Suchergebnisse

Škole se širom sveta nalaze pred novim zahtevima, a jedan od njih, posebno izražen u neoliberalnoj eri i kulturi revizije, jeste standardizacija uspeha učenika preuzeta iz sveta ekonomije. Mišljenja o standardizaciji uspeha učenika ili škola su podeljena. Sistematski smo analizirali relevantnu literaturu kako bismo istražili različita viđenja standarda. Standardi se smatraju dobrim pokazateljima koji omogućavaju poređnje među državama i pružaju smernice za inovacije i/ili reforme, pošto su obrazovni sistemi tradicionalno zasnovani na implicitnim standardima. Postavljanje eksplicitnih standarda olakšava posao nastavnicima i učenicima jer znaju šta se od njih očekuje. Osnovu ovakvog pristupa čini verovanje političara da mogu jasno prepoznati šta bi studenti trebalo da znaju i za šta bi trebalo da budu osposobljeni. Protivnici ovakvom mišljenju smatraju da je postavljanje eksplicitnih standarda inherentno štetno jer može umanjiti kvalitet onoga što se meri. Standardi se ne odnose na potpunu valorizaciju studenata, niti na kompetencije važne za uključivanje u svet rada. Uspeh učenika ima višestruke ciljeve koji se ne odražavaju u standardizovanim testovima, a moguće je i preusmeravanje resursa s jedne grupe učenika na druge, što često nije opravdano ili transparentno. Standardizacija uspeha učenika stvorena je analogijom sa privredom po kojoj studenti postaju ,,proizvodi", a njihovo ponašanje se definiše kao ,,izlazne veštine", ,,kompetencije" i ,,ishodi". Postavljanje standarda počiva na implicitnoj pretpostavci da je obrazovni proces kulturološki neutralan i da ne uzima u obzir etničku pripadnost i društvenu klasu, ali pokušava da homogenizuje učenike stavljajući ih u kvantifikovane kategorije. Sam koncept standarda je nejasan. Stoga, standardizacija baca senku na romantičnu predstavu o poslovnom sektoru kao primeru dobre prakse i iziskuje redefinisanje cilja i svrhe obrazovanja. ; There are new demands for schools around the world, and one of them, particularly expressed in the neoliberal era and audit culture, is standardization of student achievements that has been transferred from the world of economics. The opinions about standardization of student or academic achievements are not united. We used systematic analysis of relevant literature to explore different perspectives on standards. Standards are considered to be a good indicator that allows cross-national comparisons and provides guidance for innovation and/or reform, since education systems are traditionally based on implicit standards. Setting explicit standards makes work easier for teachers and students because they know what is expected from them. The basic foundation of this approach is the politicians' conviction that they can clearly identify what students need to know and what they need to be capable of. The opponents believe that setting explicit standards is inherently damaging because it can reduce the quality of what is measured. Standards do not allow for full valorisation of students or competences that are important for inclusion in the world of work. Student achievement has multiple goals that are not reflected in standardized tests, and it is also possible to redirect resources from one group of students to others, which is often not justified or transparent. Standardization of student achievement was created by analogy to industry, whereby students become "products", and their behaviour is defined as "exit skills", "competences" and "outcomes". Setting standards rests on the implicit assumption that educational process is culturally neutral and does not take into account ethnicity and social class, but tries to homogenize students by placing them in quantified categories. The mere construct standard, is not clear. For this reason, standardization casts a shadow on romantic presentation of the business sector as the example of good practice, and requires redefining the goal and purpose of education. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

Interesovanje za teoriju i praksu rane intervencije u Srbiji je intenzivirano poslednjih desetak godina. U praksi su odavno zastupljeni različiti oblici rada sa decom sa smetnjama u razvoju ranog uzrasta, dok su teorijsko uobličavanje znanja i sistemski pristup ranoj intervenciji, sagledani kroz donošenje državnih odluka, uključivanje sadržaja iz ove oblasti u studijske programe fakulteta koji školuju defektologa, novijeg datuma. Cilj ovog rada je da ukaže na ključne promene i aktivnosti usmerene na razvoj nacionalnih sistema rane intervencije, s posebnim osvrtom na Srbiju. Od šest priotiteta sadržanih u dokumentu Poziv na akciju: Podrška razvoju dece u ranom detinjstvu koji je Vlada Srbije sačinila u saradnji sa UNICEFOM, a koji je zasnovan na Konvenciji o pravima deteta, Ciljevima održivog razvoja i najboljim interesima za svako dete posebno je značajan prvi podrška roditeljstvu. Izdvajanje ovog prioriteta bazirano je na činjenici da je