Suchergebnisse

U radu se razmatra ekološko obrazovanje u Srbiji, kroz analizu trenutnog stanja, ukazivanje na ključne probleme u ovoj oblasti i moguće pravce daljeg razvoja. U prvom delu rada dat je prikaz razvoja ekološkog obrazovanja u našoj zemlji sa naglaskom na ključne faze u ovom procesu. Put razvoja ekološkog obrazovanja u Srbiji kretao se od izrazitog antropocentrizma i antagonizma između čoveka i prirode, preko umerenog antropocentrizma sa primesama ekoncentrizma, do dominantnog ekocentrizma. Primetno je da razvoj ekološkog obrazovanja u našoj zemlji kasni bar jednu deceniju u odnosu na društvene okolnosti, što otvara brojne implikacije za obrazovni sistem i društvo u celini. Kada je u pitanju nastavni proces, analiza stanja pokazuje pomake koji su učinjeni implementiranjem novih sadržaja iz oblasti ekologije i održivog razvoja u postojeće predmete, kao i uvođenjem izbornih predmeta koji se odnose na ekološko obrazovanje. Pomaci su učinjeni i u domenu vannastavnih aktivnosti koje su obogaćene sadržajima iz oblasti ekologije, kao i u okviru obrazovnih politika škola, uvođenjem posebnih rubrika u školske programe kojima se definišu planirane aktivnosti iz ove oblasti. U drugom delu rada napravljen je osvrt na ključne probleme do kojih se došlo analizom postojećeg stanja u oblasti ekološkog obrazovanja. Kao največi problem izdvaja se primetni jaz između usvojenog znanja iz oblasti ekologije i individualnog delovanja pojedinca u svakodnevnom životu u pravcu očuvanja životne sredine. Pored toga, u nastavi se još uvek u nedovoljnoj meri primenjuju interdisciplinarni pristup i projektna nastava zasnovana na istraživanju čiji je doprinos u učenju ekoloških sadržaja potvrđen u nalazima brojnih istraživanja. U trećem delu rada date su preporuke za dalji razvoj ekološkog obrazovanja u našoj zemlji koje se prevashodno odnose na način učenja ekoloških sadržaja u okviru škole i koje imaju važne implikacije za kreatore obrazovnih politika, lidere u školama i praktičare. Na prvom mestu, škole bi trebalo da budu usmerene na stvaranje mogućnosti za istinski, receptivni i refleksivni odnos učenika sa prirodom. To bi značilo da se u procesu učenja ekoloških sadržaja primene pristupi čiji je uspeh već potvrđen, poput interdisciplinarnog pristupa i projektne nastave. Ostvarivanju ovog cilja pomoglo bi i intenziviranje vannastavnih aktivnosti kroz unapređivanje već postojećih (ekskurzije, nastava u prirodi) kao i uvođenjem novih, na primer ekoloških kampova i drugih organizovanih aktivnosti u prirodi koje podrazumevaju veću angažovanost učenika. Na taj način bi bilo omogućeno da se znanja stečena u nastavi povežu sa neposrednim iskustvom u prirodi. Time bi se podigao kvalitet dobijenih znanja iz ove oblasti, a ostvario bi se i pozitivan uticaj na voljni i emocionalni aspekt ličnosti učenika, što bi vodilo ka njihovoj većoj svesti o potrebi zaštite životne sredine, kao i njihovoj većoj participaciji u konkretnim aktivnostima koje se tiču očuvanja prirode i njenih resursa. Na kraju, ukazano je na važnost finansijskog aspekta, pa se kao preporuka za obrazovnu politiku ističe da su potrebna veća ulaganja kako bi škole mogle dobijena sredstva da iskoriste za podizanje svojih kapaciteta u oblasti ekološkog obrazovanja, obogaćivanje nastavnih resursa, kao i za obučavanje nastavnog kadra. ; The paper deliberates environmental education in Serbia by analysing the current situation, pointing to key problems in this area and potential trends of further development. The first part of the paper is an overview of environmental education development in our country with an emphasis on key stages in this process. The developmental path of environmental education in Serbia has unfolded from strong anthropocentrism and antagonism between the man and nature, through moderate anthropocentrism with hints of ecocentrism, to dominant ecocentrism. It is obvious that development of environmental education in our country is at least a decade late vis-à-vis social circumstances, which opens a number of implications for education system and overall society. With regard to teaching process, the current situation analysis reveals the progress made by implementing new contents from the fields of ecology and sustainable development in the existing subjects, as well as by introducing elective courses related to environmental education. The progress has also been made in terms of extracurricular