The paper is analysing the influence of international institutions on social policy creation in Bosnia and Herzegovina since the beginning of the economic crisis in 2008. The first section gives an overview of the relevant literature, followed by a presentation of socio – economic factors that led to international credit agreement, reform agenda and actual implementation of social protection reforms. Through the analysis of proclaimed social protection objectives and their implementation by local institutions in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, an assessment of the achieved results is done in the light of realised savings and better targeting of social transfers. The paper sheds some light on inconsistent policy of both international institutions and government actors in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Hence, despite the proclaimed reform objectives, the system of social protection based on status rights which is fiscally unsustainable, and poorly targeted towards the poor still remains largely unchanged. ; Rad se bavi analizom utjecaja međunarodnih institucija na socijalnu politiku u Bosni i Hercegovini od početka ekonomske krize 2008. godine. U prvom se dijelu rada daje pregled relevantne literature, zatim se prezentiraju socio-ekonomski čimbenici koji su doveli do sklapanja međunarodnog kreditnog aranžmana, reformski ciljevi i način implementacije reformi sustava socijalne zaštite. Kroz analizu proklamiranih ciljeva reforme socijalne zaštite te njihovu implementaciju od strane lokalnih institucija u Federaciji Bosne i Hercegovine analiziraju se stvarni učinci s aspekta ostvarenih ušteda i bolje ciljanosti socijalnih transfera. Rad ukazuje na nedosljednost politike kako međunarodnih institucija u Bosni i Hercegovini tako i vladinih aktera. Unatoč proklamiranim ciljevima reforme, sustav socijalne zaštite temeljen na statusnim pravima fiskalno je neodrživ te loše ciljan prema siromašnima, ali i dalje ostaje nepromijenjen.
The conflict over Kashmir has been a core issue between India and Pakistan since their independence. It is not only just a territorial conflict but also the core issue of the region, which has been changing along with the regional and international environment. In particular, after the 1990's, the people of Kashmir committed to armed resistance, which has become the focus of the risk to regional and international security because both India and Pakistan are nuclear powers. Resolution of this problem is quite difficult because it would require committing to the ideas of national integration of both countries. Specifically, for India, it is secularism; for Pakistan, it is the two-nation theory. However, the people of Kashmir want to choose their own destiny—integration with neither India nor Pakistan. India promised Kashmir a degree of freedom and democracy under article 370 of the Indian Constitution; however, for the time being, these right have been curtailed. To resolve this issue, two main plans have been presented by both countries; a referendum and the partition of Kashmir along the Line of Control. But, these ideas disregard the right of self-determination or the nationalist sentiment of the people of Kashmir. Recently a new idea emerged based on the notion of shared sovereignty. The history of discord between India and Pakistan has caused critical anxiety for regional peace and stability. However, there will is hope that a constructive solution to this problem can be found in the future through continuity of dialogue and negotiation between the two countries. We as an international society surrounding these nations, we should maintain a supportive stance for continued cordial dialogue.
Globalizacija kao proces povezivanja svijeta na gospodarskoj, političkoj, kulturalnoj i ekološkoj razini započeo je s idejom ostvarenja mira, sigurnosti i stabilnosti u svijetu te gospodarskog boljitka svih. Razvojem i jačanjem multinacionalnih kompanija osnovna ideja pokretanja procesa globalizacije je zamijenjena drugim najvažnijim ciljem, ostvarivanjem profita. Pod utjecajem globalnih procesa i integracija osnovane su brojne međunarodne i regionalne organizacije. Europska unija kao jedna od najznačajnijih regionalnih organizacija predstavlja ujedinjenje europskih zemalja na temeljima gospodarske suradnje. Njezina opstojnost, gospodarski razvoj i stabilnost ovisi o međusobnoj suradnji i međuovisnosti njezinih zemalja članica te suradnji njezinih institucija s ostalim regionalnim, međunarodnim i gospodarskim organizacijama. ; Globalization as a process of connecting the world on an economic, political, cultural and environmental level began with the idea of achieving peace, security and stability in the world and the economic well-being of all. With the development and strengthening of multinational companies, the basic idea of starting the process of globalization has been replaced by the second most important goal, making a profit. Under the influence of global processes and integration, numerous international and regional organizations have been established. The European Union, as one of the most important regional organizations, represents the unification of European countries on the basis of economic cooperation. Its survival, economic development and stability of interdependence on mutual cooperation and interdependence of its member states and cooperation of its institutions with other regional, international and economic organizations.
