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Paradiplomacy is still relatively a new phenomenon for government activity in Indonesia. Paradiplomacy refers to the behavior and capacity to engage in foreign relations with foreign parties carried out by 'sub-state' entities, or regional governments / local governments, in the context of their specific interests. The term 'paradiplomacy' was first launched in an academic debate by Basque scientists, Panayotis Soldatos in the 1980s as a combination of the term 'parallel diplomacy' into 'paradiplomacy', which refers to the meaning of 'the foreign policy of non-central governments', according to Aldecoa , Keating and Boyer. Another term that was put forward by Ivo Duchacek (New York, 1990) for this concept is 'micro-diplomacy'. In this work, author explain the paradiplomacy into ten section such as: (1) Introduction; (2) Interaction Transnational and Paradiplomacy; (3) Paradiplomacy in the Indonesian Law Context; (4) Paradiplomacy in the International Law Context; (5) Diplomacy by Local Government; (6) Technical Regulation on the Implementation of Paradiplomacy in Indonesia; (7) International Cooperation by the Special Regional Province of Yogyakarta, Indonesia; (8) The Chronology of International Cooperation by the Local Government in Indonesia; (9) Inputs for the Revision of Indonesian Law on International Cooperation and (10) Epilog.

The existing literature on Indonesia's foreign policy has excluded the state from the category of an agent which shapes the country's external affairs. This trend certainly ignores the notion that foreign policy is a unique state activity taking place in the interface between domestic and international politics. To fill the gap, this article explores the idea about the family state and looks at its influence on the conduct of Indonesia's international relations. The argument is that the family state pursues order in international society in which sovereignty can be maintained. Indonesia plays the role of an order-maker in Southeast Asia through the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). The order-oriented actions are displayed by Jakarta's diplomacy to resolve border disputes with neighbouring countries in the region

Global surveys indicate that massive disillusionment with economic globalisation, upheld by the liberal order, which is ignored by governments in European, Asian and Latin American countries, has paved the way for the ascent of nationalist forces. This trend is also visible in Indonesia. President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) has consolidated power against opponents who exploit nationalist, populist and religious causes. On the international front, Jakarta has been actively engaged within a variety of multilateral organisations where liberal institutionalist agendas are enforced. Therefore, it is worthwhile considering the influence of internal and external environments on Jokowi's economic policy which is getting increasingly nationalistic. This article argues that nationalist economic practices have emerged as the Jokowi government's response to domestic and international challenges which can have an impact on its perceived legitimacy. The discussion proceeds in five steps. To begin, this article presents a comparative perspective to understand the position of Indonesia in the developing international political economic context. This is followed by an overview of the definition of economic nationalism and its connections to domestic politics and foreign relations. The third section is about the Indonesian government's efforts to put economic nationalism into effect. The next two parts investigate how the inside and outside dynamics generate Jokowi's inward-looking policies. The conclusion emphasises what can be learnt from the Indonesian case.

The preference of states to use public diplomacy strategy to support the realization of their national interests has become an international phenomenon nowadays. Public diplomacy in the modern era of International Relations turns out to be an instrument for states to exercise their soft power, as well as to convey specific messages intended for the international public. Thus, public diplomacy could be an alternative way for states that had serious barriers in practicing formal diplomacy in conventional ways. Palestine, as an entity whose legal status remains debatable, also utilizes public diplomacy as its strategy to gain support and recognition from the international community. This paper would aim to answer the research question on how Palestine exercises its public diplomacy, particularly digital diplomacy and citizen diplomacy, to gain international recognition for its statehood. By means of the use of social media and the exposure on Palestine's internationally well-known figure, Palestine is building a perception that Palestine itself is a state with no difference with the other states — therefore deserves independence and total sovereignty over its territory. ; The preference of states to use public diplomacy strategy to support the realization of their national interests has become an international phenomenon nowadays. Public diplomacy in the modern era of International Relations turns out to be an instrument for states to exercise their soft power, as well as to convey specific messages intended for the international public. Thus, public diplomacy could be an alternative way for states that had serious barriers in practicing formal diplomacy in conventional ways. Palestine, as an entity whose legal status remains debatable, also utilizes public diplomacy as its strategy to gain support and recognition from the international community. This paper would aim to answer the research question on how Palestine exercises its public diplomacy, particularly digital diplomacy and citizen diplomacy, to gain international recognition for its statehood. By means of the use of social media and the exposure on Palestine's internationally well-known figure, Palestine is building a perception that Palestine itself is a state with no difference with the other states — therefore deserves independence and total sovereignty over its territory