podrška dobrobiti deteta jedan od najvažnijih ciljeva predškolskog vaspitanja i obrazovanja i da je ostvariv samo onda kada porodica može na adekvatan način da oblikuje sopstvene životne okolnosti. Osim toga takozvani model F-reči, utemeljen na odrednicama Međunarodne klasifikacije funkcionisanja, invalidnosti i zdravlja, vidi porodicu kao centralni "kontekstualni" činilac razvoja, koji ima najbolji potencijal za pružanje fizičke i emocionalne bezbednosti deteta i čija dobrobit treba da bude primarni cilj uključivanja u programe rane intervencije i obezbeđivanja usluga. Iako je rad sa porodicom, ključni činilic pozitivnih ishoda rane intervencije, dosadašnja praksa u ovom segmentu rada može da se opiše kao dugo putovanje od pristupa usmerenog na stručnjake koji donose odluke i sprovodi tretman, do pristupa u čijem fokusu je porodica Veštine uspostavljanja saradničkog odnosa su za stručnjake, koji prihvataju model usmeren na porodicu još uvek velik izazov, jer je neophodno da se uloga donosioca odluka, "prepisivača saveta", zameni ulogom partnera, slušaoca, pomagača i konsultanta. ; Interest in the theory and practice of early intervention in Serbia, has intensified in the last ten years. In practice, various forms of work with children with disabilities at an early age have long been represented, whereas theoretical shaping of knowledge and systematic approach to early intervention seen through state-decision making, inclusion of contents from this area in university programmes for educating defectologist, are of the more recent date. The aim of this paper is to point out the key changes and activities directed to development of national early intervention systems, with special reference to Serbia. Considering the six priorities contained in the document Call to Action: Support to children development in early childhood, created by Government of Serbia in cooperation with UNICEF, based on Convention on the rights of the child, Sustainable development goals and best interest for each child individually, the first one is especially important, parenting support. The selection of this priority is based on the fact that supporting the welfare of the child is one of the most important goals of preschool education and that it is achievable only in case when the family can adquately shape their own life circumstances. Besides, the so-called F-word model based on the International Classification of Functioning Disability and Health, recognizes the family as the central "contextual" factor, with best potential for providing physical and emotional security to the child, whose welfare should be the primary goal of inclusion in early intervention and service providing programmes. Although, the work with family is the key factor in positive outcomes of early intervention, current practice in this segment of work can be described as a long journey from and approach focused on decision-making and treatment professionals, to the family-oriented approach. Collaborative skills are still the great challenge for professionals who accept family-oriented model, as it is necessary to replace the role of decision-maker, "advice transcriber" with the role of partner, listener, assistant and consultant.

Američka administracija zainteresovala se još pedesetih i šezdesetih godina prošlog veka za zemlje severne Afrike, kada su one stekle nezavisnost. Krajem Hladnog rata, američki zvaničnici pozvali su sve severnoafričke zemlje da se uključe u proces globalizacije svetske ekonomije, a posle događaja iz septembra 2001. godine u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama, njihovi istraživački centri počeli su ozbiljnije da proučavaju islamske pokrete unutar i izvan islamskog sveta. Predmet istraživanja ove doktorske disertacije je određivanje američkih spoljno-političkih interesa i vrednosti prema islamskim pokretima na severu Afrike na početku XXI veka. Naučni cilj ovog istraživanja je naučno objašnjenje američke spoljne politike prema islamskim pokretima, posebno uzroka promene u američkoj spoljnoj politici i njen budući pravac kretanja prema političkim partijama i pokretima, nakon revolucija arapskog proleća i dolaska ovih islamskih partija na vlast u Tunisu, Egiptu i Libiji. To podrazumeva naučnu deskripciju i klasifikaciju značajnih islamskih pokreta na severu Afrike s naglaskom na njihov uticaj na američku spoljnu politiku. Društveni cilj ove teze je da ponudi naučno zasnovane osnove za razvoj odgovarajuće američke spoljne politike prema islamskim pokretima, uključujući i ulogu nezavisnih istraživačkih centara kao i sredstava informisanja u kreiranju američke spoljne politike. Najveću primenu u ovoj disertaciji imale su statistička i komparativna metoda, kao i analiza sadržaja dokumenata kao metoda prikupljanja podataka. Rezultat, odnosno naučni doprinos doktorske disertacije zasniva se na dva bitna činioca. Prvo, ova tema nije razvijena u naučno delo u našoj i savremenoj naučnoj literaturi, dakle