Globalizacija kao proces povezivanja svijeta na gospodarskoj, političkoj, kulturalnoj i ekološkoj razini započeo je s idejom ostvarenja mira, sigurnosti i stabilnosti u svijetu te gospodarskog boljitka svih. Razvojem i jačanjem multinacionalnih kompanija osnovna ideja pokretanja procesa globalizacije je zamijenjena drugim najvažnijim ciljem, ostvarivanjem profita. Pod utjecajem globalnih procesa i integracija osnovane su brojne međunarodne i regionalne organizacije. Europska unija kao jedna od najznačajnijih regionalnih organizacija predstavlja ujedinjenje europskih zemalja na temeljima gospodarske suradnje. Njezina opstojnost, gospodarski razvoj i stabilnost ovisi o međusobnoj suradnji i međuovisnosti njezinih zemalja članica te suradnji njezinih institucija s ostalim regionalnim, međunarodnim i gospodarskim organizacijama. ; Globalization as a process of connecting the world on an economic, political, cultural and environmental level began with the idea of achieving peace, security and stability in the world and the economic well-being of all. With the development and strengthening of multinational companies, the basic idea of starting the process of globalization has been replaced by the second most important goal, making a profit. Under the influence of global processes and integration, numerous international and regional organizations have been established. The European Union, as one of the most important regional organizations, represents the unification of European countries on the basis of economic cooperation. Its survival, economic development and stability of interdependence on mutual cooperation and interdependence of its member states and cooperation of its institutions with other regional, international and economic organizations.
Protokol kao disciplina predstavlja skup propisanih i unaprijed utvrđenih pravila lijepog ponašanja, komunikacije i međusobnog ophođenja prilikom političkih, gospodarskih i društvenih aktivnosti države i njezinih predstavnika te drugih pravnih subjekata poput međunarodnih organizacija. Prije svega protokol predstavlja smjernice civiliziranog ponašanja u međusobnom ophođenju i komunikaciji. Protokol i poštivanje protokolarnih pravila ima dugačku i tradicijski bogatu povijest, pravilima lijepog i uljudnog ponašanja pridodavala se posebna pažnja i pozornost još od vremena organiziranja bogatih ceremonijalnih prigoda na dvorovima velikih vladara i visokih državnika. Važnost poštivanja protokolarnih pravila proizlazi iz činjenice da se poštivanjem pravila ponašanja i postupanja unaprijed utvrđenih propisima kojima se definira protokol, prije svega iskazuju poštovanje i čast prema drugim državama i njihovim predstavnicima, te ostalim međunarodnim subjektima. Protokolarna procedura i njeno strogo poštivanje jedan su od bitnijih preduvjeta za provođenje uspješne državne diplomacije. Diplomacija je disciplina putem koje se promiču interesi i moć države, o uspješnosti i vještini diplomatskog znanja ovisi rješavanje bitnih vanjskopolitičkih i međunarodnih pitanja između država. Uspješnosti diplomacije u međunarodnom okruženju između ostalog pridonosi i dobro organiziran diplomatski protokol. Diplomacija i protokol moraju biti dobro iskoordinirani i povezani kako bi u očima susjednih zemalja, Europe i svijeta stvorili pozitivnu sliku Republike Hrvatske, te na što bolji način promovirali njezine vrijednosti i prednosti. Uspješna diplomacija najbolji je promotor svoje zemlje, najbolje gradi pozitivan imidž zemlje i na taj način stvara uspješan i prepoznatljiv brand Republike Hrvatske u međunarodnom okruženju. ; Protocol as a discipline is a set of prescribed and pre-established rules of good manners, communication and mutual dealings during political, economic and social activities of the state and its representatives, and other entities such as international organizations. First of all protocol presents guidelines of civilized behavior in dealing with mutual communication. Protocol and their compliance rules has a long and traditionally rich history, rules of the beautiful and civilized behavior was placed