Food security become very important as food crisis occurred in 2008. Under the administration of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in 2009 to 2014, the crisis due to increase in population in Indonesia encourages increase in food demand. However, to fulfill Indonesia's food demand it still depends on the availability from international market. This research aims to analyze why countries like Indonesia dependent on international markets for food security aspect despite having the capability to achieve fulfillment on food. To analyze the reasons, the concepts of comparative advantage, dependency, and national capabilities will be use to analyze the factors on why nations depend on international market to achieve its food security. Accompanied by a comparison between Indonesia with Vietnam, Malaysia, and United States to see the similarities and differences to achieved food security in the international market. With qualitative research methods and comparison focus on explanative research also using literature studies in data collection. The results of this study finds that Indonesia dependence are influenced by comparative advantage policy of other countries which in this case are Vietnam and Malaysia, the international market system that encourages dependency, and Indonesia inability to maximizing its national capability compared to United States. Keywords: dependency, comparative advantage, national capabilities, Indonesia, food security.

Revolusi Iran tahun 1979 menjadi sebuah titik balik terhadap dinamika politik, budaya, dan sosial yang ada di Iran. Pemimpin revolusi, Khomeini, ingin Iran menjadi negara mandiri secara militer, salah satunya adalah membentuk milisi yang disebut Basij e-Mustafasin. Basij adalah milisi yang loyal terhadap Ayatollah yang terdiri dari masyarakat sipil. Basij telah begitu aktif terlibat dalam berbagai macam konflik yang melibatkan kepentingan Iran, seperti perang Irak-Iran 1980, perang Lebanon 2006, hingga perang sipil Suriah 2011. Menurut Paul Bucala (2017), penggunaan milisi Basij Iran dalam Perang Sipil Suriah yang terjadi dinilai tidak efektif, menghabiskan dana dan memunculkan korban yang cukup banyak, selain itu terdapat sebuah anomali dimana milisi yang seharusnya digunakan untuk bertahan di dalam teritorial negara (Calder, 1910). Namun hal ini tidak membuat Ali Khameini sebagai pemimpin agung untuk meminimalisir penggunaan milisi Basij pada Perang Sipil Suriah. Penelitian ini membuktikan bahwa terdapat konsistensi serta peningkatan dalam penggunaan milisi Basij dikarenakan budaya strategis yang mengakar dalam kultur militer Iran yaitu exporting sectarianism dan ideological army mobilization yang di sebutkan oleh Kamran Taremi (2014). Melalui hal tersebut peneliti akan menggunakan kerangka pemikiran Ole Waever tentang konstruksi sejarah sebagai identitas utama dari budaya strategis. Peneliti juga menggunakan kerangka beprikir militerisasi sipil oleh Julian Schofield (2007) untuk melihat fenomena milisi yang ada di Iran. Laporan penelitian ini kemudian menunjukkan bahwa adanya sebuah penyerapan pemahaman kolektif budaya strategis dalam perumusan kebijakan luar negeri Iran khususnya dalam bidang militer.