activities that have been enriched with ecology contents, as well as within educational policies of schools by introducing special sections in the school curricula that define planned activities in this field. The second part of the paper focuses on the key issues arising from the analysis of current situation in environmental education. The greatest problem is an apparent gap between acquired ecology knowledge and the individual's actions in everyday life regarding environmental protection. In addition, the interdisciplinary approach and research-based project teaching whose contribution to learning the environmental contents has been acknowledged by results of numerous studies are still not adequately applied in teaching. The third part of the paper provides recommendations for further development of environmental education in our country. They primarily refer to the way environmental education is taught in school and have important implications for education policy makers, school leaders and practitioners. Primarily, the schools should aim at creating opportunities for genuine, receptive and reflective relationship of students with nature. This would mean using already validated approaches to learning of environmental contents, such as interdisciplinary approach and project-based teaching. Intensifying the extracurricular activities through improvement of already existing activities (excursions, outdoor classes) and introduction of new ones, for example eco-camps and other organized outdoor activities involving a greater student engagement, would also help in achieving this goal. In this way the correlation between the classroom-obtained knowledge and immediate experience in nature would be enabled. This would improve the quality of knowledge from this field, and have a positive effect on wilful and emotional aspect of students' personality. This would also lead to their greater awareness of the need for environmental protection, as well as their greater participation in particular activities related to conservation of nature and its resources. Finally, the importance of financial aspect is underlined and the recommendation for education policy refers to requirement for greater investments. In this way, the schools could use the received funds for increasing their environmental education capacities, improving the teaching resources and training the teaching staff. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

Pitanje mogućnosti formiranja ekološkog pokreta u Srbiji u kontekstu postsocijalistiĉke transformacije društva i procesa evrointegracija, predstavlja predmet bavljenja ove doktorske disertacije. Rad se sastoji iz tri veće celine i poglavlja u kome su izneta zakljuĉna razmatranja. U prvom delu rada, razvijeni su uporedno-istorijski, kontekstualni, konceptualni i metodološki okvir istraţivanja, kao polazne osnove za dalje analize. Kako bi mogle biti obuhvaćene sve relevantne dimenzije kompleksnog fenomena ekološkog pokreta i sloţena mreţa ĉinilaca koji utiĉu na njegov nastanak i razvoj, u istraţivanju su kombinovano korišćene razliĉite metodološke tehnike: anketno ispitivanje stavova i praksi na reprezentativnom uzorku graĊana Srbije (N=1952) i predstavnika lokalnih samouprava (N=232), polustrukturisani intervjui sa predstavnicima nevladinih organizacija (N=44), kao i dve studije sluĉaja zajednica sa izraţenim ekološkim problemima - Panĉeva i Bora. Drugi deo rada je posvećen opisu i analizi pojedinaĉnih elemenata ekološkog pokreta: ekoloških aktivista, ekoloških grupa / organizacija, ekoloških mreţa, kolektivnog identiteta i ekoloških konflikata. Na osnovu detaljne analize karakteristika osnovnih elemenata pokreta, u zakljuĉnom poglavlju drugog dela rada daje se odgovor na pitanje: da li u Srbiji postoji ekološki pokret? Osnovni istraţivaĉki nalaz je da u Srbiji nije došlo do formiranja klasiĉnog participativnog tipa ekološkog pokreta, kakav je prisutan u zemljama Zapada. TakoĊe, nema ni naznaka znaĉajnijeg prisustva elemenata transakcionog ekološkog aktivizma (pokreta), ĉiji je prisustvo zabeleţeno u zemljama Centralne Evrope. Umesto toga, svedoci smo razvoja specifiĉnog modela ekološkog kolektivnog delanja koji smo nazvali "ekološkim trećim sektorom". Naime, za razliku od participativnog i transakcionog delanja, koji imaju naglašeno politiĉku dimenziju, aktivnosti organizacija u okviru trećeg sektora su preteţno "apolitiĉne" po