Tourism is one sector that has helped support the Indonesian economy. Effort have been made to improve the quality of tourism in Indonesia, and to specific areas of the country. Practically all major Indonesian cities have their own branding strategies to increase the city's appeal and attractiveness (Parkerson and Saunders, 2004). The growth of specific intend tourism object such as golf, rafting and also MICE (Meeting, Incentive, Conference and Exhibition) which show some proofs to get foreign and domestic tourists attention to come to East Java and Surabaya as well. Globalization led to a growing number of tourists worldwide, there are an increasing number of tourists coming to Indonesia, spesifically to the city of Surabaya. In the year of 2008 there are 48,417 tourists coming to Surabaya. And in the year of 2009 that number increased to 136,539 tourists, 116,829 tourists in 2010 and 83,247 in 2011. Of all those numbers, most of them coming to Surabaya for their MICE activities. In 2008, about 63% of them coming to Surabaya to do their MICE activities. That percentage increased to 82% in 2009, 84% in 2010 then in 2011 increased to 85%. Indonesian government has set up 10 MICE destination cities, which one of them is the city of Surabaya. Looking at this big potential growth of MICE industry, it is important to improve the element of hospitality in Surabaya in supporting the growth of MICE industry, both for domestic and international tourists. This research has a purpose to describe through analyzing the preparation of Surabaya which has "Sparkling Surabaya" as its city branding. In advance, as the conclusion, it will be discussed about the obstacles and the solutions of marketing strategy to enhance the city branding of Surabaya.
This research examines the Human Resource Management in Senior High School of International Standard Majlis Tafsir Al-Qur'an Surakarta. This research is a qualitative-ethnographic research that produces descriptive data. This was done at R-SMABI MTA Surakarta, Central Java. This study is a qualitative study with ethnography focusing on culture, planning, placement and / or development and evaluation of Human Resources (HR). The goal is to explore the management and development model of human resources in R-SMA-BI MTA Surakarta. The findings of this study are: First, the culture is conducive. Second, HR planning that is tailored to the needs analysis with the important needs of a Muslim, and other supportive conditions. Third, some human resource placements do not meet academic qualifications and competencies. Meanwhile, the qualifications of human resources have not met the R-SMA-BI standards. For the health and welfare of human resources it has also been regulated. Third, the evaluation conducted by the government and schools using various models. ; Penelitian ini mengkaji tentang Manajemen Sumber Daya Manusia (MSDM) di Sekolah Menengah Atas Standar Internasional Majlis Tafsir Al-Qur'an Surakarta. Riset ini adalah riset kualitatif-etnografi yang menghasilkan data deskriptif. Ini dilakukan di R-SMABI MTA Surakarta Jawa Tengah. Studi ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif dengan etnografi ini berfokus pada budaya, perencanaan, penempatan dan atau pengembangan serta evaluasi Sumber Daya Manusia (SDM). Tujuannya, menggali model pengelolaan dan pengembangan SDM di R-SMA-BI MTA Surakarta. Temuan penelitian ini adalah: Pertama, budayanya sudah kondusif. Kedua, perencanaan SDM yang disesuaikan dengan analisis kebutuhan dengan kebutuhan penting seorang muslim, dan kondisi lain yang mendukung. Ketiga, beberapa penempatan sumber daya manusia tidak memenuhi kualifikasi akademik dan kompetensi. Sedangkan kualifikasi SDM belum memenuhi standar R-SMA-BI. Untuk kesehatan dan kesejahteraan SDM juga sudah diatur. Ketiga, evaluasi yang dilakukan pemerintah dan sekolah dengan berbagai model.
