Suchergebnisse

Die Funktion des kroatischen Parlaments (des Sabor) im Rahmen der Transformation des politischen Systems war zunächst ähnlich wie in den mitteleuropäischen Reformstaaten. Die ersten freien Parlamentswahlen 1990 mit ihrer klaren Wahlniederlage der Reformkommunisten hatten große symbolische Bedeutung. Im weiteren Verlauf hat sich die Entwicklung des kroatischen Parlamentarismus in manchem vom mittel- zum osteuropäischen Modell hin verlagert, mit einer Tendenz zu einem schwachen und marginalisierten Parlament. Als Hauptursachen nennt der Autor: die absolute Dominanz der mehr als politische Bewegung denn als strukturierte politische Partei zu verstehenden Regierungspartei HDZ im noch unterentwickelten Parteiensystem Kroatiens; die laut Verfassung und mehr noch in der politischen Praxis starke Stellung des Staatspräsidenten; schließlich den Einfluß des ethnischen Konflikts zwischen Kroaten und Serben, dessen Austragung sich auch durch den frühzeitigen Auszug vieler radikaler serbischer Parlamentarier aus dem Sabor schon im Sommer 1990 (dann ohne schlichtende Funktion des Parlaments) auf die militärische Ebene verlagert habe. Ansonsten analysiert der Autor die Funktionsweise des Sabor mit seinem Zweikammersystem bei der Gesetzgebung in der Verfassungswirklichkeit und die Entwicklung des Parteiensystems der Parlamentsparteien. (SOI-Clw)

In many of its areas, the writing of music history in Germany is characterised by the Romantic music outlook and its "Two-World-Model": the real world is seen as opposing the ideal world of music as a higher existence of ideas and ideals. Art music in the emphatic sense, commonly designated as serious music, pretends to represent that ideal world and makes claims to truthfulness. The science of music actually believes it is able to prove the universality of these claims. A large part of musicological publications are characterised by this assumption. However, a public discussion among musicologists as to whether such writings should belong to the field of theology rather than to historico-critical historiography (as a science in the strict sense) is non-existent. As a result, our field has not only disappeared from a public sphere that wishes to leave those claims to small elitist circles, but has also encountered a growing lack of understanding among other disciplines, even to the point of mockery. It would suffice here to refer to the lawyer Bernhard Weck, who wrote with regard to Beethoven's Opus 112: "Only musicology could prove that 'political ideas of freedom can be expressed through gestures of sound.'" ; У многим својим сегментима, писање историја музике у Немачкој карактерише романтичарска визура и њен "модел два света": реални свет се посматра као супротстављен идеалном свету музике као вишем ступњу постојања идеја и идеала. Уметничка музика у изворном смислу, обично означена термином "озбиљна музика", претвара се да представља тај идеалан свет и претендује на истинитост. Наука о музици заиста верује да може да докаже универзалност ових тврдњи. Знатан број музиколошких публикација карактерише ова претпоставка. Међутим, јавна дискусија међу музиколозима о томе да ли такви списи треба да припадају области теологије, а не историјско-критичкој историографији (као науци у строгом смислу) не постоји. Као резултат тога, наше поље није само нестало из јавне сфере, која жели да те тврдње остави малим елитистичким круговима, већ је наишло и на све већи недостатак разумевања међу другим дисциплинама, чак и до тачке ругања. Довољно је да се позовемо на речи адвоката Бернарда Века (Bernhard Weck), који је у вези са Бетовеновим опусом 112 написао: "Само музикологија може доказати да се 'политичке идеје слободе могу изразити звучним гестовима'." ; Часопис је индексиран на http://doiserbia.nb.rs/, http://dais.sanu.ac.rs/handle/123456789/914 и у међународној бази ProQuest. / The journal is indexed in http://doiserbia.nb.rs/, http://dais.sanu.ac.rs/handle/123456789/914 and in the international database ProQuest. Издавање ове публикације подржали су Министарство културе и информисања Републике Србије, Министарство просвете, науке и технолошког развоја Републике Србије и СОКОЈ - Организација музичких аутора Србије / The publication of this volume was supported by the Ministry of Culture and Information of the Republic of Serbia, the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia and SOKOJ - Serbian Music Authors' Organization