on special care and attention from the time of organizing the rich ceremonial occasions in the mansions of great rulers and senior statesmen. The importance of complying with the protocol stems from the fact that through abiding by the rules of conduct set by regulations that define protocol, first and foremost respect and honour are shown towards other states and their representatives, as well as other international entities. Protocol procedures and its strict respect are one of the most important preconditions for successful implementation of state diplomacy.Diplomacy is a discipline through which to promote the interests and power of the state, performance and diplomatic skills depends on solving the important foreign policy and international issues between the countries. The success of diplomacy in the international environment, among other things contributes to the well-organized diplomatic protocol. Diplomacy and protocol must be well coordinated and linked to in the eyes of neighboring countries, Europe and the world so we can create a positive image of the Croatia and what better way to promote its values and benefits. Successful diplomacy is the best promoter of our country, it best builds a positive image of the country and thereby creating a successful and recognizable brand in the Croatian international environment.
Cjelokupno predratno, ratno i poratno vrijeme obilovalo je mnoštvom rasprava, veoma različitih promišljanja i brojnih prijedloga različitih uređenja države Bosne i Hercegovine, i pronalaženjem onoga što bi osiguralo njezinu opstojnost, cjelovitost, samo-održivost i učinkovitu funkcionalnost te zadovoljstvo, jednakopravnost i miran suživot tri konstitutivna naroda, nacionalnih manjina i svih njezinih građana. Na tom pitanju sukobljavali su se različiti domaći i međunarodni interesi i ogledala pera mnogih uglednih stručnjaka iz zemlje i svijeta. Ipak, rješenje koje bi zadovoljilo sve, a osobito tri etno-nacionalne politike i politiku međunarodne zajednice, do danas nije pronađeno. Daytonsko rješenje i po njegovoj konstrukciji, a i dvadesetdvogodišnjoj primjeni, nije se pokazalo zadovoljavajućim i konačnim. Naprotiv, država opstaje kao polu-protektorat pod nadzorom i upravom međunarodne zajednice i njezina visokog predstavnika, ali se nalazi u krizi koja se od jednog do drugog događaja povremeno povećava ili smanjuje. I, permanentno traje. Očito je svima jasno da ovakav njezin ekscentričan i neučinkovit ustavno-pravni i administrativno-teritorijalni ustroj nikoga ne zadovoljava, niti jamči miran, siguran i izvjestan europski put. Preustroj države BiH zato je nasušna potreba i svojevrsna nužnost, jer ovako ustrojena i konfliktima bremenita država nije za Europu. Nakon višegodišnjih vlastitih znanstvenih proučavanja, javno testiranih u velikom broju referata na domaćim i međunarodnim skupovima, obznanjenim znanstvenim člancima u brojnim časopisima, objavljenih pet knjiga o Bosni i Hercegovini te drugih javnih istupa, autor je došao do vlastitoga uvjerenja da se do zajedničkoga rješenja može doći samo međusobnim otvorenim dijalogom, uz posredovanje i medijatorsku ulogu međunarodne zajednice i njezinih stručnjaka, te da bi najbolje rješenje za otvoreno "hrvatsko pitanje", ali ujedno najpovoljnije kompromisno rješenje za sve bilo - federativna država Bosna i Hercegovina s tri republike i tri razine lokalne samouprave. Alternativa je životarenje u postojećem, totalni protektorat, ili raspad države s obveznim i neizbježnim međusobno trajnim sukobljavanjem. Kao osoba koja je proživjela dva rata i kao znanstvenik s preko četrdeset godina iskustva, autor u radu ukazuje na ključne uzroke kriznoga stanja, moguće katastrofalne posljedice zadržavanja postojećeg, upitnost uspješnosti europskoga puta i sigurnost europske perspektive države, njezinih naroda i građana. ; The pre-war time in Bosnia and Herzegovina, just like the war and post-war time were abundant with debates, different views and numerous proposals for the state structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which was supposed to secure the country's