V času begunske krize leta 2015 se je v Italiji in Grčiji razvil nov način hitrega upravljanja migracijskih tokov, t. i. pristop žariščnih točk, ki temelji na hitri identifikaciji, registraciji in odvzemu prstnih odtisov migrantov ter njihovi nadaljnji preusmeritvi v azilni postopek, postopek vračanja ali premestitve. Čeprav je bil pristop zasnovan kot začasni ukrep, ki naj bi se uporabljal, dokler se izredne razmere ne umirijo, je pristop v praksi implementiran kot trajni mehanizem identifikacije in registracije migrantov, s katerim je Evropska unija (v nadaljevanju: EU) dosegla spoštovanje obveznosti identifikacije migrantov s strani Italije in Grčije, že tako najbolj obremenjenih držav članic. Ker v postopkih identifikacije prihaja do hujših kršitev človekovih pravic, oviranja dostopa do azilnega postopka in diskriminacije na podlagi nacionalnosti, je določenim skupinam de facto odvzeta pravica do mednarodne zaščite. V postopkih vračanja prihaja do kršitev prepovedi vračanja in kolektivnih izgonov, postopki premestitve pa se v žariščnih točkah v praksi ne izvajajo. Uporaba pristopa žariščnih točk tako ni razbremenila Italije in Grčije in ni izboljšala položaja migrantov na poti v Evropo. Odprava sistemskih problemov pristopa, ki so v veliki meri posledica pomanjkanja celovite pravne ureditve in politične volje, bi zato morala zajemati pravno ureditev pristopa v enotnem dokumentu in odpravo spornih praks. Ker so izredne razmere, na katere se uporaba pristopa sklicuje, ob spremljanju političnih in socialnih trendov, v veliki meri predvidljive, bi moral biti poudarek pri izvajanju pristopa na zagotavljanju mednarodne zaščite in ne nadzoru zunanjih meja EU. ; During the refugee crisis in 2015 a new approach of swift migration management developed in Italy and Greece, the so called hotspot approach. The basis of the approach is swift identification, registration and fingerprinting of the incoming migrants for the purpose of redirecting them either to the asylum procedure, returns procedure or relocation procedure. Although designed as a temporary measure, used only until the emergency situation settles down, the approach is implemented as a permanent mechanism for identification and registration of migrants which helped the European union (hereinafter: the EU) achieve compliance from Italy and Greece, already the most burdened states, with their obligation to identify all incoming migrants. Serious human rights violations, obstruction of access to the asylum procedure and discrimination based on nationality occur during the identification process depriving certain groups of migrants of their right to asylum. Violations of the principle of non-refoulment and prohibition of collective expulsions occur during the returns procedures, while relocation procedures are not carried out in the hotspots. The use of the hotspot approach did not relieve the pressure on Italy and Greece nor improve the position of migrants coming to Europe. Systematic problems are largely the result of lack of legal framework and political will and should therefore be addressed with a unified regulation and the end of controversial practices. Since the emergency situation, on which the approach is based, can be largely predicted by observing the current social and political trends the main focus of the approach should be providing international protection instead of control of the EU external borders.
Predmet doktorske disertacije je upravljanje zunanjetrgovinske politike države ob upoštevanju delovanja nadnacionalnih entitet, pri čemer je naš osrednji cilj identificirati optimalen način realizacije nacionalnih interesov v okviru nadnacionalne entitete (tj. Evropske unije). Zunanjetrgovinska politika je eno izmed najstarejših ekonomskih področij, o katerem so tekle resne akademske razprave že v Antični Grčiji pred več kot 2000 leti. Vendar o razvoju svetovne trgovine kot sistematičnem globalnem načinu trgovanja govorimo šele od 15. stoletja dalje. Za boljše razumevanje področja v doktorski disertaciji najprej opredelimo teoretska izhodišča, v okviru katerih predstavimo teorije mednarodne menjave ter analiziramo vlogo države in ekonomske diplomacije skozi različna zgodovinska obdobja (merkantilizem, liberalizem, protekcionizem, intervencionizem ter obdobje liberalizacije in globalizacije). Kot najpomembnejše teoretično izhodišče od Davida Ricarda dalje identificiramo ugotovitev, da svet ni ničelna vsota – vse države z zunanjo trgovino pridobivajo. Kljub temu da so države skozi različna zgodovinska obdobja (glede na gospodarske razmere) vodile različne zunanjetrgovinske politike (protekcionistične ali liberalne), teorija in praksa potrjujeta, da liberalna zunanjetrgovinska politika povečuje konkurenčnost gospodarstva. Študije ekonomistov (Sachs in Warner 1995, 35 ; Frey v Pruslecki 2008, 5 ; Krueger 1980, 289) namreč kažejo, da države z liberalno zunanjetrgovinsko politiko dosegajo višjo gospodarsko rast od tistih s protekcionistično. Kot potrditev teze navajamo izsledke analiz, ki kažejo na višje stopnje gospodarske rasti v t. i. hitro rastočih gospodarstvih (državah BRIICS ‒ Braziliji, Rusiji, Indiji, Indoneziji, Kitajski in Južni Afriki). Slednje so na podlagi liberalizacije trgov v zadnjih dvajsetih letih dosegale višje stopnje gospodarske rasti od razvitih gospodarstev. Glede na to da je predmet disertacije zunanjetrgovinska politika v okviru Evropske unije (EU), ki jo Slovenija sooblikuje, se v okviru analize ukrepov osredotočimo na ukrepe zunanjetrgovinske politike EU, vlogo nacionalnih in nadnacionalnih (vladnih in nevladnih) akterjev ter povezavo vsebin z drugimi politikami. Ključni akterji v procesu formalnega delovanja na področju zunanjetrgovinske politike EU so: Evropska komisija (Direktorat za trgovino), Svet EU (Odbor za zunanjetrgovinsko politiko, Coreper in Svet za zunanje zadeve), Evropski parlament ter nevladni akterji (združenja, nevladne organizacije) kot nadnacionalni akterji in (vladni in nevladni) akterji na nacionalni ravni držav članic EU. Prioriteta zunanjetrgovinske politike EU je multilateralna zunanja trgovina, vzporedno pa potekajo pogajanja s številnimi državami oz. regijami za sklenitev preferencialnih trgovinskih sporazumov. Med ukrepi zunanjetrgovinske politike EU je pomembna še Strategija dostopa na trg, v okviru katere se dosegajo sinergije na podlagi okrepljenega partnerstva med Evropsko komisijo, državami članicami in gospodarstvom. Ugotavljamo, da postaja v obdobju globalizacije zunanjetrgovinska politika izrazito večplastna ter da izginjajo meje med zunanjimi in notranjimi politikami. Na primeru pogajanj t. i. Razvojne agende iz Dohe, ki potekajo v okviru Svetovne trgovinske organizacije, potrdimo tezo o prepletanju pogajanj na različnih ravneh (bilateralni, regionalni in multilateralni) in vsebinski povezanosti zunanjetrgovinske politike z drugimi politikami (z razvojno, s kmetijsko ipd.). Slednje potrjujejo tudi strateški dokumenti EU (Strategija Evropa 2020 ; Trgovina, rast in svetovne zadeve ter Globalna Evropa: konkurenčna v svetu), v katere je zunanjetrgovinska politika vključena kot pomemben sestavni del politike konkurenčnosti. ; The doctoral thesis focuses on a country's external trade policy management in relation to the processes witin subnational entities. Our main goal is to identify an optimal approach to realizing national interests in the context of a subnational entity (i.e., the European Union). External trade policy is one of the oldest economic policies. The first discussions on trade issues started among philosophers in Greece 2000 years ago, but global trade as a systematic process emerged in the 15th century. At the beginning of the doctoral thesis, the focus is on the theoretical background ‒ theories of