radi se o originalnoj doktorskoj disertaciji. I drugo, zbog naučnog cilja odnosno naučnog objašnjenja američke spoljne politike prema islamskim pokretima, kao i njihovoj klasifikaciji. Društveni značaj i očekivani rezultati odnose se na sprovođenje američkih spoljno-političkih interesa i vrednosti, i proučavanja uticaja međunarodnog terorizma i radikalnih islamskih pokreta na američku spoljnu politiku, posebno u procesu globalizacije. ; The American administration has shown interest during the 1950-1960's for the North Africa countries, after their independence. By the end of the Cold War, the US officials has invited all North African countries to engage in the process of globalization of the world economy, and after the events during September 2001 in the USA, their research centers has begun more serious to study the Islamic movements inside and outside the Islamic world. The subject of this doctoral thesis is to determine US foreign policy interests and values towards the Islamic movements in the North of Africa at the beginning of the XXI century. The scientific objective of this research is the scientific explanation of US foreign policy towards the Islamic movements, particularly the causes of changes in US foreign policy and their trends towards political parties and movements, after the Arab spring revolutions and the arrival of these Islamic parties to power in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya. It includes scientific description and classification of the significant Islamic movements in the North of Africa, with an emphasis on their impact on US foreign policy. The social objective of this thesis is to offer science-based foundation for developing the appropriate US foreign policy towards the Islamic movements, including the role of independent research centers and the media in the creation of American foreign policy. The most used methods in this doctoral thesis were statistical and comparative methods, as well the content analysis for collecting the data. The result, ie scientific contribution of this doctoral thesis is based on two important factors. First, this theme has not been developed as scientific work in our and modern literature, so this is an original doctoral thesis. And second, because of the scientific explanation of American foreign policy towards the Islamic movements, as well as their classification. The social significance and expected results relates to the implementation of US foreign policy interests and values, and studying the impact of international terrorism and radical Islamic movements towards American foreign policy, especially during the process of globalization.

Istraživanje je podstaknuto učestalom pojavomdemotivisanosti za učenje kod gimnazijskih maturanata,koja je primetna u proteklim godinama. Cilj istraživanja je da se rasvetle upravo ovi činioci demotivisanosti. U okviru kulturno-psihološkog i sociološko teorijskog okvira ovog istraživanja motivacija se opisuje kao proces u kom se susreću karakteristike konteksta i karakteristike osobe. Кao važni činioci motivacije za učenje prepoznaju se percepcija instrumentalnosti i upotrebne vrednosti učenja i znanja i perspektiva budućnosti. Poseban značaj imaju karakteristike konteksta u kom se uči, tj. način na koji su učenici podstaknuti da veruju da je ponašanje u sadašnjosti (učenje i postignuće) svrsishodno za postizanje budućih ciljeva. U ovom kvalitativnom istraživanju postavljena su sledeća istraživačka pitanja: 1) Na koje načine učenici vide upotrebnu vrednost učenja i postignuća za budućnost? 2) Šta učenike navodi na određene perspektive budućnosti? Sprovedene su dve fokus grupe sa 20 maturanata dve beogradske gimnazije. Odabrani su učenici kod kojih je primećen pad i u motivaciji za učenje i u postignuću, u prvom polugodištu četvrtog razreda. Analiza sadržaja odgovora ukazuje na sledeće:1) učenici ne prepoznaju znanja i postignuća kao instrumente društvene promocije, jer kako navode, ima drugih načina koji su lakši i brži; 2) mogućnost da se uslov za upis na fakultet obezbedi posredstvom prijemnog ispita, kao i izvesnost upisa na privatne fakultete i pre završene školske godine, školsko postignuće spušta na listi prioriteta; 3) statusna hijerarhija nije hijerarhija znanja i veština. Na najvišim položajima nisu ljudi koji najviše znaju ili umeju. Može se zaključiti da se sa društvenim promenama menja i perspektiva budućnosti učenika što negativno utiče na motivisanost za učenje.Stoga je pri planiranju obrazovnih politika važno da budu prepoznati kontekstualni činioci motivacije za učenje, ali je neophodno i da svi učesnici budu angažovani u kreiranju nove obrazovne stvarnosti. ; The research was stimulated by the frequent occurrence of demotivation for learning among high school graduates, which has been noticeable in recent years. The aim of the research is to clarify these particular factors for demotivation. Within the cultural-psychological and sociological theoretical framework of this research, motivation is described as a process in which characteristics of a context and characteristics of personality meet. Perception of instrumentality and use value of learning and knowledge, as well as perspectives in future, are recognized as important factors of motivation for learning. Characteristics of the context in which learning is conducted, ways by which students are encouraged to believe that their behaviour in the present (learning and achievement) is meaningful for achieving future goals, are in focus. In this qualitative research, the following research questions were asked: 1) do the students see the use value of learning and achievement for the future? 