This paper would like to analyze the development of study of International Relations in Indonesia which has progressed very rapidly. The science of lucrative International Relations since April 1919 in Britain and into Indonesian territory since the 1945's, has been in great demand by the public, gaining a place in the hearts of the social scientific community, and contributing a lot to the foreign decision-making played by the government. Therefore, it is important to look at opportunities, challenges, and prospects for the development of International Relations studies in Indonesia to date. ; This paper would like to analyze the development of study of International Relations in Indonesia which has progressed very rapidly. The science of lucrative International Relations since April 1919 in Britain and into Indonesian territory since the 1945's, has been in great demand by the public, gaining a place in the hearts of the social scientific community, and contributing a lot to the foreign decision-making played by the government. Therefore, it is important to look at opportunities, challenges, and prospects for the development of International Relations studies in Indonesia to date.

Interfaith dialogue has not gained a strategic place in the context of the study of international relations yet, even though its existence has practically provided new dynamics in the constellation of contemporary international relations. Not only that, interfaith dialogue also has sufficient theoretical urgency as a academics study that needs to be continuously developed. The debate between realism and idealism continues to develop in contemporary international relations studies. This development is influenced by the expansion of the meaning of actors who not only talk about state actors but also non-state actors, the expansion of the issues was originally focused on hard political issues but also focus to the discussion on low political issues, as well as how the interaction between actors with the religious discussion of these issues has created varied patterns of relations between actors in the study of international relations. This study attempts to place the phenomenon of interfaith dialogue theoretically in the study of international relations through a rational perspective, by seeking a middle ground between the realism and idealism debates. The English School approach, foreign policy, and diplomacy will try to be presented so that the theoretical position of inter-religious dialogue will become clear as a phenomenon that continues to develop in the study of international relations. The importance of this research is to provide the possibility of a wider variety of studies in the context of international relations, so that the existence of international relations as a scientific discipline can be optimized for its contribution to analyzing social phenomena across national borders that occur and growing.

Income inequality in Indonesia remains a controversial issue in the context of Indonesian macroeconomic condition that is evolving in output and government spending, and its increase in consumption accompanied by inflation and slowing of bank credit. The purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship among macroeconomics, monetary and income inequality through a broad theoretical model by adopting a panel Structural Vector Auto-regression (SVAR) model to get more sample size during the period 2005-2018 at 33 provinces in Indonesia. The main results indicate that the variables of output and inflation have positive relationships. The relationship between output and income inequality is also significantly correlated, and those results supported by Kuznets's theory reveal that the relationship between economic growth and income inequality is positive in the short term. The relationship between inflation and income inequality is positive as well in Indonesia. This result is by the fact that low-income families are considered more vulnerable to inflation. The impact of non-food consumption shocks increases income inequality, while Indonesian government spending and bank credit shocks reduce income inequality. Then the response of savings and bank credit to the shock of income inequality is positive.

Interaction in the international system creates cooperation between countries and can also create conflicts when interests between countries clash. There are two approaches used in resolving conflict; associative where countries seek to cooperate with each other; and disassociative involving military force and political separation (Barash & Webel, 2009: 288). One of Indonesia's associative efforts in maintaining its diplomatic relations with Australia is by using ASEAN to form the AANZFTA (ASEAN-Australia-New Zealand Free Trade Area). Apart from geographical proximity, the socio-economic development opportunities for all parties, this cooperation is also a geopolitical strategy for Australian security and provides political legitimacy for ASEAN in the international world. Using a case study method that focuses on the dynamics of the relationship between ASEAN, Australia, and New Zealand, mainly through the AANZFTA, this paper will explain ASEAN, Australia, and New Zealand's reasons and interests as well as strengths and weaknesses in them. Through discussion and analysis results, it can be concluded that international cooperation was formed to build negative peace after the World War. Then over time, non-traditional issues increasingly encourage international cooperation to develop positive peace with moral values and peaceful dispute resolution without violence. Although the impact is the domination of big countries and sacrificing small and developing countries' sovereignty, each country will always prioritize its own interests. This study's results can provide an overview of the diplomatic relations between Indonesia and Australia multilaterally through AANZFTA. At the same time, the bilateral relationship between the two can be reviewed in further research