external economic co-operation. We analyse the role of the state and economic diplomacy in different historical periods (mercantilism, liberalism, protectionism, interventionism, liberalisation and globalisation). The most important theoretical finding is (discovered by David Ricardo and confirmed in subsequent theories) that all states, engaged in external trade, gain (we talk about the so called positive sum). Although countries led different external trade policies during various historical periods (liberal or protectionist), theory and experience show that the liberal external trade policy increases competitiveness of an economy. Studies of several economists (Sachs and Warner 1995, 35 ; Frey 1984 ; Pruslecki 2008, 5 ; Krueger 1980, 289) also confirm, that countries with a liberal external trade policy record higher growth rates than those in favour of protectionism. Emerging economies (the so called BRIICS countries ‒ Brasil, Russia, India, Indonesia, China, and South Africa) record higher growth rates in the last twenty years – after liberalising their markets. We analyse the European Union (EU) external trade policy measures, the role of national and subnational (state and non-state) actors, and the interconnectedness of the external trade policy and other national policies. The key actors in the formal process of creating EU external trade policy are: European Commission (Directorate General for Trade), Council of the EU (Trade Policy Committee – formerly 133 Committee ; Coreper, Foreign Affairs Council), European Parliament, non-state actors (associations, non-governmental organisations (NGOs)) as well as actors in the member states (state and non state actors: ministries, diplomatic network, business associations, chambers of commerce, NGOs, etc.). The priority of the EU external trade policy is multilateral trade – successful conclusion of the WTO Doha Development Agenda. In parallel, EU is negotiating preferential trade agreements with several countries and regions. One of the most important trade policy measures is also Market Access Partnership, where active involvement of member states and the business sector is expected. Globalisation has changed the patterns of global economic co-operation and global trade. External trade has become more complex (linked to the competition, energy, environment and sustainable development policies) and the number of actors (state and non-state) involved in the policy has increased significantly. The boundaries between external and internal policies disappear as well. We show the interactions between different actors, negotiating levels, and policies on the World Trade Organisation Doha Development Agenda case, where the positions of the negotiations have to be agreed on at different levels: national, bilateral, regional, and multilateral. External trade policy is an important part of the EU strategic documents (Global Europe: competing in the world, EU 2020), and therefore an important element of the competitiveness policy. The thesis also confirms that the role of economic diplomacy in trade issues has gained importance during the last twenty years. Saner and Yiu (2003) argue that the main function of the post-modern economic diplomacy is representation in the international organisations and influence on other countries' policies.
Ekonomski interesi treh ključnih velikih sil, Združenih držav Amerike, Rusije in Kitajske, ki se uveljavljajo oziroma uresničujejo skozi njihove konkretne politike in dejanja, imajo pomemben, če že ne velik vpliv na varnost in politične razmere drugih držav. Ker so ekonomski interesi ključni za katerokoli državo, so medsebojna dinamika, prepletanje in vplivanje teh interesov izrednega pomena za razumevanje trenutnih razmer v mednarodnih odnosih. Analiza primarnih in sekundarnih virov, predvsem pa poglobljeni intervjuji s strokovnjaki nakazujejo, da se politične in varnostne posledice ekonomskih interesov velikih sil največkrat manifestirajo na regionalni ravni. Izjema pri tem so ZDA, ki za doseganje svojih ekonomskih interesov politično in varnostno spreminjajo razmere na globalni ravni. Pri tem so najbolj osredotočene na širitev neoliberalnih ekonomskih praks in zagotovitev energetske varnosti, ki velikokrat poteka s pomočjo znatne uporabe vojaške moči. Rusija, po drugi strani, je trenutno še osredotočena na svojo vlogo energetskega velikana, pri čimer najbolj konkretno vpliva na države iz bližnje soseščine, tudi preko političnih pritiskov in industrijskih sabotaž. Analiza trendov sicer kaže, da bo cilj ekonomske diverzifikacije postajal še pomembnejši v prihodnosti. V osnovi ta zaključek pomeni, da bo Rusija skušala zmanjšati svojo odvisnost od izvoza energentov in na tak način zagotoviti večjo ekonomsko, kot tudi politično in varnostno stabilnost države. Ključna karakteristika ekonomske politike Kitajske je usmeritev v zagotavljanje energetskih virov za rastoče gospodarstvo. V ta namen se poslužuje multisektorske politike, ki je najbolj jasno vidna v Afriki. Ta poseben, quid pro quo pristop se kaže v velikih infrastrukturnih investicijah na strani Kitajske, v zameno za zagotovitve izvoza energentov iz določenih afriških držav. Analiza vse treh držav jasno kaže, da ekonomski interesi vidno vplivajo na odnose med državami v mednarodni skupnosti in usodno določajo dinamiko in ravnovesje sil. ; Economic interests of great powers, specifically United States of America, Russia and China, and the process of attaining these interests through the set of concrete policies and actions has considerable, if not predominantly important effects on political and security situation of other countries. Since economic interests are of pivotal importance for any state, the recognition and understanding of intertwined dynamics and cross-section of these interests is essential for establishing an accurate perception of the current situation in contemporary international relations. Analysis of primary and secondary resources, and especially the in- depth interviews with experts revealed that the majority of political and security implications of the process of attaining economic interests have been manifesting on the regional level. An exception to this rule is the United States, which is affecting political and security characteristics around the globe. In doing so, it is mostly concentrated on continuous expansion of neoliberalism, as well as ensuring energy security, often through utilization of military power. Meanwhile, Russia is currently still focused on its role as an energy giant, and has the ability to strongly influence the countries in its near vicinity through considerate political pressures and industrial sabotage. Many trends within the country and its internal policies seem to suggest that this is likely to change in the near future, and the goal of economic diverzification will become even more important. Essentially, this means that Russia will attempt to reduce its dependence on energy exports, and thus ensure far greater economic, but also political and security stability of the country. Finally, we analyzed China. The key characteristic of its economic policy is focus on ensuring energy resources for its growing economy. In order to succeed, China has been utilizing a multisectoral approach, most clearly visible in Africa. These quid pro quo deals were realized through large infrastrucral investment on the Chinese side, and accompanying insurance of energy exports on the side of the African countries. The analysis of all three states draws the conclusion that economic interests are thus visibly affecting the nature of the intra- state relationships in the international community, and faithfully account for the ultimate dynamics and balance of world powers.
