Suchergebnisse

A company needs to first calculate the risk factors and look at both advantages and disadvantages of international trade financing methods before choosing one. Also, a company must take into account the conditions of supplying, their partners and their own financial stance, countries' political, economic and social situation, the cost of international financing method. A company may choose the right, most secure and trustworthy international trade financing method after it has properly evaluated these factors. Therefore, the task of choosing the right method is relevant to every company engaging in international trade operations. It determines this master thesis topic's relevancy. The object of study of this master thesis – a company's international trade expansion and its financial models. The aim – to make a comparison of Mantinga , Ltd international trade financing models' analysis after the research of a company's international trade financial alternatives. The tasks established to achieve the set object are as follows: name the problems of international trade financing after thoroughly investigating international trade importance to companies' activities; unveil the essence of international trade financing based on scientific literature analysis; identify the fundamental financing models of international trade; form a methodology for the research of international trade financing; conduct the models' analysis of international trade expanse financing of Mantinga, Ltd. Lately, it has been noticed that the international trade scale is increasing. The financial reserves needed to engage in and expand such trade, determine the importance of choosing sources and methods of such trade. Thus, every company encounters obstacles which are related to its international trade financing source (inner or outer) and methods that reduce expenses and minimalize risks related to the companies' international trade operations decisions. The financing of international trade operations is distinguished by quite a large variety. Depending on the duration and objectives of funding, the amount of the transaction, the own funds of economic entities, additional participants (factoring, forfeiting organizations, export credit agencies) or certain financing conditions (discounting, bank guarantees) could be included into the model. The advantage of each model of international trade financing is the increasing of competitiveness – payment conditions are increasingly used as competitive instruments during the negotiation process. Customers seek for bargains to ensure reliable and attractive credit conditions. Merchants who have access to financing instruments are in a better position, which can stimulate export and national income growth. Based on Mantinga', Ltd financial responsibility and its financial activities results analysis, it was established that Mantinga, Lt should adopt factoring for its export since its expenses are 53 percent less than the bank's financed credit value for the same scale exports. The company also benefits additionally with factoring. It no longer needs to make discounts to clients who check out expeditiously. The risk of customers not paying in time gets eliminated and, as such, detriments are saved due to such failed payments. Factoring also improves customers' payment behavior, enhances the company's credit rating and the overall appeal in the view of interested countries.

SUMMARY Stirring international military activity has become one of the most important tasks of Lithuanian foreign policy implementation. Intensive international military collaboration and participation in peace keeping process are the main means to implement that task. The main aim of the paper is to detect geographical peculiarities of Lithuanian international military activity. It is defined that Lithuanian international military activity is reasoned not only politically, but also has a geographical validity. Bilateral and multilateral military collaboration of Lithuania clearly reveals it's priorities given to the most of the Baltic Sea region countries. Especially active cooperation in military range Lithuania holds with other Eastern Baltic countries – Latvia and Estonia. The main geographical factors of such collaboration peculiarity are: the Baltic Sea and the need of geopolitical balance. Moreover, according to Lithuania's increased activity in international peace making operations, it's very important to have a good military staff preparation system for such aims. Perhaps a combatant preparation is in a high level, but geographical preparation is insufficient. It becomes especially important when the country sends peacemakers to the geographically distant regions. Membership in NATO and other international organizations obligate Lithuania to be an active associate in peace keeping process. Lithuania was taking part in military operations that were prosecuted in four regions of Europe and Asia: The Balkans, Persian Gulf region, Caucasus and South and Central Asian region. The priority is given to the geographically closest region – The Balkans, where Lithuania have sent the biggest part of it's international peacemakers, that served in five countries of the region. Furthermore, consideration of Lithuanian activity in peace keeping process shows that the country gives priority to NATO, European Union and USA, which is the most important strategic partner of Lithuania, supervising military missions. Finally, Lithuania is participating in peace keeping operations not because of it's own national interests in the "hot" regions. It is more determined to the obligations to NATO and other international organisations and regarding to the position of strategic partners. Military and political benefit also remains as a very important factor of participating in the chosen peace keeping operations.