karakteru, usmerene na pruţanje usluga u oblastima iz kojih se, u sklopu neoliberalnih reformi, drţava povukla. Pored nerazvijenosti konfliktne (politiĉke) dimenzije, ekološki treći sektor odlikuje i atomizovano delanje profesionalnih ekoloških organizacija, koje samo izuzetno (pod spoljnim pritiscima ili podsticajima) uspostavljaju fiziĉke veze (mreţe) meĊu sobom, dok se na planu kolektivnog identiteta razvija samo kognitivna dimenzija (formalno prihvatanje odreĊenih ekoloških vrednosti i naĉela koja ĉine sastavni deo ekološkog diskursa dominantnog na Zapadu). GraĊani, po pravilu, nisu ukljuĉeni u rad ovih organizacija, izuzev kao korisnici usluga. U trećem delu rada se razmatraju razlozi usled kojih ne dolazi do razvoja participativnog i/ili transakcionog ekološkog pokreta (aktivizma). Za potrebe objašnjenja nastanka specifiĉne hibridne forme ekološkog trećeg sektora, kreiran je sintetiĉki eksplanatorni model koji kombinuje elemente razvijene u okviru razliĉitih teorijskih pristupa fenomenu društvenih pokreta. Eksplanatorna shema je formulisana na sledeći naĉin: za pokretanje kolektivnog delanja i nastanak ekološkog pokreta neophodno da prethodno budu ispunjeni sledeći uslovi: potrebno je da postoji izvesno socijalno-konstruisano nezadovoljstvo (problem) kod većeg broja pojedinaca / profesionalnih zastupniĉkih organizacija (socijalno-konstruktivistiĉka reinterpretacija klasiĉnih pristupa); zatim, grupa pojedinaca koja oseća dati problem / zalaţe se za njegovo rešavanje, mora posedovati odreĊene resurse za pokretanje i odrţavanje 5 kolektivne akcije (pristup teorije mobilizacije resursa); šire okruţenje treba da bude relativno povoljno kako bi nagovestilo mogućnost pozitivnog ishoda aktivnosti koja se ţeli realizovati (pristup strukture politiĉkih mogućnosti), a vrednosni okvir na takav naĉin podešen da usmerava na delanje predstavnike profesionalnih ekoloških organizacija i / ili neposredno ugroţenu populaciju (nezadovoljne) i (eventualno) širi krug podrţavalaca (pristup Novih društvenih pokreta). Na proces formiranja ekološkog pokreta, kroz ĉetiri neposredna faktora (socijalna-konstrukcija ekoloških rizika, dostupnost i karakteristike resursa, struktura politiĉkih mogućnosti, vrednosni sistem),indirektno deluju širi društveni procesi - postsocijalistiĉka transformacija i evropeizacija srpskog društva, kao i ĉinioci duţeg trajanja ((pred)socijalistiĉko nasleĊe). Testiranje postavljenih eksplikativnih hipoteza je pokazalo da ni jedan od uslova neophodnih za formiranje ekološkog pokreta, nije delimiĉno ili u potpunosti zadovoljen. Postojeći ekološki problemi su dominantno odreĊeni u kategorijama niskog rizika i male vaţnosti u odnosu na druga društvena pitanja, usled ĉega je i njihov podsticajni kapacitet za kolektivnu (re)akciju bitno sniţen. Pored toga, vladajuće shvatanje prema kome u ekološkoj modernizaciji leţi rešenje za gotovo sve ekološke probleme, pokazuje se kao ĉinilac koji nepovoljno utiĉe na graĊanski aktivizam, jer upućuje na pasivno išĉekivanje uvoĊenja obećanih mehanizama odrţivog razvoja. Većini graĊana na raspolaganju stoji vrlo ograniĉena koliĉina resursa, usled ĉega, u velikom broju sluĉajeva, oni odustaju od uĉešća u ekološkim akcijama. Ekološke organizacije, takoĊe, imaju poteškoća da obezbede neophodne resurse za rad, a dodatni problem predstavlja i naĉin njihove mobilizacije, usled kojeg gube samostalnost postajući zavisne od stranih izvora finansiranja. Kao posledica, ekološko delanje je atomizovano, a rivalitet i konflikti unutar ekološkog civilnog sektora, naglašeni; ekološke mreţe se teško formiraju i odrţavaju, kolektivni identitet je slab (nad njim prevagu odnose partikularni interesi), a kritiĉko delovanje ekoloških organizacija, nerazvijeno. Struktura politiĉkih mogućnosti se, uprkos postojanju relativno povoljnog zakonskog okvira, pokazuje zatvorenom prema uĉešću graĊana u donošenju odluka. GraĊani percipiraju predstavnike vlasti kao neprijemĉive za njihove potrebe, što se nepovoljno odraţava na njihovu spremnost da se organizuju i pokušaju da nametnu svoje zahteve. S druge strane, ekološke organizacije su iskljuĉene iz procesa odluĉivanja i svedene na ulogu asistenata u podizanju kapaciteta drţave za sprovoĊenje programa u oblasti zaštite ţivotne sredine. Konfliktno delanje organizacija je ograniĉeno, s jedne strane, time što ne dobijaju podršku moćnih aktera (meĊunarodne ekološke organizacije, strani donatori), a sa