Vsi ljudje se pogajamo, pa naj bo to na zavedni ali nezavedni ravni. Pogajati se začnemo že kot otroci. Takrat so najpogostejše teme pogajanj o tem, kaj bomo jedli, oblekli, kam bomo šli, kaj bomo naredili in kaj ne. Kot najstniki se s starši zopet pogajamo na primer o tem, kako dolgo bomo lahko ostali zunaj. Kadar se udeležimo kakšnih tržnic, sejmov, imamo prav tako možnost, da se na primer pogajamo o nižji ceni. S pogajanji se srečujemo na vsakem koraku. Nekateri pogosteje, drugi malo manj. Pogajamo se lahko v prostem času ali v službi. Nekateri se s pogajanji ukvarjajo poklicno. To najpogosteje zasledimo v poslovnem svetu. Da dosežemo uspešen izid pogajanj, moramo imeti o tem nekaj znanja. Zelo dobro moramo poznati vse stopnje pogajanj in vedeti, kaj moramo znotraj posamezne stopnje storiti. Ker imajo pogajalci sami velik vpliv na končni izid pogajanj, je potrebno vedeti, kako se med pogajanji obnašati in kakšne lastnosti, osebnostne značilnosti naj imajo pogajalci. V primeru, da se soočamo z mednarodnimi pogajanji, je potrebno podrobno proučiti in poznati kulturo nasprotne strani. V tem magistrskem delu, ki je sestavljen iz dveh delov, se bom osredotočila predvsem na poslovna pogajanja na Češkem. Prvi del je teoretičen, drugi del pa empiričen, kamor bom vključila intervju, ki ga bom izvedla z zaposlenim v podjetju TAB d.d. ; All human beings are negotiating, whether it is on the conscious or unconscious level. Negotiating begins already in the childhood. At that time, the most common subjects of negotiation are about what we eat, wear, where to go, what to do and not to do. Teenagers negotiate with their parents again, for example, about how long they can stay out. When we attend some markets, fairs, we also have the opportunity to, for example, negotiate for a lower price. We are faced with negotiating at every turn. Some people more frequently, the others slightly less. Negotiating can take place in the leisure time or at work. Some people are professionally engaged in negotiations, which is most commonly the case in the business world. To achieve a successful outcome of negotiations, we need to have some knowledge about negotiating. We must be very familiar with all stages of the negotiations and know what we need to do within each stage. As negotiators themselves have a big influence on the final outcome of the negotiations, it is necessary to know how to behave during negotiations and what qualities, personality characteristics negotiators ought to have. In the event that we are faced with international negotiations, it is necessary to examine in detail and know the culture of the other side. In this thesis, which consists of two parts, I will focus primarily on commercial negotiations in the Czech Republic. The first part is theoretical, while the second part is empirical, which will include an interview I have conducted with the employees of the company TAB d.d.
Predmet raziskave so poslovna pogajanja s skandinavskimi partnerji. Predstavili smo faze procesa poslovnih pogajanj, pogajalske pristope, v smislu strategije, tehnik in taktik pogajanj, predstavili tudi kulturo, kot pomemben dejavnik uspešnosti pogajanj ter podrobneje predstavili vse štiri skandinavske države. Študija je nastala v okviru raziskave poslovnih pogajanj s skandinavskimi partnerji v srednje velikem slovenskem podjetju X, ki uspešno posluje na mednarodnih trgih, tudi na skandinavskih. Z rezultati smo poudarili pomembnost procesa priprav na poslovna pogajanja, ki predstavljajo 90% uspeha na pogajanjih ter poznavanje in razumevanje kulturnih razlik v poslovnem svetu. Nepoznavanje navad in običajev tujih poslovnih partnerjev lahko povzroči nesporazume, nelagodje, napačno usmerjenost in napačno interpretacijo sporočil, ki negativno vplivajo na rezultate pogajanj. Kultura posameznikov pa vpliva tudi na pogajalski slog oziroma način, kako se mednarodni pogajalci iz različni okolij obnašajo med pogajanji. Skandinavski slog pogajanj ne izstopa premočno, a ima vseeno posebnosti, katerih poznavanje pri pogajanjih prinese veliko prednost. ; The subject of the survey is business negotiations with Scandinavian partners. We presented phases of the process of business negotiations, negotiation approaches, in terms of strategy, techniques and tactics, culture as an important factor for negotiations success and all four Scandinavian countries. The study is based on analysis of business negotiations with Scandinavian partners in the medium-sized Slovenian company X, working internationally, with significant share on Scandinavian market. The results of survey highlighted the importance of preparation for business negotiations, presenting 90% of the success in the negotiations, as well as the knowledge and understanding of cultural differences in the business world. Ignoring habits and customs of foreign business partners can lead to misunderstandings, discomfort, misconception and misinterpretation of messages, which can have a negative impact on the results of the negotiations. The culture of individuals also influences the negotiating style or the way in which international negotiators from different environments behave during the negotiation process. The Scandinavian style of negotiation does not stand out too much, but it still has some special features and recognition of those, can bring great advantage.
The question of inequality of men and women became a world problem in second half of the 20th century and the solution has been sought by important international organisations (OZN), European Union and individual states. Assuring same options for both sexes in all departments and on all levels of life became one of preferential tasks of European Union since we can still find different forms (open and hidden) of gender discrimination in modern states. In the fist part author presents key features of male centred traditional social order in western civilisation, main characteristics and bearers of ensuring same opportunities for both genders stretching from global to European level. Informal and formal education have important role with the process of abolishing discrimination. Educators carry new patterns of relationship between sexes and it is therefore important that they are educated and also lifelong educated, especially those who are on key positions and make decisions in all areas of life. Author therefore in the second part presents some approaches and usages of such education in members of European Union and in Slovenia. ; Vprašanje družbene neenakosti žensk in moških je v drugi polovici 20. stoletja postalo svetovni problem, ki so se ga resno lotile pomembne mednarodne organizacije (OZN) in državne skupnosti (EU) ter posamezne države. Zagotavljanje enakih možnosti za oba spola na vseh področjih in na vseh ravneh življenja je postalo ena prednostnih nalog EU, kajti v sodobnih družbah še obstajajo različne oblike (odkrite in zlasti prikrite) diskriminacije po spolu. Avtorica v prvem delu razkriva ključne značilnosti moškosrediščnega tradicionalnega družbenega reda v zahodni civilizaciji ter predstavlja glavne značilnosti in nosilce zagotavljanja enakih možnosti žensk in moških od globalne do evropske ravni. Pomembno vlogo pri odpravljanju diskriminacije imata formalno in neformalno izobraževanje. Ker pa morajo biti tudi izobraževalci in nosilci novih vzorcev odnosov med spoloma izobraženi, je pomembno vseživljenjsko izobraževanje odraslih, zlasti tistih, ki zasedajo ključne položaje odločanja na vseh področjih življenja. Zato avtorica v drugem delu prispevka predstavlja nekatere pristope in prakse takšnega izobraževanja v drugih državah članicah EU ter v Sloveniji.