survival, integrity, self-sustainability and efficient functioning, as well as peaceful co-existence of the three constitutive nations, national minorities and all the citizens. Various local and international interests were conflicting in the debates. However, no matter how many prominent local and international experts gave their contribution, a win-win solution has not been found yet, the one which would be satisfying for everyone, especially for the three ethnical national policies and the policy of the international community. Today, after twenty-two years of applying the Dayton solution, it is obvious that it is not satisfactory and may not be considered final indeed. On the contrary, with this solution, the country has been functioning as a half-protectorate, under supervision and management of the international community and the High Representative, appointed by the international community, however in a permanent, deeper or somewhat less deep crisis, but always in crisis. Obviously, this eccentric and entirely inefficient constitutional-legal and administrative-territorial structure is not satisfying for anyone, neither it may lead the country onto a peaceful, safe and certain accession path to Europe. Therefore, reorganisation of the state is an absolute must and also a duty, because the country with such state structure and torn with conflicts is not suitable for Europe. After years of scientific researches, participation in numerous local and international scientific conferences, numerous published articles, five published books on Bosnia and Herzegovina, the author came to a conclusion that the best solution for all involved parties may be found only through an open dialogue, with support and mediation of the international community and its experts. The best solution for the open "Croat issue", but also the best compromise solution for everyone would be a federative state of Bosnia and Herzegovina with three republics and three levels of local self-government. The only two alternatives to this solution are either to merely vegetate in the current situation, resp. to keep the full protectorate or the dissolution of the state, which necessarily involves permanent conflicts. The author, who survived two wars and has more than forty years of experience in scientific work, points out to main causes of the actual crisis, potential disastrous consequences of keeping the status quo, disputability of the success of the accession path to Europe and security of the perspective of a European state and its nations and citizens.
Kaspijsko jezero najveća je vodom ispunjena depresija na svijetu. Prije raspada SSSR-a dijelile su ga samo dvije države, a nakon 1991. na njegovim obalama nalazi se pet država. Ovaj rad pokazuje da postoji uzročno-posljedični odnos između sukobljenih interesa država regije i svjetskih sila te regionalne nestabilnosti. Sukobljeni interesi prouzročili su nemogućnost postizanja dogovora o pravnom statusu jezera, doveli do militarizacije jezera te izazvali sukob oko iskorištavanja i transporta nafte i plina. Rješavanje dijela tih problema u najnovije vrijeme povećalo je stabilnost regije, ali je i izvedeno na takav način da je povećalo međunarodni utjecaj Rusije i spriječilo ulazak izvanjskih sila u regiju. ; Caspian Sea is the largest water filled depression in the world. Before the dissolution of the Soviet Union it was shared by only two countries, but, since 1991, it has been shared by five states. This essay shows that there is a causal relation between regional instability, and the conflicting interests of countries of the region and world powers. These conflicting interests have caused the inability to reach an agreement on the legal status of the body of water, led to its militarization; and caused the conflict over the exploitation and transportation of oil and gas. Solving part of these problems in recent times has increased the stability of the region, but was also carried out in such a way that it increased the international influence of Russia, and prevented the entry of external forces into the region.