The existence of foreign organizations is a consequence of international relations, resulting in interaction between mass organizations in other countries and countries. In line with this, the existence of foreign organizations is regulated by Government Regulation No. 58 of 2016 and Government Regulation No. 59 of 2016. However, there are still people who are concerned about the existence of foreign organizations, which are considered to threaten the values of national unity. Therefore, this study will look at the description of the existence of foreign organizations, namely the flow of foreign organizations into NTB Province, whether their existence is known by the local government; implementation of the role of the community and local government in supervising foreign organizations; and the importance of supervising foreign organizations in order to maintain national security. The method used is descriptive narrative with a qualitative approach. Data collection techniques used library/documentation techniques and interviews with representatives from Bakesbangpoldagri, the Health Office and the Social Service of West Nusa Tenggara Province. The results of the study indicate that Bakesbangpoldagri of West Nusa Tenggara Province does not have accurate data on the existence of foreign organizations; the implementation of the role of the community and local government in supervising foreign organizations has not been realized maximally; and that the supervision of foreign organizations in order to maintain national security is important to be carried out, because the existence of foreign organizations can strengthen and weaken regional resilience, which will affect national security. ; Keberadaan ormas asing merupakan konsekuensi dari pergaulan internasional, sehingga terjadi interaksi antara ormas di suatu negara dan negara lain. Sejalan dengan hal tersebut, keberadaan ormas asing diatur dengan PP No 58 Tahun 2016 dan PP No.59 Tahun 2016. Namun demikian, masih ada masyarakat yang khawatir dengan keberadaan ormas ...
Some states are widely recognized by policy makers and scholars as middle powers. The characteristics that were highlighted for these countries have become the basic guidelines for understanding middle powermanship and developing the corresponding theory. While those analyses offer rich in-depth insights into the foreign policy of specific countries, they have so far lacked a further step of generalization. When establishing such power-based rankings, we assume the possibility to determine states' capacities so as to identify their position in said ranking. As appealing as this theoretical model may be, the reality of international politics increasingly challenge it. Thus, we argue that this theoretical inadequacy is due to the fact that middle power theory as it has been developed so far should be understood as an inductive, not a deductive, approach . Consequently, the contemporary reality calls for yet another stage of development in this theory. The choice of Pakistan as our case study arises from the observation that while Pakistan can hardly fit into the current classification(s) of middle powermanship due to its poor economic and development performances, it is a nuclear state and is –at least– in the top twenty armies of the world. Moreover, we find several cases in which Pakistan has used the diplomatic tools characterizing middle powers, such as mediation or niche diplomacy. Our paper aims at answering two questions: (1) can middle power theory bring some light on Pakistan's positioning in world politics? (2) Alternatively, what does the case of Pakistan tell us about the (ir)relevance of middle power theory? We build upon role theory to develop the case of middle powermanship as a status-role bundle, by analyzing three specific cases of Pakistan's foreign policy: Pakistani nuclear posturing, its Afghan policy and its posturing vis-à-vis the Saudi-Iranian regional competition.
Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis proses penyelesaian konflik internal antara Pemerintah Indonesia dan gerakan separatisme di Papua (Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM)) menggunakan mekanisme horse-trading. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan mengkaji latar belakang OPM dan konflik, kemudian membahas proses konflik dengan alat bantu analisis timeline untuk memahami perkembangan gerakan separatisme dari OPM berdasarkan urutan kronologis, dan membahas resolusi konflik yang pernah dilakukan dengan alat bantu analisis pemetaan konflik untuk memahami aktor-aktor yang terlibat dan tujuannya. Konflik ini merupakan hasil dari kompleksitas antara latar belakang historis, ideologis, dan rasa ketidakadilan di Papua, di sisi lain, Papua semakin didukung oleh dunia internasional. Upaya penyelesaian konflik Pemerintah Indonesia dengan OPM dengan mekanisme horse-trading sudah mulai dilakukan, namun belum mencapai resolusi yang baru. Mekanisme horse-trading dapat efektif menyelesaikan konflik ini bilamana didukung oleh kepercayaan antara kedua pihak untuk melakukan dialog dimana kedua pihak dapat menyampaikan tujuannya secara terbuka. ; The study aims to analyze the process of internal conflict resolution between the Government of Indonesia and the separatist movement in Papua (Free Papua Movement (Indonesian: Organisasi Papua Merdeka or OPM)) using a horse-trading mechanism. This study was qualitative method by discussing the Free Papua Movement background and the conflict, then discussing the conflict process of timeline analysis tool to understand the development of its movement based on chronological order, and discussing the conflict resolutions that have been carried out with conflict mapping analysis tool to understand the actors that involved and their objectives. The conflict is the result of complexity among historical backgrounds, ideology, and a sense of injustice in Papua, on the other hand, the international community has increasingly supported Papua. Horse-trading has been used to resolve the conflict of Free Papua Movement and the Government of Indonesia, yet it has not yet reached a new resolution. The horse-trading mechanism effectively resolves the conflict when trust has been achieved between them to communicate both of them where they can deliver their objectives openly.