V Ukrajini so se leta 2014 po seriji različnih notranjih političnih kriz na vzhodu države, v regiji Donbas, pojavila separatistična gibanja, katerih pripadniki so za regiji Doneck in Lugansk zahtevali odcepitev od države. Začetnim protestom je sledil konflikt, ki ga že od vsega začetka zaznamuje prepletanje delovanja različnih vpletenih strani: upornikov na eni in ukrajinske oblasti na drugi strani, kot tudi mednarodne skupnosti. Na eni strani sta Evropska unija in NATO, ki si zadnji dve desetletji na različne načine prizadevajo za integracijo vzhodnoevropskih držav. Na drugi strani je Ruska federacija, ki je še vedno izrazito povezana z republikami nekdanje Sovjetske zveze in nanje tudi močno vpliva. Širjenje vplivov iz EU in ZDA oziroma zahoda na splošno v teh državah domnevno ogroža ruske interese in interese proruske struje v Ukrajini. Magistrsko delo prikazuje zgodovinski razvoj Ukrajine in zapletene družbene, gospodarske in politične razmere, prisotne v državi, ki pripomorejo k razumevanju razvoja in poteka konflikta. Temu sledita analiza medijskega poročanja in vloge medijev v razvoju konflikta in političnogeografska analiza konflikta ter njegov vpliv na širše dogajanje in odnose v Evropi in svetu ; After a series of various internal political crises in eastern Ukraine in 2014, separatist movements appeared in the Donbas region, demanding secession of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions. The initial protests were followed by a conflict marked throughout by the intertwining actions of the various parties involved: the rebels, the Ukrainian authorities as well as the international community. On the one hand, there is the European Union and NATO, striving for the integration of Eastern European countries over the last two decades. On the other hand, there is the Russian Federation, still strongly connected with the republics of the former Soviet Union and exerting a strong influence on them. Supposedly, the growing influences of the EU, the US and the West in general in these countries pose a threat to the Russian interests and the interests of the pro-Russian movement in Ukraine. This master's thesis presents the historical development of Ukraine and its complex social, economic and political conditions, shedding light on the development and course of the conflict in the country. It then provides an analysis of the role of the media in the development of the conflict, as well as a political geographic analysis of the conflict and its impact on the events and relations on European and global level.
V magistrskem delu obravnavam vlogo tiskovnih agencij v javni sferi v procesu poročanja o izstopu Velike Britanije iz Evropske unije oziroma brexitu. Vloga agencij je, da zagotavljajo zanesljive informacije, ki jih nato mediji posredujejo svojim občinstvom, kar omogoči oblikovanje javnega mnenja. Proučujem vpliv dejavnikov velikosti tiskovne agencije in njenega bruseljskega dopisništva, velikosti države izvora agencije ter relevantnosti brexita za državo izvora in njene državljane na izpolnjevanje vloge tiskovne agencije v javni sferi. Analiza pogovorov z bruseljskima dopisnikoma Slovenske tiskovne agencije (STA) in britanske tiskovne agencije z mednarodno razsežnostjo Reuters ter uradnikom Evropske unije kaže, da vsi trije dejavniki vplivajo predvsem na dostopnost informacij. To pa vsaj do določene mere vpliva tudi na izpolnjevanje vloge tiskovnih agencij v javni sferi, saj lahko novinarji z boljšim dostopom svojim naslovnikom zagotavljajo več in bolj zanesljive informacije. Oba dopisnika sicer trdita, da ustrezno izpolnjujeta to vlogo. V raziskavi sem ugotovil tudi, da s tem, ko novinarja o Uniji ne poročata samo z nacionalnega vidika, ampak tudi z evropskega, prispevata k vzpostavljanju evropske javne sfere. ; This master's thesis examines the role of news agencies in the public sphere when reporting about Great Britain leaving the European Union (Brexit). Their role is to provide reliable information to the media which pass it to their audiences, what enables forming of the public opinion. I study the impact of factors of size of the news agency and its Brussels' bureau, size of the country of origin of the agency and the relevance of Brexit for the country of origin and its citizens on fulfilling news wire's role in the public sphere. The analysis of interviews with Brussels' correspondents of Slovene Press Agency (STA) and British Press Agency with international comprehensiveness Reuters and with an EU official shows that all the three factors impact the journalist's access to the information. To some extent this also impacts the fulfilling of news agencies' role in the public sphere. Namely, journalists with better access to the sources can provide more information that is also more trustworthy to their recipients. Correspondents of STA and Reuters both carry out this role, in their opinion. I have also found out that they both report about the EU from the European perspective and not just from the national perspective, which means that they contribute to the forming of the European public sphere.
V magistrskem delu smo raziskali dejavnike poslovnih pogajanj med partnerji iz Slovenije v odnosu s partnerji iz držav razpadle Jugoslavije. Opisani so dejavniki in karakteristike poslovnih pogajanj v splošnem pomenu, kot tudi vpliv dejavnikov kulture, ki se odražajo v sklopu mednarodnih poslovnih odnosov in pogajanj. Kulturna dejstva so temelj, na katerem slonijo poslovni odnosi, kadar se v procesu srečujejo poslovni partnerji iz različnih držav, kar pomeni, da moramo biti pozorni na razlike v komunikacijskem procesu, spoštovanju tuje kulture in njihovih navad, ponekod celo religije. Razlike med našimi in tujimi dejavniki kulture, oz. vsaj poznavanje in spoštovanje le-teh, so ključ za graditev in ohranjanje dolgoročnih poslovnih odnosov. Razlike so pravzaprav prisotne povsod, ne le na globalni ravni poslovanja, najdemo jih že tudi na lokalni ravni, saj so si podjetja, njihove usmeritve in cilji, drugačni. Potrebno se je prilagoditi drugim, če želimo doseči nekaj, kar nam predstavlja korist. Soočanje in osvajanje medkulturnih razlik nam pomaga pri razumevanju medkulturnih dimenzij, pri čemer se je potrebno zavedati, da se bomo tega učili skozi celotno življenje. Kultura je namreč širok spekter pojmov, družbenih norm in vrednot, da bi jih lahko popolnoma prevzeli in se z njimi popolnoma poistovetili. V magistrskem delu so zaradi tega razloga predstavljeni le določeni dejavniki in definicije. Teoretični del ob definicijah in opredelitvah poslovnih pogajanj in mednarodnih pogajanj vsebuje še predstavitev držav nekdanje Jugoslavije, v raziskovalnem delu pa smo povzeli še dejanske izkušnje respondentov poglobljenega intervjuja, ter pridobili pomembne informacije in smernice, ki bodo koristno predstavljene za druge poslovneže, ki že aktivno sodelujejo ali pa imajo namen v prihodnosti sodelovati s poslovnimi partnerji v raziskovani regiji. V sklepnem delu so povzete glavne ugotovitve, in sicer lahko zapišemo, da je za uspešna poslovna pogajanja z državami, ki so nekoč sestavljale mogočno Jugoslavijo, potrebno poznavanje oz. bolje rečeno spoštovanje njihove religije, ki je ponekod zelo izrazita, dejavnik, ki pa zagotavlja pristne in dolgoročne odnose z njimi, pa je faktor človečnosti. Odnosi namreč temeljijo na poznavanju ljudi na osebni in poslovni ravni, ki ju je potrebno usklajeno vzdrževati (tudi v času, kadar nismo v proaktivnem sodelovanju s partnerjem, je potrebno ohranjanje odnosa v obliki osebnega stika in poslovnih daril). Prav tako smo ugotovili tudi, da se način pogajanj iz držav nekdanje Jugoslavije ne razlikuje več močno od evropskega, saj aktivno stremijo evropskim standardom. ; In this work, we examined the factors of business negotiations between partners from Slovenia in relation to partners that came from the stats of former Yugoslavija. The factors and characteristics of business negotiations in the general sense are described, as well as the influence of cultural factors, which are reflected in the framework of international business relations and negotiations. Cultural facts