druge, finansijskim uslovljavanjem od strane drţavnih struktura. Karakteristike kulturološkog konteksta se, takoĊe, pokazuju nepovoljnim za razvoj ekološkog pokreta u Srbiji. Dominacija materijalistiĉkog sistema vrednosti i s njim povezano visoko vrednovanje ekonomskog razvoja, koje u senci ostavlja ekološke probleme, negativno utiĉe na ekološko aktiviranje graĊana. Ipak, uprkos preteţno materijalistiĉkoj vrednosnoj orijentaciji, graĊanima su vrlo bliske vrednosti Nove ekološke paradigme. MeĊutim, od naĉelnog prihvatanja vrednosti karakteristiĉnih za ovu paradigmu do aktivnog delanja, u kontekstu materijalne oskudice, put je dug i vrlo neizvestan. Zakljuĉno poglavlje je posvećeno rezimiranju i diskusiji empirijskih nalaza, kao i razmatranju širih implikacija nerazvijenosti ekološkog pokreta na zaštitu ţivotne sredine u Srbiji. ; he environmental movement in Serbia, in the context of post-socialist transformation and the EU integration process. The paper consists of three major parts and the concluding chapter. In the first part a comparative - historical, contextual, conceptual and methodological framework of the research is developed, as a starting point for the further analyses. In order to capture all relevant dimensions of the complex phenomenon of environmental movement and the composite set of factors that influence its emergence and development, the study is using a combination of different methodological techniques: a survey of attitudes and practices based on a representative sample of Serbian citizens (N = 1952) and local government representatives (N = 232), in parallel with the semi-structured interviews with representatives of non-governmental organizations (N = 44), and the two case studies of communities with serious environmental problems – the municipalities of Pancevo and Bor. The second part contains the description and analysis of individual elements of the environmental movement: environmental activists, environmental groups / organizations, environmental networks, collective identity and environmental conflicts. Based on a detailed analysis of the characteristics of the key elements of environmental movement, the concluding chapter of this part of the paper offers an answer to the question - is there an environmental movement in Serbia? The main research finding is that participatory type of environmental movement that is typical for the Western countries has not been formed in Serbia. There are even no indications of the existence of significant elements of transactional environmental activism (movement), that is present in the countries of Central Europe. Instead, we are witnessing the development of a distinct model of collective environmental action that we have named "the third environmental sector". Different from the participative and transactional activism which have an emphasized political dimension, the nature of the activities of the third sector organizations is mostly "non-political", aimed at providing services in those areas that the state has withdrew from, in the context of neo-liberal reforms. In addition to the underdeveloped conflict/political dimension, the environmental third sector is characterized by atomized actions of professional environmental organizations, which establish physical connections (networks) among themselves only as an exception (under external pressures or incentives), while at the level of collective identity only the cognitive dimension is being developed (the formal acceptance of the environmental values and principles which form an integral part of the environmental discourse dominant in the West). Citizens, as a rule, are not included in the work of these organizations, except as users of services. In the third part, the reasons for the absence of the participatory and / or transactional environmental movement (activism) are discussed. In order to explain the emergence of the specific hybrid form of the environmental third sector, a synthetic explanatory model was established, combining elements developed within different social movement theories. The explanatory scheme has been formulated as follows: for the launch of collective action and the emergence of the environmental movement certain conditions are necessary to be met - a certain level of socially-constructed 8 dissatisfaction (problem) needs to be generated in large numbers of individuals / professional advocacy organizations (social constructivist reinterpretation of classical approaches); then, a group of individuals who perceive the problem / advocates for its solution must possess appropriate resources to initiate and sustain a collective action (the Resource Mobilization Theory approach); the wider context should be relatively favorable as to suggest the possibility of a positive outcome of the action (the Political Opportunities Structure approach); the value framework should be set up in such a way to initiate the action of professional environmental organizations and / or the directly affected population, and possibly also of a wider circle of supporters (the New Social Movements approach). Through the four direct factors (social – construction of environmental risks, the availability and characteristics of resources, the structure of political opportunities, the value system), the process of development of the environmental movement is indirectly affected by wider-scale social processes – the post-socialist transformation and Europeanization of Serbian society, as well as by the factors of longer duration ((pre-) socialist heritage).The testing of the set of explicative hypotheses showed that the necessary pre-conditions for the formation of the environmental movement in Serbia have neither been fully, nor even partially met. In comparison with other issues, the existing environmental problems are dominantly defined in the terms of low-risk and low-importance, due to which their capacities to induce collective (re)action are significantly reduced. In addition, the prevailing concept of environmental modernization, presented as a solution to almost all environmental problems, proves to be a factor that adversely affects civic activism, as it leads to passive anticipation of the promised introduction of mechanisms for sustainable development. Since the majority of citizens have access only to very limited resources, they, in many cases, tend to give up their participation in environmental actions. Environmental organizations also face difficulties in obtaining necessary resources for their operation. An additional problem lies in the way resources are being mobilized: becoming increasingly dependent on foreign funding, organizations tend to lose their autonomy. As a result, the environmental action is atomized and rivalries and conflicts within the environmental civil society accentuated; environmental networks are difficult to establish and maintain and the collective identity is weak (due to domination of particular interests); the conflictual dimension of environmental organizations remains undeveloped. Despite the relatively favorable legal framework, the structure of political opportunities seems closed to the participation of citizens in the decision-making process. Citizens perceive government representatives as unresponsive to their needs, which negatively affects their readiness to act in an organized way and to attempt to impose their demands. On the other hand, environmental organizations are excluded from the decision-making process and reduced to the assisting role in the capacity building of the state bodies for the implementation of programs in the field of environmental protection. Conflicting action of such organizations is limited, on the one hand by the lack of support from powerful actors (international environmental organizations, international donors), and on the other - by the financial preconditions imposed by the state authorities. The characteristics of the cultural context also appear to be unfavorable for the development of the environmental movement in Serbia. The dominance of the materialistic value system and the related high priority attributed to the economic 9 growth, leaves the environmental problems on the margins, thus negatively affecting the environmental activation of citizens. However, despite the predominantly materialistic value orientation, the values of the New environmental paradigm are very familiar to the citizens. Still, in the context of material insecurity, the road from the general acceptance of such values to active action towards reaching them, is long and very uncertain. The concluding chapter is devoted to summarizing and discussing the empirical findings, as well as to considerations of implications of the under-developed environmental movement to the overall state of environmental protection in Serbia.