Polazište ovog rada nedavni je prijepor suvremenih realista oko aktualne dvojbe je li vanjskopolitička doktrina američkog predsjednika Donalda Trumpa realistička. Autor ukazuje da je navedena polemika posljedicom zastarjelog, tautološkog, ali još uvijek i neprevladanog dualističkog diskursa u teorijama međunarodnih odnosa, koji dijeli teoriju i vanjskopolitičku praksu na dva dominantna pravca: realizam i liberalizam. Na temelju dosadašnje teorijske kritike novog realizma, ili neorealizma, članak potvrđuje da ovaj suvremeni realistički pravac epistemološki ne pripada tradiciji realizma na koju se poziva, nego se svojim predodžbama o moći, državi i međunarodnom sustavu utemeljuje u političkom idealizmu: pravcu mišljenja koji se redovno pripisuje liberalima I kojemu je tradicionalni, ili "klasični" realizam bitno suprotstavljen. Analizirajući glavne podudarnosti između pretpostavki neorealizma i načela Trumpove doktrine, ovaj rad navodi na zaključak da Trump nije realist nego protuliberalni idealist. Pojam "protuliberalni idealizam" prikladniji je za razmatranje aktualne američke vanjske politike u kontekstu njene hegemonijske pozicije u liberalnom međunarodnom poretku. ; The article's initial motive is the recent controversy among contemporary realists, who questioned the supposed realism of US president Donald Trump's foreign policy doctrine. The author argues that the polemic is a consequential outgrowth of outdated, tautological, and yet still actual binary discourse, that divides international theory and foreign policy practice on Realism and Liberalism. Referring to the established critique of Neorealism, the article argues that Neorealism does not in epistemic terms belong to the tradition of Realism, to which it is a self-proclaimed successor. On the contrary, with its notions of power, state and international system it is established in political idealism: the tradition of thought that is conventionally attributed to Liberalism, and to which "classical" Realism was fundamentally opposed. By analyzing evident congruence between principles of Neorealism and Trump's America First doctrine, the article concludes that Trump is not a realist, but illiberal idealist. His idealistic nationalist world-view, when translated into foreign policy objectives, is in stark contrast to the professed principles of Realism. Furthermore, the concept of illiberal idealism offers an analytical framework for further analysis of present US foreign policy in the context of its hegemonic position in the Liberal International Order.
The education system per se, despite its central position in the field of study proclaimed by the scholarly community of Comparative and International Education, has never taken a central stage/role in Comparative and International Education scholarly enquiry. Through the various stages of its history, Comparative and International Education research has either focused on the societal-contextual forces (geography, demography, social system, economy, political system, religio-philosophical viewpoints) shaping education or on the societal outcomes/effects of education, to such an extent that the education system has always remained the blind spot in the centre of the field. A model explaining the structure of the education system which shows the components of "the" education system and their interrelationships has resultantly not been developed. This article attempts to address this shortcoming by discussing and outlining the structure of the education system on the basis of recent epistemological developments. Four components of the education system, along with their elements, are identified: education system policy, organisation and administration, structure for teaching, and support services. ; Obrazovni sustav per se, usprkos svojoj središnjoj ulozi za koju se zauzimaju stručnjaci unutar Komparativne i međunarodne edukacije nikada nije bio u žarištu znanstvenih istraživanja u spomenutom području. Istraživanja unutar Komparativne i međunarodne edukacije do sada su, u različitim razdobljima svoje povijesti, bila usredotočena ili na društveno-kontekstne snage (geografiju, demografiju, društveni sustav, ekonomiju, politički sustav, religijsko-filozofski svjetonazor) koje oblikuju obrazovanje ili na ishode/učinke obrazovanja na društvo do te mjere da je obrazovni sustav uvijek ostajao nejasan u odnosu na glavni dio toga područja. Stoga još uvijek nije razvijen model koji bi objasnio strukturu obrazovnog sustava prikazujući komponente ,,obrazovnog sustava" i njihove međusobne odnose. U ovom se radu nastoji istaknuti taj nedostatak putem rasprave i prikaza strukture obrazovnog sustava na temelju novijih epistemoloških razvojnih ideja. Identificirane su četiri komponente obrazovnog sustava, kao i njihovi elementi, a to su: politika obrazovnog sustava, organizacija i administracija, struktura potrebna za nastavu i službe podrške.