SUMMARY Stirring international military activity has become one of the most important tasks of Lithuanian foreign policy implementation. Intensive international military collaboration and participation in peace keeping process are the main means to implement that task. The main aim of the paper is to detect geographical peculiarities of Lithuanian international military activity. It is defined that Lithuanian international military activity is reasoned not only politically, but also has a geographical validity. Bilateral and multilateral military collaboration of Lithuania clearly reveals it's priorities given to the most of the Baltic Sea region countries. Especially active cooperation in military range Lithuania holds with other Eastern Baltic countries – Latvia and Estonia. The main geographical factors of such collaboration peculiarity are: the Baltic Sea and the need of geopolitical balance. Moreover, according to Lithuania's increased activity in international peace making operations, it's very important to have a good military staff preparation system for such aims. Perhaps a combatant preparation is in a high level, but geographical preparation is insufficient. It becomes especially important when the country sends peacemakers to the geographically distant regions. Membership in NATO and other international organizations obligate Lithuania to be an active associate in peace keeping process. Lithuania was taking part in military operations that were prosecuted in four regions of Europe and Asia: The Balkans, Persian Gulf region, Caucasus and South and Central Asian region. The priority is given to the geographically closest region – The Balkans, where Lithuania have sent the biggest part of it's international peacemakers, that served in five countries of the region. Furthermore, consideration of Lithuanian activity in peace keeping process shows that the country gives priority to NATO, European Union and USA, which is the most important strategic partner of Lithuania, supervising military missions. Finally, Lithuania is participating in peace keeping operations not because of it's own national interests in the "hot" regions. It is more determined to the obligations to NATO and other international organisations and regarding to the position of strategic partners. Military and political benefit also remains as a very important factor of participating in the chosen peace keeping operations.

SUMMARY Stirring international military activity has become one of the most important tasks of Lithuanian foreign policy implementation. Intensive international military collaboration and participation in peace keeping process are the main means to implement that task. The main aim of the paper is to detect geographical peculiarities of Lithuanian international military activity. It is defined that Lithuanian international military activity is reasoned not only politically, but also has a geographical validity. Bilateral and multilateral military collaboration of Lithuania clearly reveals it's priorities given to the most of the Baltic Sea region countries. Especially active cooperation in military range Lithuania holds with other Eastern Baltic countries – Latvia and Estonia. The main geographical factors of such collaboration peculiarity are: the Baltic Sea and the need of geopolitical balance. Moreover, according to Lithuania's increased activity in international peace making operations, it's very important to have a good military staff preparation system for such aims. Perhaps a combatant preparation is in a high level, but geographical preparation is insufficient. It becomes especially important when the country sends peacemakers to the geographically distant regions. Membership in NATO and other international organizations obligate Lithuania to be an active associate in peace keeping process. Lithuania was taking part in military operations that were prosecuted in four regions of Europe and Asia: The Balkans, Persian Gulf region, Caucasus and South and Central Asian region. The priority is given to the geographically closest region – The Balkans, where Lithuania have sent the biggest part of it's international peacemakers, that served in five countries of the region. Furthermore, consideration of Lithuanian activity in peace keeping process shows that the country gives priority to NATO, European Union and USA, which is the most important strategic partner of Lithuania, supervising military missions. Finally, Lithuania is participating in peace keeping operations not because of it's own national interests in the "hot" regions. It is more determined to the obligations to NATO and other international organisations and regarding to the position of strategic partners. Military and political benefit also remains as a very important factor of participating in the chosen peace keeping operations.

