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This book explores practical examples of co-production in criminal justice research and practice. Through a series of seven case studies, the authors examine what people do when they co-produce knowledge in criminal justice contexts: in prisons and youth detention; with criminalised women; from practitioners' perspectives; and with First Nations communities. Co-production holds a promise: that people whose lives are entangled in the criminal justice system can be valued as participants and partners, helping to shape how the system works. But how realistic is it to imagine criminal justice 'service users' participating, partnering, and sharing genuine decision-making power with those explicitly holding power over them? Taking a sophisticated yet accessible theoretical approach, the authors consider issues of power, hierarchy and different ways of knowing to understand the perils and possibilities of co-production under the shadow of 'justice'. In exploring these complexities, the book brings cautious optimism to co-production partners and project leaders. This book provides a foundational text for scholars and practitioners seeking to apply co-production principles in their research and practice. With stories from Australia, the UK and Ireland, the text will appeal to the international community. For students of criminology and social work, especially practitioners and/or those with lived experience of criminal justice entanglement, the book's critical insights will enhance their work in the field

In this ground-breaking volume, the authors explore two sides of religion: the ways in which it contributes to violence against women and girls (VAWG) and the ways it counters it. Recognising the very real impact of religion on the lives of women and girls, it prioritises experiences and learnings from empirical research and of practitioners, and their activities at grassroots-level, to better understand the nature and root causes of VAWG. Drawing on research done in Christian and Muslim communities in various fragile settings with high religiosity, this book avoids simplistically assigning blame to any one religion, instead engaging with the commonalities of how religion and religious actors influence norms and behaviours that impact VAWG. If the sustainable development goal of ending all forms of VAWG is to be achieved, how should actors in the international development sector engage with religion and religious actors? This book unpacks the nature of religion and religious actors in relation to VAWG, with the aim of giving greater clarity on how to (and how not to) engage with this crucial issue. Combining cutting-edge research with case studies and pragmatic recommendations for academics, policymakers and practitioners, this concise and easily accessible volume helps instigate discussion and engagement with the incredibly important relationships between religion and VAWG

Preliminary Material /Louis Clerc , Nikolas Glover and Paul Jordan -- Representing the Small States of Northern Europe: Between Imagined and Imaged Communities /Louis Clerc and Nikolas Glover -- The Nationalisation of Swedish Enlightenment Activities Abroad: Civil Society Actors and Their Impact on State Politics /Andreas Åkerlund -- Open Diplomacy and Minority Rights: The League of Nations and Lithuania's International Image in the Early 1920s /Chiara Tessaris -- Countering "The Obtuse Arguments of the Bolsheviks": Estonian Information Work in Sweden, the United States and Britain, 1940–1944 /Kaarel Piirimäe -- The Office for Cultural Relations: Representing Norway in the Post-War Period /Svein Ivar Angell -- A Public Diplomacy Entrepreneur: Danish Ambassador Bodil Begtrup in Iceland, Switzerland and Portugal, 1949–1973 /Kristine Kjærsgaard -- A Total Image Deconstructed: The Corporate Analogy and the Legitimacy of Promoting Sweden Abroad in the 1960s /Nikolas Glover -- "Gaining Recognition and Understanding on her own terms": The Bureaucracy of Finland's Image Policy, 1948–66 /Louis Clerc -- American Mirrors and Swedish Self-Portraits: US Images of Sweden and Swedish Public Diplomacy in the USA in the 1970s and 80s /Carl Marklund -- Diplomacy and Diasporas, Self-Perceptions and Representations: Baltic Attempts to Promote Independence, 1989–1991 /Una Bergmane -- Walking in Singing: Brand Estonia, the Eurovision Song Contest and Estonia's Self-Proclaimed Return to Europe, 2001–2002 /Paul Jordan -- Public Diplomacy vs Nation Branding:The Case of Denmark after the Cartoon Crisis /Mads Mordhorst -- Benevolent Assistance and Cognitive Colonisation: Nordic Involvement with the Baltic States since the 1990s /Kazimierz Musiał -- Small-State Identities: Promotions Past and Present /Christopher Browning -- Bibliography /Louis Clerc , Nikolas Glover and Paul Jordan -- Name Index /Louis Clerc , Nikolas Glover and Paul Jordan -- Subject Index /Louis Clerc , Nikolas Glover and Paul Jordan.

In this article, the conceptual and doctrinal foundations of the ideas of non-use of force and ensuring peace in the foreign policy of Uzbekistan are investigated in chronological order. The foreign policy of Uzbekistan is, first of all, a course aimed at ensuring vital tasks, primarily for the state and society. Uzbekistan's foreign policy strategy is primarily aimed at ensuring integration into the world community. The deepening of the country's integration into the world community in the current difficult conditions of international relations is an important task facing the foreign policy of Uzbekistan. The conceptual idea of foreign policy and foreign policy of the Republic of Uzbekistan is the indivisibility of security and joint and partnership actions to ensure it. The problem of national and regional security occupies an important place in Uzbekistan's foreign policy. One of the main tasks in the foreign policy of Uzbekistan was the formation of a system of regional security, which is necessary both for the republics of Central Asia and for the vast geographical area bordering the region. Another advanced idea for Uzbekistan's foreign policy is the postulate that the problems of the Central Asian region should be solved without the intervention of external forces and only by the countries of the region. Given all this, the cornerstone of Uzbekistan's foreign policy remains the non-use of force and the threat of force, and the maintenance and observance of peace. The article examines the changes occurring in the foreign policy of Uzbekistan, their regulatory consolidation, guidelines for the short, medium and long-term perspective, and on the basis of this, a number of scientific conclusions and practical recommendations are given.

In People's Diplomacy, Kazushi Minami shows how the American and Chinese people rebuilt US-China relations in the 1970s, a pivotal decade bookended by Richard Nixon's 1972 visit to China and 1979 normalization of diplomatic relations. Top policymakers in Washington and Beijing drew the blueprint for the new bilateral relationship, but the work of building it was left to a host of Americans and Chinese from all walks of life, who engaged in "people-to-people" exchanges. After two decades of estrangement and hostility caused by the Cold War, these people dramatically changed the nature of US-China relations. Americans reimagined China as a country of opportunities, irresistible because of its prodigious potential, while Chinese reinterpreted the United States as an agent of modernization, capable of enriching their country and rejuvenating their lives. Drawing on extensive research at two dozen archives in the United States and China, People's Diplomacy redefines contemporary US-China relations as a creation of the American and Chinese people