are the foundation upon which business relations are based, when business partners from different countries meet in the process, and that means that we must pay attention to the differences in the communication process, respect for foreign culture and their habits, and sometimes even religion. Differences between our and foreign factors of culture, at least knowing and respecting them, are the key to building and maintaining long-term business relationships. The differences are actually present everywhere, not only at the global level of business, but also at the local level, as companies, their policies and goals are different. It is necessary to adapt to others if we are to achieve something that benefits us. Facing and conquering intercultural differences helps us to understand intercultural dimensions, and we must be aware that we will learn this throughout our lives. Culture is a wide range of concepts, social norms and values, so that they can be completely taken over and fully identified with them. For this reason, in this work only certain factors and definitions are presented. Theoretical part of this work contains the definitions of negotiations and the international negotiations. There is also the presentation of countries that form ex Yugoslavija, while while in the empirical part of this work we summarized the actual experiences of the employees, that have been conducted in the in-depth interview, and obtained important information and guidelines that will be usefully presented to other business people who are already actively involved or have the intention to cooperate with business partners in the research region in the future. The concluding part summarizes the main findings. We can say, that for successful negotiation in the countries of former Yugoslavija, you need to know ther religion and respect it, and that is the factor that will guarantee long term relationships with them. Most of all, they need you to be a person, a good man. Personal relations are more important than making business, relationships are based on knowledge of people on a personal and business level, which need to be maintained in a coordinated manner (even when we are not in proactive cooperation with a partner, it is necessary to maintain a relationship, to contact or to visit them, to bring them gifts). We can also conclude that the way of negotiations in the countries of the former Yugoslavia does not differ much more strongly than the European one, since they actively strive for European standards.
V članku je prikazan poskus ureditve mednacionalnih odnosov na istrskem polotoku v letih pred prvo svetovno vojno v širšem kontekstu reševanja nacionalnih konfliktov v avstrijski polovici Habsburške monarhije. Poseben poudarek je na predstavitvi in analizi moravskega kompromisa leta 1905, ki je temeljil na osebnem načelu in je postal nekakšen model za urejanje mednacionalnih odnosov v Cislajtaniji ter na analizi istrskega kompromisa leta 1908, ki je temeljil na teritorialnem načelu. ; The Habsburg monarchy was an absolutist monarchy before 1848, and from the Theresian-Josephine period there was a tendency to introduce a centralised unitary state. However, this was resisted by Hungary, which was able to maintain its special position under constitutional law. In 1867, the Habsurg Monarchy accepted the Austro-Hungarian compromise to be organized as a dual monarchy, as a personal and real union of two equal and more or less centralized states. The Monarchy was renamed to Austro-Hungary, however, in both parts of the states, this caused various national groups to experience a sense of discomfort and threat and consequently revoked their historical rights and national law. After the establishment of the Dual monarchy, the Wienna governments first favoured the correctional measures plans leading to federalism, after the affirmation of the dualism and the centralization, however, the idea of compromises became the central focus of solving the national disputes in Cisleithania. In 1905, German and Czech politicians in Moravia managed to reach an agreement on how to regulate the national situation in the country. The Moravian Agreement, which was conceived by the Regional Committee, was not based on territorial but on personal principles and became a model for the regulation of international relations in Cislaitania. The Istrian peninsula was also a focal point of national conflict, where Slavic deputies, especially after 1883, strongly advocated the realisation of linguistic equality in the country. The Italian majority in the Istrian Regional Assembly consistently rejected linguistic equality in the Regional Assembly. The Italian side became more receptive to Slavic demands only after the introduction of universal male suffrage for the National Assembly (1907), when it became clear that the process of political democratisation was working in favour of the emancipation of the majority Slavic population. In 1908, the Istrian Agreement, or the Regional Electoral Reform, was signed. The Slavs on the Istrian peninsula have thus won a victory. The Istria Agreement was based on the territorial division of electoral districts according to the principle of nationality and ensured that neither side majorised the other.
Magistrsko delo obravnava vpliv migracij na vzpon podpore ekstremističnim političnim strankam v EU. Toksična kombinacija evroskepticizma, dolgega obdobja gospodarske stagnacije in najhujše migrantske krize od konca druge svetovne vojne je vodila do povečanja nestrpnosti državljanov EU do migrantov, percepcije ogroženosti lastne države in EU, s tem pa tudi do raztezanja vzpona desnih ekstremističnih političnih strank po celotni celini. Raziskovalni cilj predstavlja analiza povezanosti njihovega vzpona v EU s predpostavljenim najmočnejšim pojasnjevalnim dejavnikom, tj. stopnja liberalizacije oziroma odprtosti migracijske politike posameznih držav, od česar je odvisno število sprejetih migrantov. Pri tem sem uporabila metode analize primarnih in sekundarnih virov, vključujoč uradne statistike, ter javnomnenjske in mednarodne primerjalne raziskave prepričanj in delovanja posameznikov. Na njihovi podlagi potrjujem porast migrantskega staleža in desnih ekstremističnih tendenc v EU ter hkrati tudi obstoj korelacije. Z izjemo Malte, Portugalske, Romunije, Slovenije, Hrvaške, Španije ter Irske, v katerih desne ekstremistične politične stranke niso prepoznane. Vpliv migracij na volilne rezultate se zaradi individualnih nacionalnih značilnosti posameznih držav članic EU izraža različno, zato posledično zavračam možnost predpostavljenih jasnih linearnih vzporednic. ; The master thesis addresses the issue of migration's impact on the rise of support for extremist political parties in the EU. The toxic combination of Euroscepticism, the long period of economic stagnation and the worst migrant crisis since the end of the Second World War has led to an increase of EU citizens' intolerance against migrants, the perception of the threat to their own country and the EU, as well as the extension of the rise of right-wing extremist political parties throughout the continent. The research objective is to analyse the correlation of their rise in the EU with the presumed strongest explanatory factor, i.e. the degree of liberalization or openness of the migration policy in individual countries, on which depends the number of migrants accepted. In doing so, methods of analysing primary and secondary sources, including official statistics, opinion polls and international comparative research on the beliefs and actions of individuals, were used. On their basis, I confirm the growth of the migrant stock and the right extremist tendencies in the EU, and at the same time the existence of a correlation. With the exception of Malta, Portugal, Romania, Slovenia, Croatia, Spain and Ireland, where the right-wing extremist political parties are not recognized. The impact of migration on election results is reflected differently due to individual national characteristics of EU Member States, consequently I reject the possibility of assuming clear linear parallels.
