdа je ove kriterijume neophodno prepoznati u okviru nedovršenog politiĉkog sistema kаkаv je onаj u Evropskoj uniji. Problemi u demokrаtskoj legitimizаciji Unije, koji se jаvljаju uporedo sа uspjesimа u integrаciji, otvаrаju pitаnje primjenljivosti "stаndаrdnog" modelа demokrаtije nа ovu tvorevinu. Prirodа funkcionisаnjа Evropske unije, u kojoj je na snazi uprаvljаnje nа više nivoа, zаhtijevа prilаgoĊаvаnje demokrаtskih principа njenom specifiĉnom politiĉkom sistemu. Mada ne postoji konsenzus meĊu teoretiĉаrima koji su dali doprinos objašnjavanju pojma demokratije u Evropskoj uniji dа li postoji demokratski deficit unutar nje, kаo ni koji su nаjbolji uslovi zа rаzvoj аutentiĉne demokrаtije u EU, moguće je identifikovati brojne strukturne probleme demokratije u politiĉkom sistemu Evropske unije. U okviru postojećeg institucionаlnog mehаnizmа Evropske unije problemi nastaju usljed isprepletenih nаdleţnosti izmeĊu institucijа i osjetnog jаĉаnjа izvršne u odnosu nа zаkonodаvnu grаnu vlаsti. Centrаlnu ulogu od institucija imа Sаvjet koji funkcioniše po principu meĊuvlаdine sаrаdnje. Prаktiĉno nijednа evropskа politikа ne moţe se usvojiti bez djelovаnjа ove institucije i uplitаnjа drţаvа ĉlаnicа, što Savjet ĉini glavnim zakonodavnim tijelom Unije. Evropski parlament, sa druge strane, iako neposredno izabran, zbog svojih još uvijek ogrаniĉenih nаdleţnosti, i dаlje je glаvni uzroĉnik demokrаtskog deficitа u Uniji. Stoga bi talas demokratizacije institucija Unije trebalo da obuhvati "prelivаnje" moći sа Sаvjetа nа Evropski pаrlаment i jаĉаnje meĊuinstitucionаlne sаrаdnje izmeĊu Evropskog pаrlаmentа i Evropske komisije. Evropskа unijа nemа ureĊenje poput trаdicionаlne nаcionаlne drţаve. Ne postoji ni demos nа evropskom nivou, te, stoga, nemа ko dа obezbijedi neophodni legitimitet evropskim politikama. Iako je nesumnjivo da politike Evropske unije proizvode velike koristi zа njene grаĊаne, ovа reаlnost, zаjedno sа rаzvijenim mehаnizmimа konsultovаnjа sа grаĊаnimа, ipаk ne umаnjuje kljuĉni problem u komunikаciji Unija – graĎani: mаnjаk аdekvаtnog predstаvljаnjа grаĊаnа, što je zа zаjednicu kojа se u svojim osnivаĉkim dokumentimа deklаriše kаo predstavniĉka ipak nedostаtаk. Ni sаmi grаĊаni ne pokreću politiĉku debаtu o specifiĉnim evropskim pitаnjimа nа nivou koji bi bio izаzov zа nаcionаlne vlаde. Demokrаtskа legitimizаcijа evropskih institucijа zаhtijevа i veću ulogu politiĉkih pаrtijа i njihovu revitаlizаciju nа evropskom nivou, kao i otvoreno politiĉko takmiĉenje koje ukljuĉuje grаĊаne. Proces integrisаnjа zemаljа Evropske unije prouzrokovаo je ozbiljne demokrаtske probleme ne sаmo nа nivou Unije, već i u drţаvаmа ĉlаnicаmа. "Problemi demokratije" u drţavama ĉlanicama koji proizilaze iz funkcionisanja Unije drugаĉije se reflektuju u rаzliĉitim nаcionаlnim politiĉkim sistemimа. Pritisku koji dolаzi od integrisаnjа unutar Evropske unije bolje se prilagoĊavaju drţаve koje imаju federаlno od onih koje imаju unitаrno ureĊenje. Federаlni kаrаkter ureĊenjа u drţаvi već podrаzumijevа više nivoа odluĉivаnjа i decentrаlizаciju vlasti, pа se ovаj sistem lаkše prilаgoĊаvа uprаvljаnju nа više nivoа unutаr Evropske unije. To ne moţe biti sluĉаj sа zemljаmа koje su trаdicionаlno centrаlizovаne. Dalji razvoj Evropske unije moţe ići u pravcu zadrţavanja trenutnih principa integrisanja uz obrazloţenje da su demokratske drţave ĉlanice garant legitimiteta Unije. Na taj naĉin bi i dalje meĊuvladin princip imao primat u odnosu na nadnacionalni. Model koji bi trаnsformisаo Evropsku uniju u zаjednicu demokrаtskog kаrаkterа jeste federаlni. Evropskа unijа posjeduje elemente federalizma, a toj konstrukciji nedostaje kаpаcitet zа oporezivаnje i mogućnost predlaganja izmjena osnivаĉkih, konstitutivnih, ugovora. Trenutno postojanje federalnih elemenata u funkcionisanju Unije ukazuje da njihovo dodatno osnaţivanje neće neminovno