Pandemija COVID-19 koja se krajem 2019. počela širiti iz Kine i ubrzo poprimila globalne razmjere još je uvijek u fazi ekspanzije, unatoč naporima država i međunarodne zajednice. Kroz svoje produženo trajanje, uz zdravstvene, ima i brojne socio-ekonomske, vanjskopolitičke i sigurnosne implikacije, slabi socijalnu koheziju i povjerenje u institucionalni sustav. S jedne strane, pandemija države suočava s potrebom provedbe izvanrednih mjera koje su donekle u otklonu od uobičajenih razina osobnih sloboda u demokratskim sustavima. Uz to, pandemiju prati aktivno diplomatsko, dezinformacijsko, ekonomsko, političko i sigurnosno djelovanje međunarodnih aktera. Te su aktivnosti nerijetko usmjerene na pokušaje geopolitičkih preslagivanja i redefiniranja moći i preoblikovanje globalnih odnosa, pri čemu se u pitanje dovodi i učinkovitost demokratskih sustava. Posebno mjesto pritom zauzimaju pokušaji iskorištavanja situacije obilježene nedovoljnim količinama cjepiva za zaštitu od COVID-a i distribucija cjepiva determinirana vanjskopolitičkim, ekonomskim i sigurnosnim interesima, koja se često naziva i diplomacija cjepivom (vaccinediplomacy). Rad polazi od hipoteze kako je stanje pandemije potaklo jačanje angažmana međunarodnih aktera s ciljem redefiniranja odnosa moći na globalnoj razini koje uz mjere odgovora na pandemiju i ograničavanje osobnih sloboda može imati negativne posljedice za demokratski razvoj. U radu će se stoga analizirati aktivnosti ključnih međunarodnih aktera EU-a, SAD-a, Kine i Rusije u uvjetima pandemije COVID-19 s obzirom na zahtjeve demokratskog razvoja. ; The COVID-19 pandemic, that began to spread from China in late 2019 and soon took on global proportions, despite the efforts of states and the international community, is still in an expansion phase. Through its extended duration, in addition to health implications, it has numerous socio-economic, foreign policy and security implications, it weakens social cohesion and confidence in the institutional system. On the one hand, pandemic faces countries with the need to implement extraordinary measures that are somewhat at odds with the usual levels of personal freedoms in democratic systems. In addition, the pandemic is accompanied by active diplomatic, disinformation, economic, political and security activities of international actors. These activities are often focused on attempts to rearrange, redefine and reshape global geopolitical power relations, while also questioning the effectiveness of democratic systems. Attempts to exploit a situation characterized by insufficient quantities of vaccines to protect against COVID and the distribution of vaccines determined by foreign policy, economic and security interests, are referred to as vaccine diplomacy. In line with the hypothesis that the pandemic has stimulated the involvement of international actors in order to redefine power relations at the global level, which with pandemic response measures and restrictions on personal freedoms may have negative consequences for democratic development, the paper analyzes the activities of key international actors EU, US, China and Russia in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic given the demands of democratic development.
Već dulje vrijeme u europskom javnom prostoru traje sekuritizacija uspostave vojske Europske unije. Europski federalisti sekuritiziraju uspostavu vojske EU kao jedino rješenje pri zaštiti europskog društva i europskog identiteta pred egzistencijalnom prijetnjom ruske revizionističke politike i neizvjesnog međunarodnog sigurnosnog sistema. S druge strane euroskeptici, dužnosnici Sjedinjenih Američkih Država, Velike Britanije i NATO-a sekuritiziraju uspostavu vojske Europske unije kao egzistencijalne prijetnje suverenitetu država članica Unije i opstanku NATO-a. Motiv SAD-a za sekuritizaciju uspostave vojske EU jest očuvanje trenutačnog stanja stvari u međunarodnom sigurnosnom sustavu budući da EU smatraju svojim konkurentom. Putem teorije sekuritizacije rad dokazuje sekuritizaciju uspostave vojske EU od strane dužnosnika SAD-a analizom dijelova sekuritizacije te kritičkom analizom diskursa govornih činova i službenih američkih sigurnosnih dokumenata. ; The securitisation of the establishment of the European Union military has been undergoing in European public space for a significant amount of time. European federalists securitize the establishment of the EU military as the only solution in protecting European society and European identity from the existential threat of Russian revisionist foreign policy and the uncertainty of international security system. In contrast, Eurosceptics, officials of the United States of America, the United Kingdom and NATO, are securitizing the establishment of the EU military as an existential threat to the sovereignty of the member states of the Union and the survival of NATO. The US motive for securitizing the establishment of the EU military is to maintain the current state of affairs in the international security system as they consider the EU to be a competitor. Using the Theory of securitization, this paper proves the actuality of the securitization of the establishment of the EU military by US officials by analysing elements of the securitization and critically analysing the discourse of speech acts and official US security documents.