2) What leads students towards certain perspectives of the future? Two focus groups were conducted with 20 high school graduates from two Belgrade high schools. The students who demonstrated a decline both in motivation for learning and achievement in the first semester of the 4th grade, were selected. Analysis of the content of the answers provides the following insights: 1) the students do not recognize knowledge and achievements as instruments of social promotion, because, as they say, there are other ways that are easier and faster; 2) with the possibility for enrolment through the entrance exam and enrolment to private faculties even before the end of the school year, the school achievement loses priority; 3) the status hierarchy is not a hierarchy of knowledge and skills. People with great knowledge and skills are not in the highest positions in society. It can be concluded that with the social changes, the students' perspective of the future also changes, which negatively affects the motivation to learn. Therefore, when planning educational policies, it is important to recognize the contextual factors of motivation for learning, as well as the engagement of all participants in creating a new educational reality. ; Knjiga rezimea, 25. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa" ; Book of abstracts / 25th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

Cilj rada je da se skrene pažnja kreatorima obrazovne politike i društvu u celini na pojavu i razvoj fenomena profesionalnog sagorevanja nastavnika u društvenom kontekstu savremene Srbije – u periodu karantina. Teorijski okvir čini tzv. JDR model, prema kom su izgaranje i posvećenost(motivisanost) suprotni polovi. Sagorevanje uzrokuje smanjivanje i gubitak motivacije. Posao nastavnika je stresan, a procenat sagorevanja je veći u odnosu na druge profesije. Nastavnici u Srbiji žive i rade u posebnoj društvenoj atmosferi u kojoj zajedno sa drugim radnim stanovništvom dele težak opšti položaj. U takvom stanju nastavnici u Srbiji su se susreli sa još jednom poteškoćom – ubrzanom realizacijom nastave na daljinu, tokom vanrednog stanja, za vreme karantina. Ovim istraživanjem pokušali smo da odgovorimo na sledeća pitanja: 1) Da li je u vreme karantina došlo do disbalansa između resursa i zahteva? 2) Da li se mogu uočiti veze između tog disbalansa i sagorevanja? 3) Kako nastavnici rangiraju značaj uzroka i posledica sagorevanja za vreme karantina? Ovo kvalitativno istraživanje je sprovedeno sa dve fokus grupe; po 10 nastavnika gimnazije, odnosno osnovne škole. Izbor je obavljen na dobrovoljnoj bazi uz preduslov da su nastavnici najpre učestvovali u evaluativnom anketiranju "Trenutno stanje u onlajn nastavi u Srbiji i regionu" Obrazovno kreativnog centra Bor, marta/aprila 2020. godine. Analiza sadržaja je ukazala na porast zahteva u odnosu na resurse, na postojanje veze između te neravnoteže i sagorevanja, kao i na postojanje jedinstvene hijerarhije uzroka i posledica, među kojima su gubitak motivisanosti i pad nivoa radnog angažmana. Zato je jako važno da nakon takvog iskustva, a uoči definisanja obrazovne strategije 2030, kretori i nosioci obrazovne politike imaju na umu ove rezultate, kako bi preduzimali mere obrazovne politike na način kojim se umanjuje mogućnost profesionalnog sagorevanja, jer ono utiče na motivaciju nastavnika a posredno i na motivaciju učenika. ; The aim of this paper is to draw the attention of the creators of educational policy, and society in general, to emergence and development of the phenomenon of professional burnout of teachers in the social context of modern Serbia, during the quarantine period. The theoretical framework is the so-called JD-R (Job Demands-Resources) model, according to which burnout and work engagement (motivation) are at the opposite poles. Burnout causes a decrease and loss of motivation. Teaching is stressful, and the percentage of burnout is higher compared to other professions. Teachers in Serbia live and work in a special social atmosphere in which they share a difficult general position with the rest of the working population. In such a situation, teachers in Serbia encountered another difficulty - the accelerated implementation of distance learning in a state of emergency during quarantine. With this research, we tried to answer the following questions: 1) Was there an imbalance between job demands and resources during quarantine? 