U radu ćemo predstaviti karakteristike nastave retorike kao obaveznog izbornog predmeta u devetom razredu osnovne škole u Sloveniji. Ovaj predmet predstavlja jedinstveni obrazovni element jer u drugim evropskim obrazovnim sistemima (kao ni i drugde u svetu) nisu na osnovnoškolskom nivou upoznati s nezavisnim predmetom koji bi učenike sistematski učio principima uspešnog ubeđivanja sagovornika. Nakon kratkog predstavljanja okolnosti uvođenja predmeta retorike u školski program slovenačkih osnovnih škola, predstavićemo njegove pedagoške karakteristike i ukazaćemo na neke specifičnosti njegovog praktičnog sprovođenja od 1999. godine do danas. Glavni fokus u drugom delu našeg rada biće predstavljanje rezultata projekta "Razvoj teorijskih osnova i praktičnih smernica za nastavu retorike u osnovnoj i srednjoj školi" koji se od 2018. godine realizuje u Pedagoškom institutu u Ljubljani. Prikazaćemo osnovne (sadržajne i didaktičke) pravce razvoja nove verzije nastavnog plana i programa za nastavu retorike u osnovnoj školi. Ovim nastojimo da pokažemo kako retorika, kao sastavni deo osnovnog obrazovanja, ne predstavlja dodatni balast ili teret, već da, upravo zbog svojih jedinstvenih (tj. klasičnih) karakteristika, omogućava kritički osvrt na znanje i podstiče demokratske procese u školskoj sredini, što predstavlja jedan od ključnih elemenata razvoja učeničkih kompetencija za efikasno učešće u savremenim demokratskim kulturama. ; In the paper, we shall present the characteristics of teaching rhetoric as a compulsory elective subject in the ninth grade of elementary school in Slovenia. It represents a unique education feature, since in other European educational systems (as well as elsewhere in the world) at elementary level they are not familiar with an independent subject where pupils could systematically learn the principles of successful public persuasion. After a brief presentation of the circumstances surrounding the placement of the subject of rhetoric in the Slovenian elementary school curriculum, we shall outline its pedagogical characteristics and present some particularities of its practical carrying out from 1999 to the present day. The main focus in the second part of our paper shall be the presentation of the results of the project "Developing of theoretical bases and practical guidelines for teaching rhetoric in the primary and secondary school" which has been taking part at the Educational Research Institute Slovenia from 2018. We will demonstrate the main (content and didactic) directions of developing a new version of the curriculum for teaching rhetoric in the primary school, thus trying to show that rhetoric, seen as an integral part of the elementary education, does not represent an additional ballast or burden. On the contrary, precisely because of its unique (i.e. classical) features, it enables a critical reflection of knowledge and promotes democratic processes within the school environment, which represent one of the key elements in development of student competences for effective participation in modern democratic cultures. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

Зборник који је пред читаоцима садржи радове претходно представљене на међународном научном скупу Музички модернизам - нова тумачења који је у организацији Музиколошког института САНУ и одељења ликовне и музичке уметности САНУ одржан у Београду од 11. до 13. октобра 2007. године. Чињеницом да је радни језик скупа био енглески, објашњава се објављивање текстова на том језику (с једним оправданим изузетком). Циљ скупа био је да се подстакну и прикажу нова сагледавања стваралаштва музичког модернизма, сложеног покрета чије је деловање обележило развој музике скоро целог XX века, а првенствено да се на свеж начин протумаче естетичке дилеме и расправе о карактеристикама, смислу и значењу разноврсних и често контрадикторних стремљења у овом раздобљу. Тематски спектар приказаних радова био је изузетно широк: кретао се од преиспитивања музичког модернизма помоћу категорија носталгије и присвајања, преко сагледавања односа центара и периферије, до разматрања сложених веза између модернизма и политике. Као што смо и очекивали, пажња је била усмерена не само на значајне личности и појаве у међународним музичким токовима, већ и на оне у српској музици. Аутори радова нису себи поставили циљ - нити су то могли - да понуде чврсте закључке, дефиниције, класификације. Уместо тога, они су донели вишеслојна и иновативна разматрања ове узбудљиве уметничке епохе окренуте будућности и прогресу, из перспективе XXI века који је остао без многих илузија, неминовно остављајући широк простор за нова тумачења. ; The articles collected in this volume were presented at the conference Rethinking Musical Modernism that took place in Belgrade from 1 1-13 October 2007 and was or ganised by the Institute of Musicology and the Department of Fine Arts and Music of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts. The working language of the conference was English which explains the publication of the contributions in that language (with one justifiable exemption). As the title of the conference indicates, the main aim of the organisers was to stimulate novel investigation of musical Modernism. The papers were thus focused on discussions of the ideas, characteristics, and meanings of the diverse and often contra dictory tendencies that existed in that period. The thematic scope of the papers was wide: from new approaches to musical Modernism using the categories of nostalgia and appropriation, and novel observations on the relationship between centres and peripheries, to questioning of the ties between Modernism and politics, the problems of terminology, and analysis of important aspects of the modernist achievements on the international and Serbian modernist scene. The contributors did not - and could not - pursue the aim of reaching firm conclusions, definitions, and classifications. They instead offered rich and complex examinations of this exciting musical epoch turned toward the future and progress, seen from the perspective of the disillusioned twenty-first century, necessarily leaving vast space for new rethinking. ; Зборник радова са научног скупа одржаног од 11. до 13. октобра 2007. године