Zaštita žrtava intenzivirala se posljednjih 40-ak godina uz znanstvenu podršku i razvoj viktimologije. Paralelno s međunarodnim ustrajanjem na zaštiti ljudskih prava te s jačanjem stručne spoznaje o važnosti povijesno marginalizirane uloge žrtve u kaznenim postupcima europskog kontinentalnog kruga međunarodnopravna svijest o obvezi države da zaštiti žrtve najtežih kaznenih djela i pruži im potporu defi nirana je brojnim međunarodnim dokumentima. U tom smislu za europski pravni prostor značajnu ulogu ima i Direktiva 2012/29/EU o uspostavi minimalnih standarda za prava, potporu i zaštitu žrtava kaznenih djela, koja je izmjenama i dopunama Zakona o kaznenom postupku implementirana u hrvatsko zakonodavstvo. Međutim osim danas već nesporno dostatne normativne podloge o zaštiti žrtava u kaznenom postupku postavlja se pitanje dobivaju li doista žrtve u praksi zaštitu i podršku koja im je osigurana kroz zakonske odredbe. Vođene tom mišlju, autorice su provele istraživanje među odjelima za podršku žrtvama i organizacijama civilnog društva kao glavnim službama za pružanje pomoći i podrške žrtvama tijekom kaznenog postupka u svrhu preispitivanja načina, učestalosti i potencijalnih praktičnih izazova s kojima se žrtve susreću prilikom korištenja svojih prava u praksi. ; Victim protection has intensifi ed in the last 40 years with the scientifi c support and development of victimology. In parallel with international insistence on the protection of human rights and the strengthening of professional knowledge on the importance of the historically marginalised role of the victim in criminal proceedings in the European continental circle, international legal awareness of the state's obligation to protect and support victims of serious crimes is defi ned by numerous international documents. In this sense, Directive 2012/29/EU on the establishment of minimum standards on the rights, support and protection of victims of crime, which was implemented in Croatian legislation by amendments to the Criminal Code, also plays a signifi cant role in the European legal area. However, apart from the already unquestionably suffi cient normative basis of the protection of victims in criminal proceedings, the question arises as to whether victims in practice really receive the protection and support provided to them through legislation. Guided by this opinion, the authors conducted a short survey among victim support departments and civil society organisations as the main services for assistance and support during criminal proceedings in order to review the ways, frequency and potential practical challenges that victims face in exercising their rights in practice.