United Nations as international organization issued an international convention to eliminate discrimination towards women, called CEDAW (Convention on Elimination of All Form of Discrimination Against Women). As the one of the nation that ratified the convention, Indonesia, adopted CEDAW articles that becomes UU RI No. 7 Tahun 1984. Indonesia agreed to prevent further discrimination towards women and implement all the policies written on those article. Unfortunately, the success and implementation of CEDAW is still doubtful, especially in political realm. The number of women political participation never reached 30% according to the affirmative action that is stated in Indonesian Constitution. The 2009 and 2014 general election showed that women's representation in parliament in still low and not having significant change. The success of CEDAW can be seen from women's political participation, measured by international indicator called GEM (Gender Empowerment Measure). GEM is used to measure shift and effectiveness of the implementation of CEDAW Convention in Indonesia, especially in political participation. This article concluded that CEDAW International Convention in political participation is not effective yet, considering the number of women in parliament not balanced with ratio of women citizen in Indonesia.

After the Soviet break-up and the Marxist regime collapsed, many of alternative notions emerged in the academic community in Russia, including alternative ideas in the field of International Relations (IR). A number of Russian IR scholars attempted to reconstruct the theories of IR, not just the IR theories that developed in Russia during the era of Marxism, but also against Western IR theories. Although the post-Cold War aspirations to create a distinct national school of International Relations in Russia, but these efforts are not free from the ideology and political goal that directing and guiding Russian foreign policy. Even, IR scholars in Russia have come to shared with the Russian government in terms of building the IR theories with the Russian characteristics, especially in challenging Western hegemony in the social sciences and international relations. This article tries to elaborate three intellectual traditions of international relations that developed in Russia, namely Westernism, Statism, and Civilizationism. Westernizer IR heavily influenced by Western liberalism, Statism more inspired by the realism, while Civilizationism is more of a hybrid between the constructivism and Russian essentialism.

A soft Brexit scenario will include an implementation period from the day the UK formally leaves the EU to 31 December 2020. During the implementation period, the UK will continue to be functionally treated as an EU member state and remain a party to EU international agreement. Associated with the ASEAN single market, should be considered the readiness of Indonesian regulations and legislations that in sectorial concerns at least three aforementioned legal instruments to be harmonized with the laws of the ASEAN countries. Important findings were shown by the research from the perspectives of business law, especially, capital investment law, intellectual property and international trade law that Brexit has significant impact for the EU itself, Indonesia and also AEC.

The purpose of monetary policy is to affect the economic activity through various channels of monetary transmission. One of the transmission channels Is via Islamic banking through financing to various sector of the economy. The change of monetary instruments certainly affects economic sectors differently Given the dual monetary system (Islamic and conventional) in Indonesia, it is interesting to see how those rates influence each of the economic sectors. This is important for the government in designing future economic programs by determining the specific sectors which must be prioritized. This paper aims to investigate the sensitivity of the economic sectors in response to the change in the Islamic and conventional monetary rate. The paper relies on the unit root test, the co-integration test, and impulse response functions, focusing on the period from May 2006 to February 2011. The data used is from monthly economic sectors for Islamic and conventional systems, Islamic monetary rates, and conventional monetary rates. The results show that Islamic banks play important roles in the monetary transmission process in the Indonesian economy. In particular, specific economic sectors react differently to both Islamic monetary instruments as well as conventional monetary instruments.

This study investigates the potential horizontal and vertical spillovers from FDI towards firms' efficiency level on Indonesian manufacturing industries, using firm-level panel data. The result suggests that positive evidence of horizontal spillovers arise instantaneously, but the impacts of vertical spillovers appear a year later. These indicate that foreign competitors cause local firms more efficient in the same industry. Furthermore, after one period of time MNCs running their business in Indonesia, they bring positive impacts on downstream markets but deteriorate manufacturing industries in the upstream markets. Therefore, the Indonesian government must ensure that overall benefits from promoting FDI must overweight their negative impacts.