Książka stanowi tom studiów autorstwa polskich i zagranicznych językoznawców poświęcony zmianom we współczesnych językach słowiańskich, szczególnie widocznym w słownictwie i słowotwórstwie. Uwzględnienie aspektu stylowo-funkcjonalnego w rozwoju leksyki pozwala lepiej zrozumieć dynamikę zmian językowych i skuteczność działań komunikacyjnych. Celowościowy i pragmatyczny charakter zachowań komunikacyjnych ujawnia się szeroko w uwzględnionych przez Autorów kontekstach społecznych, politycznych i kulturowych. Prace zostały pogrupowane w trzy działy tematyczne: - Zjawiska, procesy i tendencje rozwojowe w słownictwie specjalistycznym (terminologii); - Dynamika mechanizmów słowotwórczych i leksykalnych; - Zmiany leksykalne we współczesnej komunikacji językowej i dyskursie. Wyodrębnione działy pomagają uporządkować przedstawioną w tomie problematykę, wskazując na dominantę tematyczną w poszczególnych tekstach. Zakresy tych grup nie są jednak ostre, złożona i wielowarstwowa problematyka tendencji i zmian we współczesnym słownictwie słowiańskim jest omawiana w różnym stopniu w każdym z wydzielonych działów. W większości prac zastosowano podejście konfrontatywne, pozostałe stanowią podstawę do takiego ujęcia. Do badań wykorzystany został bogaty materiał języków słowiańskich: polskiego, czeskiego, słowackiego, białoruskiego, rosyjskiego, ukraińskiego, bułgarskiego, słoweńskiego, a także innych języków, jak np. nowogreckiego. ; This volume of studies by Polish and international linguists is devoted to changes in modern Slavic languages, which are especially noticeable in the spheres of vocabulary and word formation. Taking into consideration the stylistic and functional aspect of lexis development allows for a better understanding of the dynamics of language change and the efficacy of communicational acts. The purposeful and pragmatic character of communicational behaviour manifests itself widely in the social, political and cultural contexts considered by the Authors. The works comprising the volume are divided into three thematic sections: - Phenomena, processes and tendencies in the development of specialist lexis (terminology); - Word formation and lexical mechanisms dynamics; - Lexical change in modern language communication and discourse. The sections help organize the volume by highlighting the dominant theme in particular texts. The scopes of the sections are, nevertheless, not sharply delineated – each section is to an equal extent devoted to the complex and multifaceted subject-matter of the tendencies and changes in modern Slavic vocabulary. Most of the works comprised in the volume adopt a contrastive approach, the remaining ones can serve as bases for contrastive studies. The text analyse the rich material of the Slavic languages – Polish, Czech, Slovak, Belarusian, Russian, Ukrainian, Bulgarian and Slovene – as well as of other languages, like Modern Greek. ; Publikacja finansowana ze środków Instytutu Slawistyki Polskiej Akademii Nauk
V magistrskem delu obravnavamo različne politike internacionalizacije visokega šolstva v Sloveniji in na Nizozemskem. Glavni temelj naloge predstavlja analiza in primerjava strateških dokumentov internacionalizacije visokega šolstva obeh izbranih držav. V teoretičnem delu izpostavimo internacionalizacijo v zgodovinski perspektivi. Na kratko opišemo družbenoekonomski kontekst razvoja nizozemskih univerz ter obravnavamo nastanek in razvoj slovenskih in nizozemskih univerz. Osredotočimo se na njihovo poslanstvo ter z njim povezanim položajem jezika v raziskovalni in pedagoški dejavnosti. Opredelimo tudi termin internacionalizacije in navedemo različne definicije. Nato predstavimo oblike internacionalizacije: internacionalizacijo doma, internacionalizacijo kurikuluma ter internacionalizacijo v tujini. V okviru razvoja bolonjskega procesa predstavimo nastanek evropske gospodarske skupnosti, začetke samega procesa ter kritiko njegove neoliberalne zasnove. Raziščemo tudi zelo relevantno temo – transfer izobraževalnih politik. Zaključimo s predstavitvijo jezikovne problematike, to je vedno večja vloga angleščine v pedagoškem in raziskovalnem visokošolskem prostoru ter položaj nacionalnih jezikov. V okviru empiričnega dela najprej ugotavljamo podobnosti in razlike med nacionalnimi politikami internacionalizacije visokega šolstva v Sloveniji in na Nizozemskem ter med politikami na institucionalni ravni – opravimo torej primerjavo Univerze v Ljubljani in Univerze v Amsterdamu. Analiza nacionalnih strateških dokumentov dokazuje, da tako slovensko kot nizozemsko visoko šolstvo sledi podobnim ciljem internacionalizacije. Kot prvo bistveno razliko pa lahko izpostavimo težnjo Nizozemske po povezovanju visokošolskih institucij z gospodarstvom in posledično prevlado gospodarskih motivov za internacionalizacijo. Nasprotno pa internacionalizacijo slovenskega visokega šolstva usmerjajo predvsem politični motivi, saj želi država utrditi prepoznavno podobo nacionalnega visokega šolstva. S tem pa je povezana tudi druga pomembna razlika. V nizozemskih strateških dokumentih je poudarjena namera po konkurenčnosti in prepoznavnosti države na globalni ravni, medtem ko je v slovenskih strateških dokumentih v ospredju potreba po vzpostavitvi regionalne identitete. Nizozemska se torej usmerja v bolj globalno internacionalizacijo, Slovenija pa v regionalno. Državi sta si podobni v tem, da vidita internacionalizacijo kot poglavitni dejavnik pri razvoju svojega visokega šolstva, ki rezultira v izboljšanje njegove kakovosti. Analiza politike internacionalizacije dveh osrednjih univerz v obeh država pokaže, da je zaradi statusa mednarodne in dvojezične univerze Univerze v Amsterdamu internacionalizacija njena ključna značilnost, medtem ko je ljubljanska univerza pri svoji internacionalizaciji dokaj omejena. Zaradi svoje izrazite mednarodne usmerjenosti Univerza v Amsterdamu izvaja pouk v t. i. mednarodni predavalnici. Nizozemska in njene univerze so že – gledano z zgodovinske perspektive – veliko bolj mednarodno odprte. Slednje pa je prispevalo k temu, da Nizozemska spada med najbogatejše države na svetu. Prednost bogatih držav pa niso le zadostna finančna sredstva za implementacijo optimalne internacionalizacije, ampak tudi »privilegij« postavljanja trendov na področju internacionalizacije. Preučujemo tudi medsebojno skladnost strateških dokumentov v posamezni državi ter način odražaja ciljev bolonjskega procesa v ciljih strateških dokumentov. Ugotovimo, da je v nizozemskih strateških dokumentih v primerjavi s slovenskimi prisotno bistveno večje ujemanje v ključnih oziroma prioritetnih ciljih, kar je mogoče pripisati aktivni vključenosti