Global warming has seized the world's attention will be growing even larger in the future considering the consequences of it. UNO, through environmental program UNEP (United Nations Environment Progranune) and the World Meteorological Organization (World Meteorological Organization, WMO) formed the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) in 1988 to examine and analyze issues emerging science. Since 1990, every five or six years the IPCC has issued reports related to science through observation and prediction to determine the trend in the future. The conclusions that can be described are one of the strategic ways to protect the atmosphere is to control the use of natural resources. Increasing number of both large and medium industries in order to meet consumer needs for industrial products is contributing to increased emissions of greenhouse gases (GHG) emissions from industrial processes. To meet international standards for the environment, using the GHG Emission Standard, Indonesian follows the IPCC (Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change) guidelines. In applying these standards in the steel, chemical , aluminum and cement in Indonesia has two options: firstly, replacing old technology with new technology that GHG emissions is small, the second, modifies or adds equipment that reduce GHG emissions. This type of cooperation corresponding to the four types of industries (chemical, steel, cement and aluminum) are complementary models, simultaneous agreement model can be complete each other. Furthermore, various agreements between countries can be done through a variety of mechanisms. In addition, we need to realize the importance of industrial processes and ' clean production ', as this can increase the efficiency of use of raw materials, energy, prevent or replace the use of hazardous materials and toxic, reducing the amount and toxicity levels of all emissions and wastes before leaving the process. Clean production was essentially aimed at reducing the environmental impact throughout the product life cycle, from raw material collection to final disposal after the product was not used. Finally, community participation, industrialists, and government jointly required because it is the most effective measure in mitigating the effects of greenhouse gases.
The state is obliged to strive for the realization of justice for traditional fishing communities. Traditional communities are fishing communities whose traditional rights are still recognized in carrying out fishing activities or other legal activities in certain areas located in archipelagic waters following the international law of the sea. Coastal space areas and small islands that indigenous/traditional communities have managed from the obligation to have location permits and management take national interests and laws and regulations into account. Article 26 A of the Republic of Indonesia Number 1 of 2014 makes it easy for outsiders to control small islands that regulate the use of small islands and surrounding coasts through investment forms based on a ministerial permit that must prioritize the national interest. Positive law must protect traditional fishing communities and indigenous peoples. This research aims to analyze the regulation of fishermen's protection from deprivation of their rights in earning a living and livelihood. The research method used is normative research, meaning the implementation of legal provisions in the form of legislation in activities for certain legal events in the community, especially the fishing community. Normative research refers to and examines laws and regulations related to the research being conducted. The research locations cover coastal areas throughout Indonesia, especially Banda Aceh, Padang, Jakarta, Semarang, Surabaya, Manado, Kupang, Ternate, and Mataram. The state can provide knowledge, guidance, and protection for fishermen from various actions of deprivation of their rights to earn a living and protection such as piracy, the practice of fishing theft, abuse of trawling, transshipment activities, threats, and violence by foreign parties to Indonesian fishers. The central government and local governments are obliged to provide facilities for guaranteeing fishing areas or fishing coverage areas that are safe and do not overlap with other fields. ; Negara berkewajiban mengupayakan terwujudnya keadilan bagi masyarakat nelayan tradisional. Masyarakat tradisional adalah masyarakat perikanan yang masih diakui hak tradisionalnya dalam melakukan kegiatan penangkapan ikan atau kegiatan lainnya yang sah di wilayah tertentu yang berada di perairan kepulauan mengikuti hukum laut internasional. Wilayah pesisir dan pulau-pulau kecil yang dikelola masyarakat adat/tradisional dari kewajiban izin lokasi dan pengelolaannya memperhatikan kepentingan nasional dan peraturan perundang-undangan. Pasal 26 A Undang-Undang Republik Indonesia Nomor 1 Tahun 2014 memberikan kemudahan bagi pihak luar untuk menguasai pulau-pulau kecil yang mengatur pemanfaatan pulau-pulau kecil dan pesisir sekitarnya melalui bentuk penanaman modal berdasarkan izin menteri yang harus mengutamakan kepentingan nasional. Hukum positif harus melindungi masyarakat nelayan tradisional dan masyarakat adat. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis peraturan perlindungan nelayan dari perampasan haknya dalam mencari nafkah dan penghidupan. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah penelitian normatif, artinya penerapan ketentuan hukum berupa peraturan perundang-undangan dalam kegiatan untuk peristiwa hukum tertentu dalam masyarakat, khususnya masyarakat nelayan. Penelitian normatif mengacu pada dan mengkaji peraturan perundang-undangan yang terkait dengan penelitian yang dilakukan. Lokasi penelitian meliputi wilayah pesisir di seluruh Indonesia, khususnya Banda Aceh, Padang, Jakarta, Semarang, Surabaya, Manado, Kupang, Ternate, dan Mataram. Negara dapat memberikan pengetahuan, pembinaan, dan perlindungan bagi nelayan dari berbagai tindakan perampasan hak untuk mencari nafkah dan perlindungan seperti perompakan, praktik pencurian ikan, penyalahgunaan trawl, kegiatan transshipment, pengancaman, dan kekerasan oleh pihak asing kepada nelayan Indonesia. Pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah wajib menyediakan fasilitas untuk menjamin wilayah penangkapan ikan atau wilayah jangkauan penangkapan ikan yang aman dan tidak tumpang tindih dengan bidang lain.
From the beginning of the 1990's onwards, political analysts in all Western European countries discovered the contours of what they thought to be a widespread crisis of democracy. The alleged decline of political trust and public participation, and the rise of electoral volatility pointed out that the gap between politicians and citizens had never been wider. This political climate characterized by a deep-rooted crisis of democratic legitimacy offered an excellent breeding ground for critical reflection on the role, shape and function of democracy in modern societies. It gave rise to a fruitful quest for new and innovative ways of governing a democracy. It is in this turbulent period that the ideal of a deliberative democracy was coined (Dryzek 2000). A community of international scholars and philosophers, inspired by the work of Jürgen Habermas, became more and more convinced that a vibrant democracy is more than the aggregate of its individual citizens, and that democratic politics should be about more than merely voting. The quality of a democracy and the quality of democratic decisions, according to them, did not depend on the correct aggregation of individual preferences, but rather on the quality of the public debate that preceded the voting stage. Democratic decisions were thus no longer considered a function of mere compliance with aggregation rules. Instead, they were determined by extensive argumentation about political choices before voting on them. Because of its strong focus of public involvement in politics, this deliberative model of democracy started out in life as a theory of legitimacy (Benhabib 1996; Cohen 1997; Dryzek 2001; Parkinson 2006). By including everyone who is affected by a decision in the process leading to that decision, deliberation has important political merits: it is capable of generating political decisions that receive broad public support, even when there is strong disagreement on the aims and values a polity should promote (Geenens & Tinnevelt 2007, p. 47). After all, talking about political issues allows citizens to hear other perspectives to a problem and to see their own perspectives represented in the final decision. However, deliberation's beneficial effects do not come about easily. If deliberative democracy wants to contribute to increasing the legitimacy of the political system as a whole, it has to be legitimate in itself. In other words, deliberative events have to reflect the principles of legitimacy in their own functioning before their outcomes can generate legitimate political decisions. It is therefore crucial to assess the internal legitimacy of deliberative mini-publics before making claims about their contribution to the legitimacy of the political system as a whole. Our research question is therefore: to what extent can deliberative mini-publics live up to the criteria of democratic and political legitimacy? In this paper, we set out to assess the internal legitimacy of one specific deliberative event, namely the G1000 project in Belgium (Caluwaerts & Reuchamps, 2012). The G1000 project takes a particular place in the world of deliberative practice because it was not only grassroots in its process and its results, but also in its organization. Most deliberative events are introduced and funded by either public administrations or scientific institutions. The G1000 was rather considered a genuine citizens' initiative from its very inception. All of the organizers of the event were volunteers, and all of the funds were gathered using crowd funding. So instead of a scientific experiment, the G1000 was more of a democratic experiment by, through, and for citizens. This grass-root structure makes it a very interesting case for students of legitimacy, because as we will see later on it situated at the heart of the democratic trade-off between input and output legitimacy.