SUMMARY Stirring international military activity has become one of the most important tasks of Lithuanian foreign policy implementation. Intensive international military collaboration and participation in peace keeping process are the main means to implement that task. The main aim of the paper is to detect geographical peculiarities of Lithuanian international military activity. It is defined that Lithuanian international military activity is reasoned not only politically, but also has a geographical validity. Bilateral and multilateral military collaboration of Lithuania clearly reveals it's priorities given to the most of the Baltic Sea region countries. Especially active cooperation in military range Lithuania holds with other Eastern Baltic countries – Latvia and Estonia. The main geographical factors of such collaboration peculiarity are: the Baltic Sea and the need of geopolitical balance. Moreover, according to Lithuania's increased activity in international peace making operations, it's very important to have a good military staff preparation system for such aims. Perhaps a combatant preparation is in a high level, but geographical preparation is insufficient. It becomes especially important when the country sends peacemakers to the geographically distant regions. Membership in NATO and other international organizations obligate Lithuania to be an active associate in peace keeping process. Lithuania was taking part in military operations that were prosecuted in four regions of Europe and Asia: The Balkans, Persian Gulf region, Caucasus and South and Central Asian region. The priority is given to the geographically closest region – The Balkans, where Lithuania have sent the biggest part of it's international peacemakers, that served in five countries of the region. Furthermore, consideration of Lithuanian activity in peace keeping process shows that the country gives priority to NATO, European Union and USA, which is the most important strategic partner of Lithuania, supervising military missions. Finally, Lithuania is participating in peace keeping operations not because of it's own national interests in the "hot" regions. It is more determined to the obligations to NATO and other international organisations and regarding to the position of strategic partners. Military and political benefit also remains as a very important factor of participating in the chosen peace keeping operations.

Every state may face a bid for protection in embassies or consulates from persons looking for a shelter in dangerous situations to their lives and safety. Even though diplomatic asylum is more peculiar to Latin America region, no State is prevented from such seekers. Practical examples show that diplomatic asylum helped to safe thousands of people in countries where instability of governments exist, during wars or in situations where no other alternative of protection was available. Grant of diplomatic asylum is a problematic issue because it raises question which value should prevail: inviolability of premises or non interference into internal affairs, protection of human rights or sovereignty of State. This master thesis attempts to find out what is the current position of diplomatic asylum in the context of public international law and on what grounds it could be granted in embassies and consulates. For this aim, the thesis is focused on the evolution and main features of diplomatic asylum, on its relation with regional and universal international law instruments, on dominating positions to diplomatic asylum in the case law. International treaties, state practice and various positions of legal writers were analyzed in order to reveal grounds for granting diplomatic asylum. In the States where diplomatic asylum is recognized, it is granted according to the existing legal regulation. In the States where diplomatic asylum is not considered as legal institute, it is granted on humanitarian considerations in order to protect people. The thesis concludes that different attitudes to diplomatic asylum exist regarding international law. For a group of State it is an institute of regional international law while other states tolerate it purely on humanitarian considerations. Despite different approaches of diplomatic asylum in the international law, it can be a means to protect life or safety of a person.

Every state may face a bid for protection in embassies or consulates from persons looking for a shelter in dangerous situations to their lives and safety. Even though diplomatic asylum is more peculiar to Latin America region, no State is prevented from such seekers. Practical examples show that diplomatic asylum helped to safe thousands of people in countries where instability of governments exist, during wars or in situations where no other alternative of protection was available. Grant of diplomatic asylum is a problematic issue because it raises question which value should prevail: inviolability of premises or non interference into internal affairs, protection of human rights or sovereignty of State. This master thesis attempts to find out what is the current position of diplomatic asylum in the context of public international law and on what grounds it could be granted in embassies and consulates. For this aim, the thesis is focused on the evolution and main features of diplomatic asylum, on its relation with regional and universal international law instruments, on dominating positions to diplomatic asylum in the case law. International treaties, state practice and various positions of legal writers were analyzed in order to reveal grounds for granting diplomatic asylum. In the States where diplomatic asylum is recognized, it is granted according to the existing legal regulation. In the States where diplomatic asylum is not considered as legal institute, it is granted on humanitarian considerations in order to protect people. The thesis concludes that different attitudes to diplomatic asylum exist regarding international law. For a group of State it is an institute of regional international law while other states tolerate it purely on humanitarian considerations. Despite different approaches of diplomatic asylum in the international law, it can be a means to protect life or safety of a person.