dovesti do njene trаnsformаcije u zajednicu federalnog karaktera, ali će svakako uticati na smanjivanje postojećeg demokratskog deficita.Nauĉno-istraţivaĉki pristup korišćen u ovom radu odreĊen je predmetom i ciljevima istraţivanja. Znaĉajnu primjenu imale su metodologija svojstvena politiĉkim naukama, komparativna metoda, analiza sadrţaja dokumenata, kao i specijalizacija. U dokazivanju postavljenih hipoteza primjenu su našle i sinteza, generalizacija, indukcija i dedukcija. ; The creation of the European Union has irreversibly undermined the traditional establishment of states, including the international order thereof. The establishment of a structure encompassing multiple power centers entailing (un)equal decision making relevant to the lives of citizens, has triggered the downturn in national, subsequently weakening the supranational level of autonomy within it. Constant negotiations and lobbying representing the cornerstones of the Union, provides for an opportunity for achieving the objectives of individual groups and states. In the light of the above, the democracy concept has suffered the most. The democracy concept is difficult to define, being leveraged by the complication in finding criteria for its identification which are applicable to all political systems. The situation is further complicated in case of a need to identify these criteria within an unfinished political system like the one in the European Union. The problems behind democratic legitimization of the Union, arising along with the integration success, are opening up the question of the applicability of "standard" democracy model to this creation. The nature of the European Union functioning governed by the multiple levels management, requires adjustment of the democratic principles to its specific political system. Although there is no consensus among theorists who have contributed to clarifying the democracy concept in the European Union on neither whether there is a democratic deficit within it, nor what are the best conditions for the development of a genuine democracy in the EU, nevertheless it is possible to identify a number of structural problems of democracy in the political system of the European Union. In the framework of existing institutional mechanism of the European Union, the problems arise because of overlapping responsibilities between the institutions and the appreciable strengthening of the executive over the legislative branch of government. The Council plays the central role, operating on the principle of intergovernmental cooperation. Practically not a single European policy may be adopted without the operation of this institution and the interference of the member states, making the Council the leading legislative authority of the Union. The European Parliament, on the other hand, although directly elected, due to its still limited competences, being the main trigger of the democratic deficit in the Union. Thus, the wave of democratization of the EU institutions should include the "spillover" of power from the Council to the European Parliament and strengthening the inter-institutional cooperation between the European Parliament and European Commission. The European Union has not been grounded as the traditional national state. Demos don"t exist at the European level and, therefore, there is no one to provide the necessary legitimacy of the European policies. Although undoubtedly, the European Union policies are generating great benefits for its citizens, this reality, along with developed mechanisms of consultation with citizens, however, does not reduce the key problem in communication between the Union - citizens: lack of adequate representation of citizens, representing a deficiency having in mind that its founding documents are declaring it as a representative Community. Even the