Procesi pristupanja Republike Hrvatske u punopravno članstvo EU-a iznimno su kompleksni i vrlo specifični u odnosu na većinu država srednjoeuropskog i jugoistočnoeuropskog prostora. U usporedbi sa svim državama članicama koje su EU-u pristupale u veliku proširenju 2004. te 2007. RH susretala se s mnogim bitno drukčijim izazovima, pa nije rijetko da su se u brojnim napisima pristupanja RH EU-u upotrebljavali najrazličitiji atributi kao 'dugo putovanje' (M. Staničić) ili 'kamenito putovanje – Steiniger Weg' (G. Sander, B. Vukas, ml.) i drugi. Pristupanje RH euroatlantskim integracijama i njezin povratak u zapadnoeuropski civilizacijski krug bio je cilj gotovo svih novoformiranih političkih stranaka i intelektualnih krugova 1990., kao i novog vodstva Republike Hrvatske izabrana na prvoj sjednici višestranačkog Sabora 30. svibnja 1990. Jugoslavenska kriza te sve otvorenija velikosrpska agresija i rat protiv Republike Hrvatske bitno će determinirati odnose RH i tadašnjeg EEZ-a. Tako će sadržaj njihovih početnih odnosa biti poglavito uvjetovan pokušajima EEZ-a i drugih europskih organizacija za ublažavanje krize, nastojanjima posredovanja u prvim oružanim sukobima i doprinosima uspostavi mira u vremenu otvorene agresije koja će prijetiti opstanku same države. Autori ovog rada preko pravnih izvora institucija EEZ-a, odredaba tadašnjega europskog prava te međunarodnog prava pokušat će pokazati početke odnosa RH i EEZ-a, napose nakon proglašenja državne neovisnosti 8. listopada 1991. Cilj je navedena istraživanja predstaviti ulogu EEZ-a u tim vrlo specifičnim bilateralnim odnosima i važnost svih tih zbivanja za kreaciju daljnjih odnosa, osobito nakon međunarodnog priznanja RH. ; The Republic of Croatia's accession to full membership of the EU has been an extremely complex and specific process compared to most Central European and South-Eastern European countries. Compared to all the member states that joined the EU in 2004 and 2007, the Republic of Croatia has encountered numerous different challenges, hence the ...
The world of sports is a reflection of the world of politics. It is becoming increasingly multipolar with the emerging states hosting mega sporting events. Firstly, the article problematizes the concept of multipolarity and, secondly, globalisation by questioning whether the Olympic Games reinforce national identities and promote national interests by using Olympic diplomacy as a soft power tool. In doing so, the article explores the correlation between the changes in international affairs and the hosting of and participation at the Olympic Games by emerging states such as Brazil, China and Russia. The analysis distinguishes globalisation from the role of the nation-state, by highlighting the evident differences between emerging states in terms of hosting the Games, but also takes into consideration geopolitical and geo-economic parameters. ; The world of sports is a reflection of the world of politics. It is becoming increasingly multipolar with the emerging states hosting mega sporting events. Firstly, the article problematizes the concept of multipolarity and, secondly, globalisation by questioning whether the Olympic Games reinforce national identities and promote national interests by using Olympic diplomacy as a soft power tool. In doing so, the article explores the correlation between the changes in international affairs and the hosting of and participation at the Olympic Games by emerging states such as Brazil, China and Russia. The analysis distinguishes globalisation from the role of the nation-state, by highlighting the evident differences between emerging states in terms of hosting the Games, but also takes into consideration geopolitical and geo-economic parameters.
U radu "Izlazak iz Lepušićeve?" Kasapović se ponovno bavi vrlo važnom temom kritičke procjene razvoja discipline političke znanosti u Hrvatskoj, osvrćući se posebno na stanje u komparativnoj politici. Autorica proučava zašto se Hrvatska rijetko nalazi u međunarodnim komparativnim istraživanjima, s tim da problem analizira iz vanjskog ugla, pitajući se zašto strani politolozi i veliki međunarodni istraživački programi rijetko uključuju Hrvatsku. Nadovezujući se na Kasapović, sumirat ću glavne boljke, a zatim utvrditi da se razvoj empirijske politologije u Hrvatskoj odvija u odsutnosti sustavne znanstvene politike, ali i u kontekstu nedovoljne brige samih znanstvenika i o uvjetima produkcije znanja i o mehanizmima reprodukcije discipline. ; In the article "Exiting Lepušićeva?" Kasapović engages once again with the very important issue of critical evaluation of the development of political science in Croatia, with a particular focus on the status of comparative politics within the discipline. The author takes an outside perspective in the approach to the analysis of the reasons why Croatia can rarely be found in international comparative studies, and inquires into the reasons why political scientists abroad, involved in large-scale international research programs, rarely include Croatia as one of their case studies? In addition to Kasapović's argument, I begin by summing up the main problems, and afterwards I argue that the development of empirical political science in Croatia takes place in the absence of a comprehensive Science and research policy on the national level, but also in the context of insufficient concern of the scientists themselves for the conditions of knowledge production and the mechanisms of reproduction of the discipline.