Cilj rada je kritička ananliza konceptualizacije motivacije za obrazovanjem u političkim dokumentima Evropske unije. Na primeru serije objavljenih Komunikacija Evropske komisije u poslednje dve decenije sagledavaju se ključne karakteristike konceptualizacije motivacije za visokim obrazovanjem. S obzirom na to da Evropska komisija nema legislativna ovlašćenja nad sistemima obrazovanja država članica, ona svoj uticaj može ostvariti pomoću organizovanih političkih inicijativa i iznošenjem svog mišljenja. Komunikacije Evropske komisije predstavljaju značajan vid javnog promovisanja mišljenja, vizija i vrednosti EU u politici visokog obrazovanja. Analizom sadržaja sedam objavljenih Komunikacija u periodu od 2003. do 2018. godine može se zaključiti da obrazovna politika Evropske unije tematizuje problem motivacije za visokoškolskim obrazovanjem prevashodno instrumentalno, kao deo ekonomske agende razvoja društva. Prećutno se podrazumeva dominacija spoljašnje motivacije u sistemu visokog obrazovanja. Visoko obrazovanje se shvata kao usluga, student kao korisnik obrazovnih usluga, a problem individualne motivacije za obrazovanjem konceptualizuje se kao investiranje u ljudski kapital. Sa stanovišta obrazovnih institucija, motivacija za obrazovanjem se razmatra kao problem ponude obrazovnih usluga i usklađivanja sa aktuelnim i budućim potrebama tržišta rada. Vrednost visokog obrazovanja u celini razmatra se iz ekonomske perspektive. Pedagoške implikacije svođenja složenog procesa motivacije za obrazovanjem u okviru celokupnog sistema visokog obrazovanja na instrumentalne spoljašnje podsticaje može se opisati kao redukcionizam, odnosno zanemarivanje mnogostrukih motiva i vrednosti koji visoko obrazovanje čine socijalno poželjnim i individualno potrebnim. ; The aim of this paper is a critical analysis of conceptualization of motivation for education in the European Union political documents. The key characteristics of conceptualization of motivation for higher education are deliberated on the example of a collection of published European Commission Communications in the past two decades. Given that the European Commission has no legislative powers over education systems of the member states, it exerts its influence through instruments of organized policy initiatives and expression of its opinions. European Commission Communications represent an important form of public promotion of EU opinions, visions, and values in higher education policy. By analysing the content of seven published Communications in the period from 2003 to 2018, it can be concluded that in the European Union educational policy, the problem of motivation for higher education is perceived primarily instrumentally, as a part of economic agenda of society development. Dominance of external motivation in the higher education system is tacitly assumed. Higher education is understood as service, the student as user of educational services, and the problem of individual motivation for education is conceptualized as investment in human capital. From the point of view of educational institutions, motivation for education is perceived as the problem of offering educational services and harmonization with current and future needs of the labour market. The value of higher education as a whole is considered from economic perspective. Pedagogical implications of reducing a complex process of motivation for education in the entire higher education system to instrumental external incentives, can be described as reductionism, i.e. neglect of multiple motives and values that make higher education socially desirable and individually necessary. ; Knjiga rezimea, 25. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa" ; Book of abstracts / 25th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