2) Is the relation between such imbalance and burnout noticeable? 3) How do teachers rank the significance of causes and consequences of burnout during quarantine? This qualitative research was conducted with two focus groups consisting of 10 highschool teachers in one and 10 primary-school teachers in the other group. The selection was made on a voluntary basis. However, it was recommended that the teachers had first participated in the evaluation survey "Current situation in online teaching in Serbia and the region", conducted by Educational and Creative Centre Bor, in March / April 2020. Content analysis indicated an increase of imbalance between job demands and resources, a link between such imbalance and burnout, and a unique hierarchy of causes and effects, including loss of motivation and declining levels of work engagement. For this reason, it is very important that after such experience, and before defining the 2030 educational strategy, creators of educational policy keep in mind these results so as to take educational policy measures in a manner which shall reduce the possibility of burnout because it affects teacher motivation and, indirectly, student motivation, as well. ; Knjiga rezimea, 25. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa" ; Book of abstracts / 25th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

U radu želimo da ukažemo na značaj republikanske misli za Dirkemovo shvatanje vaspitanja i obrazovanja. U sekundarnoj literaturi najčešće se ističu praktični i politički razlozi njegovog interesovanja za pedagogiju. Katolička crkva u Trećoj republici je – u vezi sa njenom ulogom u obrazovanju – doživljavana kao smetnja za dugoročni opstanak Republike. Obrazovanje novih generacija postavljeno je na temelje pozitivnih nauka kako bi se građani vaspitavali u duhu vrednosti novouspostavljene Republike. Proklamovani sekularizam Treće republike se nije mogao pomiriti sa obrazovnim sistemom kojim upravlja crkva. Dirkemov naučni rad je očigledno nosio i određeni politički značaj u Trećoj republici. Zapravo, bio je svojevrsni laički katehizis u obrazovnom sistemu Francuske. Ipak, čini nam se da uloga moralnog vaspitanja u novoj, sekularnoj državi nije bila samo puko provizorno rešenje. Republikanska misao je oduvek isticala značaj obrazovanja, odnosno vaspitanja koje bi omogućilo političku i moralnu stabilnost društvenog poretka. U ovom slučaju mislimo na dela klasika filozofije – Platona, Aristotela, Makijavelija, Monteskjea i Rusoa. Ako je Dirkemova sociologija i pedagogija imala ulogu supstituta katoličke veronauke, onda se sa sigurnošću može tvrditi da je u takvoj ulozi deo i duge tradicije republikanskog vaspitanja. Pomoću heurističkog pristupa pratićemo idejni razvoj republikanske misli o vaspitanju i obrazovanju. Sve navedeno iznosimo kako bismo pokazali na koji način se republikanska tradicija podudara sa projektom izgradnje Treće republike. Dirkemov odnos prema ulozi pedagogije nije puki proizvod određenih biografskih (akademskih) ili političkih kontingentnosti. Ovakav pristup može biti interesantan zbog načina na koji pristupamo razumevanju klasika sociologije i pedagogije. Dela klasika moramo posmatrati i kao proizvod kontinuiteta, a ne samo kroz prizmu njihove originalnosti ili konteksta u kojem su stvarali. U tom slučaju možemo postaviti drugačije interpretacije i posmatrati njihova dela iz drugog ugla. ; In the paper we want to point at significance of the Republican thought for Durkheim's understanding of education and upbringing. The secondary literature usually highlights practical and political reasons for his interest in pedagogy. Catholic Church was in the Third Republic - regarding its role in education - seen as a hindrance to a long-term survival of the Republic. Education of new generations was based on positive sciences so the citizens could be educated in line with the values of newly established Republic. The proclaimed secularism of the Third Republic could not be reconciled with the educational system governed by the church. Durkheim's academic work clearly bore a certain political significance in the Third Republic. Actually, it was a form of profane catechism in the education system of France. However, it seems that the role of moral education in the new, secular state was not merely a tentative solution. Republican thought has always emphasized the significance of education, i.e. upbringing, which would enable political and moral stability of the social order. In this case we allude to the works of prominent philosophers - Plato, Aristotle, Machiavelli, Montesquieu and Rousseau. If Durkheim's sociology and pedagogy acted as a substitute for Catholic catechism, then it is safe to say that so did a long tradition of Republican upbringing. Using a