nizozemskih univerz pri oblikovaju politik. Bolonjski cilji so izraženi v obeh državnih in obeh institucionalnih strategijah internacionalizacije. Izpostavili bi cilj pospeševanja mobilnosti, ki se pojavi v vseh štirih strategijah. Na koncu raziskujemo, kako državi urejata oziroma rešujeta vprašanje jezika visokega šolstva. Ugotovili smo, da v obeh državah zakona, ki urejata področje visokega šolstva, izpostavljata skrb za materinščino. Ta naloga spada v okvir visokošolskih zavodov. Univerza v Amsterdamu ima – za razliko od Univerze v Ljubljani – oblikovano svojo jezikovno strategijo, v kateri je pojasnjeno, na kakšen način se izbere oziroma določi jezik poučevanja, s čimer je odločitev o jeziku poučevanja olajšana. Kot je pokazala primerjava različnih dokumentov s področja visokega šolstva in strategij, je današnja internacionalizacija v različnih državah pod vplivom tako sodobnih procesov, konkretneje bolonjskega procesa, kot tudi različnih zgodovinskih dejavnikov oziroma okoliščin. Enake politike internacionalizacije se torej v različnih okoljih implementirajo različno. S tem tudi potrjujemo ugotovitev de Wita in F. Hunter (2015, str. 2), da ni modela internacionalizacije, ki bi ustrezal vsem. ; Internationalisation of Higher Education in Slovenia and the Netherlands After the Implementation of the Bologna Process In this thesis, we discuss the different internationalisation policies of higher education in Slovenia and the Netherlands. Analysing and comparing the strategic documents about the internationalisation of higher education in the chosen countries is the basis of the following thesis. In the theoretical part, we put internationalisation in a historical perspective. We concisely describe the socioeconomic context of the development of Dutch universities and analyse the origins and development of Slovene and Dutch universities. Furthermore, we focus on the mission of universities and their related position of language in research and teaching. We also define internationalisation and present its different definitions. Additionally, we introduce the forms of internationalisation: internationalisation at home, internationalisation of the curriculum, and internationalisation abroad. In the context of the development of the Bologna Process, we present the emergence of the European Economic Community, the beginnings of the process itself, and a critique of its neo-liberal concept. Moreover, we also explore the transfer of educational policies. We conclude by presenting the language issues, i.e., the growing role of English in teaching and research in higher education, and the position of national languages. In the empirical part, we first identify similarities and differences between national policies on the internationalisation of higher education in Slovenia and the Netherlands. Then we examine the policies at the institutional level by comparing the University of Ljubljana and the University of Amsterdam. Analysis of national strategy documents shows that both Slovenian and Dutch higher education pursue similar internationalisation objectives. However, the first significant difference is the Dutch tendency to connect higher education institutions with the economy. Consequently, economic motives for internationalisation prevail. In contrast, the internationalisation of Slovenian higher education is driven primarily by political motives, as the country wants to consolidate a recognisable national higher education. Nonetheless, there is another important difference. The Dutch strategy documents emphasise the intention to make the country competitive and visible on a global level, while the Slovenian strategy documents focus on the need to establish a regional identity. The Netherlands is therefore moving towards a more global internationalisation, whereas Slovenia moves towards a regional one. At the same time, they both perceive internationalisation as the crucial factor in developing higher education. Particularly, in the context of increasing its quality. The two countries are similar in the way they see internationalisation – as the major factor in the development of their higher education and as means to enhance its quality. An analysis of the internationalisation policies of the two central universities in both countries shows that, due to its status as an international and bilingual university, internationalisation is a leading feature of the University of Amsterdam. On the contrary, the University of Ljubljana is somewhat limited in its internationalisation. Due to its strong international orientation, the University of Amsterdam holds its classes in a so-called "international classroom." Historically viewed, The Netherlands and its universities have been much more internationally opened. This has contributed to the Netherlands being one of the wealthiest countries in the world. The advantage of rich countries is not only having sufficient financial resources to implement optimal internationalisation, but also the "privilege" of setting trends in the area of internationalisation. We also look at the coherence between the strategic documents in each country and how the objectives of the Bologna Process are reflected in the objectives of the strategic documents. We have found out that there is a significantly higher congruence in the key objectives in the Dutch strategic document compared to the Slovenian ones. The reason for that could be the active involvement of Dutch universities in policymaking. The Bologna objectives are reflected in both national and both institutional internationalisation strategies. We aim to highlight the objective of promoting mobility, which appears in all four strategies. Lastly, we explore the way of how countries are addressing the issue of the language of higher education. We have discovered that the laws governing higher education emphasise care for the mother tongue in both countries. The University of Amsterdam has constructed a language strategy that explains how the instruction language is chosen and determined. By doing so, the decision for the instruction language is less complicated. At the moment, the University of Ljubljana still does not have the same approach. By comparing different higher education documents and strategies, we have shown that contemporary changes (specifically the Bologna Process) and various historical factors have influenced internationalisation today. The same internationalisation policies are therefore implemented differently in various contexts. This also confirms the observation made by de Wit and F. Hunter (2015, p. 2) that there is "no one model that fits all".