citizens themselves are failing to launch political debate on specific issues at the European level that would be a challenge for the national governments. Democratic legitimization of European institutions requires a greater role of political parties and their revitalization at the European level, as well as open political competition involving the citizens The integration process of the European Union counties has caused serious democratic problems not only at the level of the Union, but also in the member states. "Democracy problems" in the member states deriving from the functioning of the Union are reflected differently in different national political systems. Unlike unitary governments, federal ones are better adapting to the pressure deriving form the integration within the European Union. Federal feature of organization in the state already implies the multiple levels of decision making and decentralization of powers, thus the system is easily adapting to the multiple levels of management within the European Union. This is not the case with countries that are traditionally centralized. The further EU development may be directed in retaining the current integration principles with the rationale that the democratic member states represent legitimacy guarantor of the Union. In the light of the above, the intergovernmental principle should supersede the supranational. However, a model that would transform the EU into a democratic community is federal. The European Union has elements of federalism and this structure lacks the capacity for taxation and possibility of proposing amendments to founding, constitutional contracts. Currently the existence of federal elements in the functioning of the Union is pinpointing that its further strengthening will not inevitably lead to the transformation of the Union into the community with federal character, but will most likely impact on reducing the existing democratic deficit However, the model that would transform the European Union into the Community with democratic feature is the federal one. The European Union has the federalism features, and this structure suffers the lack of taxation capacity and the option of proposing amendments to the founding and constitutional treaties. The current existence of federal elements within the functioning of the Union is implying that its additional strengthening will not inevitably generate the transformation of the Union into the Community of federal feature, yet it will affect the decline in the current democratic deficit. Scientific methods used in this thesis are based on specific topic and research objective. Therefore, the methodology inherent in political science, comparative method, content analysis of documents, as well as specialization are used to a large extent. In proving the hypotheses a great usage has found the synthesis, generalization, induction and deduction.

학위논문(석사)--서울대학교 대학원 :행정대학원 행정학과(정책학전공),2019. 8. 김순은. ; 국문초록 박근혜 전 대통령은 2013년 10월 18일 서울 신라호텔에서 열린 '유라시아 시대의 국제협력' 컨퍼런스 개막식 기조연설에서 다음과 같이 말했다. "내외 귀빈 여러분, 유라시아 대륙은 세계인구의 약 71%가 살고 있고, 동쪽 끝에서 서쪽 끝까지 12개의 시간대에 걸쳐 있는 세계 최대의 단일 대륙입니다. (중략)···저는 이제 유라시아에 새로운 소통의 길을 열어 협력의 잠재력을 끌어내야 할 때라고 생각합니다. 단절과 고립, 긴장과 분쟁을 극복하고 소통과 개방으로 평화롭게 교류하며 함께 번영하는 유라시아를 건설해야 합니다. 이를 위해 저는 유라시아를 '하나의 대륙', '창조의 대륙', '평화의 대륙' 으로 만들어 가는 몇 가지 방향을 제안하고자 합니다." 라고 하며 '유라시아 이니셔티브' 를 주창하였다. 이처럼 유라시아 이니셔티브는 유라시아 국가들 간 물류, 시장, 문화 등을 통합해 나가는 것을 주요 내용으로 하였으며 핵심은 물류 및 교통의 통합을 통해 유라시아 대륙의 공동번영을 이룸과 함께 한국은 유라시아 대륙의 물류 허브로 거듭나는 것이었다. 다수 전문가들은 유라시아 이니셔티브의 추진에 있어 여러 도시 중에서도 세계적인 항만을 보유하고 있고, 한반도의 기점이자 종점이며 세계 전역으로 뻗어나갈 수 있는 지정학적 위치를 갖춘 부산시의 역할에 주목하였다. 이러한 상황에서 당시 부산시장은 부산시의 도시 비전을 '유라시아 관문도시 부산' 으로 정하고 부산이 주도적으로 유라시아 이니셔티브를 이끌어가야 한다고 주장하였다. 이러한 주장에 기반하여 부산시는 2015년부터 본격적으로 유라시아와 관련한 여러 사업을 추진하였다. 하지만, 대부분의 사업은 일회성에 그치거나 큰 효과를 내지 못하였다. 