U radu se razmatra doprinos inkluzivnog obrazovanja i njegovi potencijalni efekti na razvoj celokupnog društva, obrazovnih institucija i pojedinaca. Ukazuje se na ključne pozitivne promene u društvu koje se opredelilo za sprovođenje inkluzivnog obrazovanja: (a) unapređivanje zakonske regulative u pravcu obezbeđivanja dostupnosti, pravednosti i jednakosti u ostvarivanju prava dece i odraslih sa teškoćama u razvoju; (b) povezivanje i saradnja različitih društvenih sistema i institucija i (v) finansijska dobrobit koja se ostvaruje korišćenjem dostupnih resursa redovnih obrazovnih institucija za obrazovanje dece sa teškoćama u razvoju. Naglašavaju se značajne promene koje se usled realizacije inkluzivnog obrazovanja dešavaju unutar obrazovnih institucija, a koje pored unapređivanja obrazovne politike i kulture škola obuhvataju i promene na nivou nastavne i vannastavne prakse. Promene na nivou obrazovnih institucija razmatraju se i iz perspektive ključnih aktera i koristi koje oni imaju od realizacije inkluzivnog obrazovanja. Naglašava se potencijal koji inkluzivno obrazovanje, kao prirodno okruženje, ima za razvoj i učenje dece sa teškoćama u razvoju i otkrivanje njihovih očuvanih sposobnosti. Ukazuje se na važnost ovakvog okruženja za podsticanje tolerancije, uvažavanja različitosti i empatičnosti kod ostale dece u odeljenju. Poseban osvrt dat je na promene koje se odnose na nastavnika i njegovu praksu, kako na nivou stavova i pedagoških uverenja, tako i u domenu novih znanja i kompеtencija. Kvalitet realizacije inkluzivnog obrazovanja i njegovi potencijalni efekti na razvoj društva, obrazovnih institucija i pojedinaca razmotreni su kroz prizmu različitih prepreka, problema i otežavajućih okolnosti. ; The paper deliberates positive effects of inclusive education and its potential influence on development of entire society, educational institutions and individuals. It indicates key positive changes in the society which opted for inclusive education: (a) improvement of legislation towards providing availability, fairness and equality for children and adults with disabilities in exercising their rights; (b) networking and cooperation between different social systems and institutions; (c) financial benefit gained by using the available resources provided by the regular educational institutions for education of children with disabilities. It stresses the important changes that occur inside the educational institutions due to inclusive education which, in addition to improving educational policy and mind-set in schools, include changes in curricular and extra-curricular practices. The changes in educational institutions are also deliberated from the standpoint of key participants and their benefits from inclusive education. It stresses the potential which the inclusive education, as natural environment, has in development and learning of children with disabilities and in revealing their preserved abilities. It points to importance of such environment in nurturing tolerance, respect for diversity and empathy in other children in the classroom. A special emphasis is put on the changes that concern teachers and their practice, both in their attitudes and pedagogical beliefs and in the domain of new skills and competences. The quality of implementation of inclusive education and its potential effects on development of society, educational institutions and individuals are deliberated through the prism of various obstacles, problems and difficulties. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

When in 2007, after the rejection of the Constitution for Europe in France and the Netherlands, European politicians defined their mandate to work on the Reform Treaty, they explicitly promised that 'the constitutional concept is . abandoned' and that 'the Treaty of European Union and Treaty on Functioning of the Union will not have a constitutional character.' In its Maastricht and Lisbon decisions, the German Federal Constitutional Court concluded that the European Union did not have a constitution since it did not have demos. The main purpose of this article is to prove the opposite. Accepting Weiler's argumentation that the EU is a political messianic venture par excellence, the author claims that, in addition to pursuing messianic goals, Europe's political elite has for a long time been streaming to root Political Messianism into democracy and position the EU in the global world. The main vehicle to transform the Community/Union from an international to a constitutional legal order has been constitutionalism. Starting from the French revolutionary Declaration, which declared civil rights and in Article 16 proclaimed 'a society in which the observance of the law is not assured, nor the separation of powers defined, has no constitution at all,' the author has showed that the Union has an antirevolutionary, uncodified and evolutive constitution, whose elements are to be found in the Lisbon Treaty and its related documents, the jurisprudence of the European Court of Justice, and to some extent in the constitutional orders of the Member States. The European constitution does not mirror a national constitution in the sense that it is attributable to the people, nor it is a revolutionary product aimed at limiting the government in the name of individual freedom. It is a rule of law-oriented type of constitution, born in the process of constitutionalization and aimed at submitting public power to law on the Union level. From the perspective of modern constitutionalism, the quality of this constitution is a matter of concern, since it has managed to connect the rule of law with the protection of human rights, but has failed to do the same with regard to democracy. Despite some efforts to entrench the democratic principle in the Lisbon Treaty, the present crisis in the Union is to a great extent the result of this failure. The fact that democratic defects at the Union level appear less visible when pitted against the state of affairs in national constitutional systems cannot mitigate this failure. Yet, assuming that the EU will survive the present crisis and having in mind that the Union is 'work in progress', the issue which still remains open is whether the future efforts to eliminate the defects of the European Constitution should be tied to traditional ways of thinking about democratic accountability within nation states, or one should stop thinking in terms of a Westphalian nation-state, and accept that transnational systems can provide a cure for democratic failings in ways that differ from traditional postulates of democracy.