The aim of the research: international trade is one of the most important instruments in the modern globalized economy which is used to achieve wealth and economic growth in all countries of the world that belong to the free trade and open market system governed by such international organizations as World Trade Organization (WTO) or World Customs Organization (WCO). This year (in February 2021) the European Commission also presented and outlined the EU future guidelines/strategy of the international trade and customs policy ("Trade Policy Review", COM (2021) 66 final (European Commission, 2021). Having this in mind, the author of the article reviews the provisions of the above-mentioned document regarding the planned changes in the EU trade policy towards specific third countries (major EU trading partners) and analyses their significance for the EU Member States (including Lithuania)

The aim of the research: international trade is one of the most important instruments in the modern globalized economy which is used to achieve wealth and economic growth in all countries of the world that belong to the free trade and open market system governed by such international organizations as World Trade Organization (WTO) or World Customs Organization (WCO). This year (in February 2021) the European Commission also presented and outlined the EU future guidelines/strategy of the international trade and customs policy ("Trade Policy Review", COM (2021) 66 final (European Commission, 2021). Having this in mind, the author of the article reviews the provisions of the above-mentioned document regarding the planned changes in the EU trade policy towards specific third countries (major EU trading partners) and analyses their significance for the EU Member States (including Lithuania)

The paper suggests a conceptual framework for analyzing the relationship between democracy and economic growth based on the international dimension. In essence, democracy positively effects economic growth in a given country when international actors seek to promote democracy in that country by punishing violations of democratic norms with economic sanctions. The paper specifies conditions under which violation of democratic norms gets punished with economic sanctions. First, foreign actors must have an interest in defending democracy in a given country. Second, the costs of defending democracy must not outweigh its benefits. Finally, economic sanctions must be employed as a tool for the defense of democracy. Furthermore, factors that affect the negative impact of economic sanctions on economic growth in the 'target' country are specified in the paper. They are as follows: economic openness of the 'target' country, extent of economic interdependence with sanctioning countries, as well as the structure of the economy and opportunities to diversify economic relations with other foreign actors. Besides, the impact of sanctions on growth depends on the duration of their application. Further, the paper illustrates the logic of the conceptual framework with the empirical example of Latin America. During the Cold War, democracies in the region did not face any economic advantages with regard to international factors. Latin America's Cold War history was highly influenced by the strategic struggle between the US and the Soviet Union. For the US, the main purpose in the region was to carry out the policy of containment of communism. This meant that certain undemocratic but friendly regimes were often supported, while hostile but democratic ones were undermined. The situation changed cardinally after the Cold War ended. When the strategic threat of communism disappeared, the US changed its policy focus from containment of communism to the promotion and defense of democracies. Moreover, Latin America experienced intensive processes of democratization and economic liberalization. This created conditions for the collective system of defense of democracy in the region. Certain factors contributed to the potential impact of economic sanctions in the region in the 1990s. Economic liberalization and higher economic openness made countries more vulnerable to potential sanctions. Furthermore, Latin American countries had high levels of economic interdependence with the US, the EU and other regional democracies, all of which were ready to defend democratic systems. Finally, the disintegration of the Soviet Union and disappearance of non-democracies in the region highly reduced opportunities for economic diversification in the case of economic sanctions. In Latin America in the 1990s, every violation of procedural democratic norms was met with economic sanctions which had negative effect on economic growth in the violating country. These cases were Haiti (1991), Peru (1992) and Guatemala (1993). In the case of Paraguay (1996), the threat of economic sanctions was one of the factors that helped to preserve democratic system in the country. This means that the analysis of the relationship between political regime type and economic growth in Latin America in the 1990s is incomplete and potentially incorrect, if international factors are not taken into account. Finally, the paper gives suggestions for further research, in particular hinting to the possible structural global shift in the democracy-growth relationship in post-Cold War environment. International factors provide a possible explanation why empirically democracies tend to grow faster than autocracies after the end of the Cold War