heuristic approach, we will follow conceptual development of the Republican thought on upbringing and education. The purpose of the above stated is to demonstrate how the Republican tradition coincides with the project of building the Third Republic. Durkheim's attitude towards the role of pedagogy is not a mere product of particular biographical (academic) or political contingencies. This view can be interesting because of our approach to understanding of classical authors of sociology and pedagogy. We must also regard the works of classical authors as products of continuity, and not just through the prism of their originality or context within which they created. In that case, we can set different interpretations and view their works from a different angle. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

In this article Dr Pribicevic analyses the impact of Kosovo crises on Serbian EU integrations and shaping of political scene of Serbia. Dr Pribicevic pointed out how crises started in spring 2011 when idea of split of Kosovo appeared again in Serbia and then continued with the clashes between KFOR and Serbs from north of Kosovo in order to get the control of administrative crossing Jarinje and Brnjak. During the summer 2011 German chancellor Merkel visited Serbia and asked government in Belgrade to normalize its relations with Kosovo and dissolve "parallel institutions" of Serbs in the north of Kosovo. Following this visit Serbian government continue its negotiations with Pristina and find out solutions for administrative crossings. On the other side, Belgrade and Pristina didn't find solution for the problem of presentation of Kosovo on the regional gatherings after what European council, under the German influence, decided to postpone the decision to give Serbia the status of candidate for the EU. Therefore, Serbia remains without EU candidaturein December 2011 in spite of the fact that government in Belgrade handedover general Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic to Hague Tribunal as well as conducted a number of successful reforms which got very high marks from EU commission. In this article Dr Pribicevic is trying to answer several questions. Why Washington and Berlin imposed such a strong pressure on Serbia in this moment? Is split of Kosovo possible solution? Could Serbian government continue with current politics of EU and Kosovo or it should take one of these politics as a priority? How Kosovo crises influenced Serbian political scene? At the end, Kosovo crises opened the crucial question: could Serbia enter EU without "recognition of territorial integrity of Kosovo"as described by German foreign minister Westervele. Having in mind forthcoming elections in spring time 2012 author thinks that ruling Democratic Party as well as leading opposition party Sebian Progresive Party will continue with current politics "both EU and Kosovo". Such politics will be in accordance with the public mood in Serbia which shows that support for EU integrations is declining with the growing pressure of US and Germany on Serbian Kosovo's politics. On the other side, Serbian politics "both EU and Kosovo" is not sustainable on the long run and Serbia has to face difficult decisions in future. Also, according to the author opinion Kosovo crises showed weakness of Serbian international position. It is without important allies among key Western powers which has dominant influence in this part of Europe. Serbia has support of Russia but key influence on Kosovo has US, GB, France and Germany. These powers connected Serbia's further progress towards EU with normalization its relations with Kosovo, knowing in advance that the time when Serbia is seeking for the EU candidature is the best time to ask Belgrade to make concessions in its Kosovo's politics. Western powers do not expect Serbia to recognize Kosovo but they expect Serbia to accept " territorial integrity of Kosovo", including its north part. Why Kosovo become so important for leading Western powers? Author thinks that several reasons influenced such tough behavior of Western power towards Serbia. First, after helping them to create an independent state, US perceived Albanians as the most reliable ally in this part of Europe. Second, Germany and other big powers in Europe wants to prevent creation of new frozen conflict in Europe similar to Cyprus one, Third, all big Western powers has reserves towards Serbian foreign policy and its orientation on EU but as well as on Russia, nonalignment world, China which quite often is described in the West as sitting on the two chairs, Last but not the least, Germany as well as France is not very eager of politics of enlargement of EU in the eve of forthcoming elections in these countries scheduled for 2012 and 2013. Therefore its hesitation in this moment towards further enlargement with US pro Albanian politics creates tough dillemas for Serbian politics in foreseeable future.