반면, '유라시아 관문도시 부산' 이라는 부산의 비전을 국내외에 전파하고 유라시아 여러 도시들과의 교류협력을 강화하기 위해 추진한 『유라시아 부산원정대』 사업은 정책결정 과정에서는 사업효과에 대한 의문이 다수 제기 되었으며 일회성 행사에 그칠 것으로 우려 하였으나 2019년 현재까지도 지속적으로 추진될 만큼 부산시를 대표하는 유라시아 관련 정책으로 자리매김 하였다. 따라서 본 논문에서는 『유라시아 부산원정대』의 집행과정을 분석해보고, 어떻게 본 정책이 다른 사업들과는 달리 지속될 수 있었는지에 대해 살펴보았으며 이 과정에서 Mazmanian과 Sabatier의 연구를 활용하여 분석을 진행하였다. 따라서 본 연구의 목적은 다음의 세 가지로 나눌 수 있다. 첫째, 『유라시아 부산원정대』의 집행과정을 분석해보고 집행이 잘된 부분과 그렇지 않은 부분을 찾아본다. 둘째, 정책집행과정의 분석을 통해 어떻게 본 사업이 다른 유라시아 관련 정책들과는 달리 일회성에 그치지 않고 지속될 수 있었는지에 대해 알아본다. 마지막으로, 정책집행 연구에서 빈번하게 활용되는 Mazmanian과 Sabatier의 연구를 분석하여 이론이 담고 있는 함의 및 구체적 내용을 알아본다. 이러한 목적의 달성을 위해 본 연구는 우선 부산시 및 여러 유관기관들의 문헌 자료와 함께 집행과정에 참여했던 주요 행위자들을 면담하여 정책집행과정을 면밀히 분석하였다. 다음으로 Mazmanian 과 Sabatier 가 제시한 '정책집행이 효과적으로 이루어지기 위한 조건'을 활용하여 원정대 사업의 정책집행과정이 해당 조건에 부합하는지 여부를 통해 정책집행이 잘 된 부분과 그렇지 못한 부분을 구분하였다. 연구의 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 『유라시아 부산원정대』의 정책목표는 명확하며 일관성을 갖추었다. 특히, 외교부, 경상북도 등 타 기관이 추진한 유사사업들과 비교했을 때 원정대의 정책목표는 상당히 명확하며 구체적이었다. 둘째, 정책목표의 달성을 위해 부산광역시 차원의 개입이 필요하다는 것은 분명하나, 굳이 원정대라는 수단을 선택해야 하는지에 대해서는 원정대 이외에도 본 정책목표를 달성할 수 있는 여러 가지 다른 방법이 있을 수 있기 때문에, 본 정책목표와 원정대라는 정책수단 간의 인과관계는 명확하지 않았다. 셋째, 정책집행 담당기관이었던 부산광역시 통상진흥과 남북경제협력팀 및 부산국제교류재단은 본 정책과 업무관련성이 매우 높고, 조직원들은 본 사업에 대해 상당히 긍정적인 반응을 보였기 때문에 집행기관은 모두 원정대 사업에 대해 상당히 호의적이었던 것으로 나타났다. 넷째, 부산시 및 부산국제교류재단 모두 원정대 사업에 대한 의사결정 과정은 3단계로 이루어져 공식적으로 정해진 절차에 비해 단순화 되었으며, 의사결정 방식 역시 하향식이며 대체로 시장의 지시에 전적으로 순응하는 편이었기 때문에 빠른 정책집행이 가능했다. 다섯째, 부산시 의회 및 부산시 내 관련 부서 등 정책집행 유관기관과 정책결정자인 부산시장은 원정대 사업에 대해 호의적이었으며 지지를 보냈던 것으로 나타났다. 특히, 부산시장의 경우 원정대에 대해 상당히 높은 관심을 보였던 것으로 파악되었다. 마지막으로 원정대 사업의 집행과정에서 동남권 신공항의 유치 문제가 이슈화 되면서 '유라시아 관문도시 부산' 이라는 비전의 홍보 및 국내외 확산이 더욱 중요해졌고 이로 인해 원정대 사업의 정책목표가 갖는 중요성은 정책결정 시에 비해 더욱 높아졌다고 볼 수 있다. 연구결과를 종합해보면, 『유라시아 부산원정대』의 정책집행과정은 Mazmanian 과 Sabatier가 제시한 정책집행이 효과적으로 이루어지기 위한 조건을 대체로 만족하는 것으로 나타났다. 특히, 원정대 사업은 ① 정책목표가 상당히 명확하며, ② 정책집행기관 및 정책결정자가 사업에 대해 상당한 관심 및 지지를 보내었고, ③ 사회·경제적 조건의 변화로 인해 정책집행과정에서 정책목표의 상대적 중요성이 더욱 높아졌기 때문에 다른 유라시아 관련 사업들과는 달리 정책이 일회성에 그치지 않고 지속될 수 있었던 것으로 나타났다. 다만, 정책목표와 정책수단 간의 인과관계가 불명확하여 정책이 지속되고 집행에 따른 성과가 창출되었음에도 정책이 갖는 효과에 대한 의문이 지속되었던 만큼 이에 대한 보완이 필요한 것으로 나타났다. ; Former President Park Geun-hye delivered her keynote address at the opening of the 'Global Cooperation in the Era of Eurasia' conference in Seoul Silla hotel on October 18 ; "Ladies and Gentleman, Eurasia is the biggest continent in the world which contains 71% of the world's population and 12 different time zones. .Now is the time to open a new channel to Eurasia in order to lift its cooperation potential. We need to revive Eurasia, a geographic area disconnected by the Cold War, as a space for communication, openness, creation and fusion. I would like to propose a new vision, to make Eurasia, one continent of creation and peace." and then suggest her new vision 'Eurasia Initiative'. The main concept of Eurasia Initiative is integrating logistics, market and culture among Eurasian countries and key point is by integrating logistics and transportation we'd like to achieve prosperity of Eurasia Countries and at the same time, Korean peninsula should role as a logistic hub and the gate way of Eurasia continent. Many specialists focused the role of Busan Metropolitan city to achieve the goal of Eurasia Initiative because of it's global port facilities and geographical location which is the origin and destination of Korean peninsula. In this situation, former Mayor of Busan set the city vision as 'The Eurasia Gateway Busan' and stressed that Busan should lead the Eurasia Initiative. Based on this opinion, Busan Metropolitan City implemented many policies from 2015, but most of them were just one time event and failed to succeed. However, the policy 'Eurasia Expedition from Busan' which focused on publicizing the vision of Busan (Eurasia Gateway Busan) and strengthening the cooperation with Eurasian cities is still maintaining in 2019 and becoming the most