V zadnjih desetletjih je opaziti močan porast neposrednih investicij v mednarodnem okolju. Zaradi ugotovljenih številnih pozitivnih učinkov, ki jih imajo na državo prejemnico, je v razvitih državah in državah v razvoju posledično prišlo do liberalizacije politike do TNI in zmanjševanja regulativnih ovir na številnih področjih, predvsem z namenom oblikovanja prijaznega poslovnega okolja za tuje investitorje in željo privabiti čim več investicij v državo. Zelo dober primer so države Srednje in Vzhodne Evrope, v katerih je prav na ta račun v zadnjem desetletju prišlo do močnega porasta TNI. To lahko opazimo še posebej na Češkem, Poljskem in Madžarskem. Slovenija pa je kljub svoji razvitosti po drugi strani država, kjer so prilivi vhodnih TNI še vedno zelo skromni. Cilj magistrske naloge je bil ugotoviti, katere so tiste pomanjkljivosti in prednosti slovenskega okolja v primerjavi s konkurenčnimi državami SVE regije, ki odvračajo tuje investitorje od Slovenije. Zanimalo nas je tudi, kako s politiko do TNI, ki jo izvaja država za privabljanje tujih investitorjev ugotovljene pomanjkljivosti popraviti. Politika do TNI, oziroma konkretneje, spodbude, ki jih vlada pripravlja za privabljanje TNI, so šele sekundarnega pomena pri odločanju investitorjev za določeno državo. Te pridejo do izraza, ko se investitorji odločajo med makroekonomsko podobnimi državami, ki že zadostijo njihovim primarnim tržnim potrebam. Kljub temu pa so z vidika države spodbude tisti instrument, s katerim je mogoče relativno hitro in enostavno povečati konkurenčnost poslovnega okolja ali privabiti investitorje v določene panoge. Zato predstavlja pomembno orodje pri izboljševanju elementov investicijske klime. Ugotovili smo, da v Sloveniji kljub majhnemu trgu največje pomanjkljivosti niso v tržnih dejavnikih (kot so dostop do trga ali naravnih virov), temveč v dejavnikih investicijske klime, predvsem ekonomsko-regulatornega okolja države ter podpore podjetništvu. Analizirane države se soočajo z nekaterimi zelo podobnimi ovirami, kot so administrativne ovire za tuje investitorje, nezaupanjem v vlado ter rigidnostjo trga delovne sile. V Sloveniji močno izstopajo še slabo makroekonomsko okolje, visoko obdavčenje delovne sile ter težavno pridobivanje dodatnih virov financiranja. Vendar ima Slovenija na drugi strani zelo kvalitetno delovno silo, inovativno moč, dobro kvaliteto življenja ter dokaj enostavno poslovanje v primerjavi z izbranimi državami, kar povečuje njeno konkurenčnost. Državne spodbude v Sloveniji so naravnane v smeri odpravljanja ugotovljenih tržnih pomanjkljivosti, vendar so te zastavljene preveč široko in so posledično neprilagodljive dejanskim potrebam investitorjev. Z njihovo primerjavo smo ugotovili, da bi jih bilo smiselno prestrukturirati v smeri individualnih paketov spodbud, večjega deleža povratnih sredstev ter jih ciljno usmeriti na nekaj ključnih področij. Zavedati se moramo, da državne spodbude same po sebi ne bodo naredile bistvene spremembe. Lahko pa s ciljno usmerjenim pristopom države in skupaj s preoblikovanjem ostalih elementov poslovnega okolja izboljšajo konkurenčnost in vplivajo na to, da Slovenija postane privlačnejša država za mednarodne investicijske projekte. ; Over the last decades there has been a sharp increase of the direct investments in international environment. In the developed and developing countries the process of liberalisation of policy towards FDI and the reduction of regulatory obstacles have been made in many areas due to numerous established positive effects which have impacted the recipient country. In particular, the aim is to create a friendly business environment for foreign investors and a desire to attract the largest possible number of investments to the country. A very good example of this practice are countries of the Central and Eastern Europe in which there has been an increase of FDI in the last decade. That was observed particularly in the Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary. On the other hand, despite its development, Slovenia is the country where the inflows of the inward FDI are still very modest. The purpose of the thesis was to determine which are these weaknesses and strengths of the Slovene environment in comparison with competitive countries of the CEE region, which discourage foreign investors from Slovenia. We were interested in knowing if these weaknesses can be improved with Slovenian policy toward FDI. The policy towards FDI or more specifically the incentives established by the Government to attract FDI are only of secondary importance in choosing investors for a particular country. These incentives become important when the investors decide between similar macroeconomic countries that already meet their primary market needs. Nevertheless, from the point of view of the state, the incentives are the instrument that can relatively quickly and easy increase the competitiveness of the business environment or attract investors to certain sectors. Therefore, it represents an important tool in improving elements of the investment's climate. We have noted that the biggest shortcomings in Slovenia are present in the factors of investment's climate and not in the market factors. Analysed countries are facing some similar obstacles, such as administrative obstacles for foreign investors, non-confidence to the government and rigidity of the labour market. In Slovenia there is a strong stand out of poor macroeconomic environment, higher taxation of labour and additional funding sources which are difficult to obtain. However, Slovenia has, on the other hand, a high quality workforce, innovative strength, good quality of life and fairly simple business in comparison with other countries of matter, which increases its competitiveness. In Slovenia, state incentives go in the direction of eliminating the identified deficiencies in the market. But the setting of these is too wide and consequently inflexible of real needs of investors. By comparing these, we reached findings that it would be reasonable to restructure it in the direction of the individual packages of incentives, with greater proportion of return funds and target them to focus on a few key areas. We need to be aware that state incentives by itself won't make any significant changes. But with more targeted approach of the state and together with the transformation of other elements of the business environment, we can improve the competitiveness and influence on Slovenia becoming more attractive country for international investment projects.
Varstvo materinstva je bistvenega pomena za zdravje in dobro počutje žensk ter njihovih otrok. Ključnega pomena je ženskam zagotoviti dostojno delo in enakost spolov, saj jim omogoča združitev reproduktivne in produktivne funkcije ter prepreči neenako obravnavanje pri zaposlovanju. Magistrsko diplomsko delo obravnava diskriminacijo nosečnic na delovnem mestu na nadnacionalni in nacionalni ravni. Uvodu v drugem poglavju sledi opis pojma in oblike diskriminacije nosečnic na delovnem mestu, v tretjem poglavju pa so na kratko opisani dokumenti, ki urejajo diskriminacijo nosečnic na mednarodni ravni. Ker pa je bistvo naloge primerjalnopravni vidik diskriminacije nosečnic na delovnem mestu, ki se bo nanašal na primerjavo med državami članicami Evropske unije, je v četrtem poglavju opisana diskriminacija nosečnic na ravni Evropske unije, dve najpomembnejši direktivi na tem področju in sodna praksa Sodišča EU. V petem poglavju je bolj podrobno opisana diskriminacija nosečnic na delovnem mestu v Sloveniji, relevantna zakonodaja, postopki v primeru diskriminacije, primeri pred Zagovornikom načela enakosti in nekaj primerov iz sodne prakse slovenskih sodišč. Šesto poglavje je namenjeno primerjavi diskriminacije nosečnic na delovnem mestu v različnih državah članicah Evropske unije, v katerem so primerjane Belgija, Nemčija, Poljska, Romunija, Španija in Švedska. V sedmem poglavju sledijo moji zaključki in ugotovitve, kako kljub zelo veliki zaščiti nosečih delavk v zakonodaji še vedno prihaja do številnih diskriminacij, zakaj je temu tako in kako bi lahko stanje izboljšali. ; Maternity protection is essential for the health and well-being of women and their children. It is crucial to ensure that women have access to decent work and gender equality, to enable them to combine their reproductive and productive functions and to prevent unequal treatment in employment. Master thesis deals with discrimination of pregnant women in the workplace at supranational and national level. The introduction is followed by the second chapter which describes the term and forms of discrimination against pregnant women in the workplace, while the third section briefly describes the documents governing discrimination against pregnant women on the international level. However, since the essence of the thesis is the comparative legal aspect of discrimination against pregnant women in the workplace, which will refer to the comparison between the Member States of the European Union, Chapter 4 describes the discrimination of pregnant women at European Union level, the two most important directives in this field and the case-law of the European Court of Justice. Chapter 5 in more detail describes the discrimination against pregnant women in the workplace in Slovenia, relevant legislation, procedures in case of discrimination, cases before the Advocate of the principle of equality, and some examples from the Slovenian case-law. Chapter 6 is intended to compare the discrimination against pregnant women in the workplace in different Member States of the European Union, comparing Belgium, Germany, Poland, Romania, Spain and Sweden. In Chapter 7 my conclusions are presented and the conclusions on how, despite the very high protection of pregnant worker in legislation, there are still many disparities, why is this the case and how the situation could be improved.