From the beginning of the 1990's onwards, political analysts in all Western European countries discovered the contours of what they thought to be a widespread crisis of democracy. The alleged decline of political trust and public participation, and the rise of electoral volatility pointed out that the gap between politicians and citizens had never been wider. This political climate characterized by a deep-rooted crisis of democratic legitimacy offered an excellent breeding ground for critical reflection on the role, shape and function of democracy in modern societies. It gave rise to a fruitful quest for new and innovative ways of governing a democracy. It is in this turbulent period that the ideal of a deliberative democracy was coined (Dryzek 2000). A community of international scholars and philosophers, inspired by the work of Jürgen Habermas, became more and more convinced that a vibrant democracy is more than the aggregate of its individual citizens, and that democratic politics should be about more than merely voting. The quality of a democracy and the quality of democratic decisions, according to them, did not depend on the correct aggregation of individual preferences, but rather on the quality of the public debate that preceded the voting stage. Democratic decisions were thus no longer considered a function of mere compliance with aggregation rules. Instead, they are determined by extensive argumentation about political choices before voting on them. Because of its strong focus of public involvement in politics, this deliberative model of democracy started out in life as a theory of legitimacy (Benhabib 1996; Cohen 2002; Dryzek 2001; Parkinson 2006). By including everyone who is affected by a decision in the process leading to that decision, deliberation has important political merits: it is capable of generating political decisions that receive broad public support, even when there is strong disagreement on the aims and values a polity should promote (Geenens & Tinnevelt 2007, p. 47). After all, talking about political issues allows citizens to hear other perspectives to a problem and to see their own perspectives represented in the final decision. As such, deliberative democracy seeks to score high on input, throughput and output legitimacy. However, deliberation's beneficial effects do not come about easily. If deliberative democracy wants to contribute to increasing the legitimacy of the political system as a whole, it has to be legitimate in itself. In other words, deliberative events have to reflect the principles of legitimacy in their own functioning before their outcomes can generate legitimate political decisions. It is therefore crucial to assess the internal legitimacy of deliberative mini-publics before making claims about their contribution to the legitimacy of the political system as a whole. In this paper, we set out to assess the internal legitimacy of one specific deliberative event, namely the G1000 project in Belgium (Caluwaerts & Reuchamps, 2012a). Our research question is therefore: to what extent does the G1000 live up to the criteria of input, throughput and output legitimacy? The G1000 project takes a particular place in the world of deliberative practice because it was not only grass roots in its process and its results, but also in its organization. Most deliberative events are introduced and funded by either public administrations or scientific institutions. The G1000 was rather considered a citizens' initiative from its very inception. All of the organizers of the event were volunteers, and all of the funds were gathered using crowd funding. So instead of a scientific experiment, the G1000 was more of a democratic experiment by, through, and for citizens. This grass-root structure makes it a very interesting case for students of legitimacy, because as we will see later on it situated at the heart of the democratic trade-off between input and output legitimacy.