famous and symbolic policy about Eurasia in Busan eventhough there were lots of doubts about being one time event in the policy decision process. Thus in this study, analyzing the policy implementation process of 'Eurasia Expedition from Busan' and finding the reason how this policy can be maintained unlike other policies by using the Mazmanian-Sabatier model. The goals of this study can divided into three things. First, analyzing the policy implementation process of 'Eurasia Expedition from Busan' and finding the good and bad points of implementation. Second, by analyzing the policy implementation process, how this policy can be maintained unlike other Eurasian policies in Busan. Lastly, analyzing the Mazmanian-Sabatier model which is frequently used in the study of policy implementation, and finding the exact meaning of that model. To achieve these goals, first of all, reviewing much data of Busan Metropolitan cities and other related organizations and also interviewing some people who participated the policy implementation process. Next, using the "Conditions of effective policy implementation which is argued by Mazmanian-Sabatier, analyzing the policy implementation process of 'Eurasia Expedition from Busan' whether it is fit to that conditions or not. The results of this study are as follow. First, the objectives of 'Eurasia Expedition from Busan' are clear and consistent. Especially, comparing with the similar policies which was implemented by the ministry of diplomacy and Gyeongsangbuk-do, the objectives of these policies are very obvious and concrete. Second, to achieve this objectives, it's clear that the intervention of government is necessary, but the causal theory between this policy and the objectives is not clear. Third, both Inter-Korean cooperation team in Trade promotion division of Busan Metropolitan City government and Busan Foundation for International Cooperation which were in charge of implementing 'Eurasia Expedition from Busan' were quite related to this policy and all of members were so much positive to this policy. Thus both organizations are so much favorable to this policy. Fourth, the decision rules of both organizations were in a three stages which was quite simplified than formal steps, and quite top-down ways especially complying the order of mayor thus it can simplify policy implementation process and facilitate effective implementation. Fifth, the related organizations of policy implementation like Busan city council and other divisions of Busan Metropolitan City and the mayor of Busan who is a policy decision maker were favorable and supportive to 'Eurasia Expedition from Busan'. Especially, mayor of Busan gave considerable support to this policy. Lastly, in the process of implementing this policy, the issue of attracting southeastern new airport in Busan was so disputed thus the vision of Busan city (Eurasia Gateway Busan) itself and publicizing this to the inside and outside of countries became more important, thus the importance of the objective of 'Eurasia Expedition from Busan' became more higher than before. ; 제 1 장 서 론 1 제 1 절 연구목적 및 배경 1 제 2 절 연구의 범위와 방법 4 제 2 장 이론적 배경 5 제 1 절 정책집행의 의의 5 제 2 절 정책집행에 영향을 미치는 요인 7 1. 연구경향 7 2. Mazmanian & Sabatier의 연구 8 제 3 절 선행연구 25 1. 정책집행과정 분석에 관한 선행연구 25 2. Mazmanian & Sabatier의 모형에 관한 선행연구 27 제 4 절 『유라시아 부산원정대』 정책 개요 29 1. 추진배경 29 2. 사업내용 32 제 3 장 연구 설계 35 제 1 절 『유라시아 부산원정대』 집행과정 세부 연구문제 35 1. 연구문제의 설정 35 2. 연구문제의 분류 39 제 2 절 면담조사 42 1. 면담 대상의 선정 42 2. 면담방법 및 개요 44 제 4 장 『유라시아 부산원정대』정책집행과정 분석 45 제 1 절 정책 변수 45 1. 정책목표의 명확성 45 2. 정책목표의 일관성 56 3. 인과이론의 명확성 57 제 2 절 집행 변수 61 1. 집행기관의 성격 61 2. 집행기관의 계층적 통합 정도 및 의사결정 방식 70 3. 충분한 재정적 자원 78 제 3 절 환경 변수 88 1. 정책관련집단 및 지배기관의 지지 88 2. 사회경제적 조건의 변화 및 정책목표의 상대적 중요성 100 제 5 장 결 론 102 제 1 절 연구결과의 요약 및 분석 102 제 2 절 정책적 함의 106 참고문헌 107 부록 (면담 질문지) 116 Abstract 122 ; Master