The paper suggests a conceptual framework for analyzing the relationship between democracy and economic growth based on the international dimension. In essence, democracy positively effects economic growth in a given country when international actors seek to promote democracy in that country by punishing violations of democratic norms with economic sanctions. The paper specifies conditions under which violation of democratic norms gets punished with economic sanctions. First, foreign actors must have an interest in defending democracy in a given country. Second, the costs of defending democracy must not outweigh its benefits. Finally, economic sanctions must be employed as a tool for the defense of democracy. Furthermore, factors that affect the negative impact of economic sanctions on economic growth in the 'target' country are specified in the paper. They are as follows: economic openness of the 'target' country, extent of economic interdependence with sanctioning countries, as well as the structure of the economy and opportunities to diversify economic relations with other foreign actors. Besides, the impact of sanctions on growth depends on the duration of their application. Further, the paper illustrates the logic of the conceptual framework with the empirical example of Latin America. During the Cold War, democracies in the region did not face any economic advantages with regard to international factors. Latin America's Cold War history was highly influenced by the strategic struggle between the US and the Soviet Union. For the US, the main purpose in the region was to carry out the policy of containment of communism. This meant that certain undemocratic but friendly regimes were often supported, while hostile but democratic ones were undermined. The situation changed cardinally after the Cold War ended. When the strategic threat of communism disappeared, the US changed its policy focus from containment of communism to the promotion and defense of democracies. Moreover, Latin America experienced intensive processes of democratization and economic liberalization. This created conditions for the collective system of defense of democracy in the region. Certain factors contributed to the potential impact of economic sanctions in the region in the 1990s. Economic liberalization and higher economic openness made countries more vulnerable to potential sanctions. Furthermore, Latin American countries had high levels of economic interdependence with the US, the EU and other regional democracies, all of which were ready to defend democratic systems. Finally, the disintegration of the Soviet Union and disappearance of non-democracies in the region highly reduced opportunities for economic diversification in the case of economic sanctions. In Latin America in the 1990s, every violation of procedural democratic norms was met with economic sanctions which had negative effect on economic growth in the violating country. These cases were Haiti (1991), Peru (1992) and Guatemala (1993). In the case of Paraguay (1996), the threat of economic sanctions was one of the factors that helped to preserve democratic system in the country. This means that the analysis of the relationship between political regime type and economic growth in Latin America in the 1990s is incomplete and potentially incorrect, if international factors are not taken into account. Finally, the paper gives suggestions for further research, in particular hinting to the possible structural global shift in the democracy-growth relationship in post-Cold War environment. International factors provide a possible explanation why empirically democracies tend to grow faster than autocracies after the end of the Cold War

After the end of the Cold war the unipolar international system was established and during recent decade it was transformated from strickt unipolarity (1990-2000) to modified unipolarity (2001-2010). Exceptional and multidimensional power with the global reach of the USA was the reason for naming structure of international system as strict unipolar till terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 in the USA. After September 11th the USA started to act less unilaterally than before temporary changing the unilateralism to multilateralism for collective actions against terrorism in Afghanistan. The multilateral response to September 11th terrorist attacks became the first stage of transformation of strict unipolarity based on Article 5 of Washington Treaty. Years of 2001-2003 could be named as the beginning of modified unipolarity: sole superpower acted multilaterally in war against terrorism and at the same time it promoted the enlargement of its influence with NATO enlargement to the post soviet area. Formation of transformed unipolar structure allows speaking about the necessity of defining a new type of unipolarity – modified unipolarity which is theoretically balancing on the dividing lines of unipolarity, multipolarity and nonpolarity concepts. This article consists of broad definition of modified unipolarity, theoretical analysis of polarity and its transformation, also, some preliminary conclusions and insights are made concerning possible transformation of modified unipolarity in the foreseen future.

After the end of the Cold war the unipolar international system was established and during recent decade it was transformated from strickt unipolarity (1990-2000) to modified unipolarity (2001-2010). Exceptional and multidimensional power with the global reach of the USA was the reason for naming structure of international system as strict unipolar till terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 in the USA. After September 11th the USA started to act less unilaterally than before temporary changing the unilateralism to multilateralism for collective actions against terrorism in Afghanistan. The multilateral response to September 11th terrorist attacks became the first stage of transformation of strict unipolarity based on Article 5 of Washington Treaty. Years of 2001-2003 could be named as the beginning of modified unipolarity: sole superpower acted multilaterally in war against terrorism and at the same time it promoted the enlargement of its influence with NATO enlargement to the post soviet area. Formation of transformed unipolar structure allows speaking about the necessity of defining a new type of unipolarity – modified unipolarity which is theoretically balancing on the dividing lines of unipolarity, multipolarity and nonpolarity concepts. This article consists of broad definition of modified unipolarity, theoretical analysis of polarity and its transformation, also, some preliminary conclusions and insights are made concerning possible transformation of modified unipolarity in the foreseen future.