The subject of this dissertation relates to the study of psychosocial characteristics of military servicemen. The military profession implies significant social and personal responsibilities, requires discipline and unconditional compliance with the hierarchy of the military organization, willingness to be transferred if required, possible separation from the family, changing work environment and difficult working conditions, sometimes hazardous to health and life, and often quoted is also a limited freedom to express personal opinions and to participate in trade unions and politics. The military profession has undergone numerous transformations in the contemporary environment. Family tradition, which contributes to the development of the personality profile that predisposes a person to successful military service, has also undergone significant changes. The question is what represents the capacity of the individual to adapt to the military profession in the modern military organization, and what factors contribute to a successful military career. The success rate assessment is important for gaining insight into the proper balance of actual skills, knowledge and behavior patterns of officers possessing the desired standards in the defense system, set by the government and various requirements of international integration processes. Apart from rewarding the work, an adequate success rate assessment is important for personnel development planning, conception and evaluation of educational programs, HR policies, and is particularly important as a validation of selection procedures and in terms of enhancing complexity of the selection criteria for admission to the military (Pajević, 2006). In the military practice thus far, the officers' success has been perceived through the officer's rank, level of education / training, awards, duties that the officer has performed or is currently performing. Family environment, financial solvency and resolved housing issues have been used as the data complementing the picture of the officer, without a deeper analysis of the connection of these factors with motivation and success in the military profession. The PhD dissertation Family Context, Authoritarianism and Success Rate in the Military Profession deals with the success rate of the military profession performance from the perspective of the family and its role in the professional selection, advancement and success. The family context is considered to be both the family of origin and the current officer's family, more precisely, the emotional quality of partner relations. The family of origin is considered through the perceived parental upbringing practices towards children (acceptance and rejection). The current officer's family is considered as a modern institution that meets numerous psychological needs, such as affiliation, loyalty, protection, union, support and intimacy. The quality of emotional relations in partnerships is assessed on the basis of subjective evaluation of mutual respect, communication, understanding, acceptance and agreement in daily emotional partner relations (current families of officers). The main objective of the research is to determine the parameters associated with success in the military profession. In the core of the research is the family, i.e. the perceived parental upbringing styles and practices in the family of origin and their contribution in shaping the personality of a person whose professional choice is the military vocation, performed with more or less success. In addition, the relations between these parameters and the quality and satisfaction with partnerships have been studied, as well as the ways those partnerships contribute to the satisfaction and success in the military profession. Specifically, we were interested whether the contribution of the current partnership to the satisfaction and success in the military profession is more significant than the contribution of the family of origin. A particularly important aim of the research was to study the contribution of upbringing styles and practices in the family of origin in shaping the authoritarian personality structure, as well as the connection between authoritarianism and the parameters of success in the military profession. The study used the Questionnaire on Success in the Military Profession (designed for research purposes), Parental Acceptance/Rejection Questionnaire - PARQ (Rohner, 1984), Revised F scale of authoritarianism (Rot and Havelka, 1973) and Dyadic Adjustment Scale - DAS (Spanier, 1976) to assess the emotional quality of partnerships. The reliability of the applied tools is high (Cronbach's alpha coefficients range from 0.744 to 0.893). The sample is purposive and composed of the Serbian Armed Forces officers (443 in total), divided into three subsamples (successful, average, and unsuccessful) in accordance with the criteria set by the Ministry of Defense and the Serbian Armed Forces. The correlation analysis results have shown a statistically significant positive correlation between the perception of the parental acceptance (mother, father), on the one hand, and educational and professional success, positive perception of the job and people, good cooperation and communication with both superiors and subordinates, on the other hand. Also, a statistically significant negative correlation between the authoritarian personality structure – authoritarianism, and the criteria of objective and subjective success was found. The respondents with higher levels of authoritarianism are more commonly found in the lower ranks and have lower performance grades, while the respondents with average (lower) levels of authoritarianism have higher ranks and higher performance grades. The respondents with higher levels of authoritarianism assessed the cooperation with the subordinates in helping to resolve personal problems with higher scores. In addition, it has been determined that there are complex relations between the conformity of intimate partners and success in performing their jobs. A statistically significant correlation between the conformity of the partners and the objective elements of success was determined. Officers with higher performance grades perceive a greater cohesion in partnerships, while the lower ranked officers of more satisfied with agreement in the partnership dyad and emotional expression. Also, there was a statistically significant correlation found between the conformity of intimate partners and the subjective success rates. The respondents with higher self-assessment of their professional performance, knowledge of the rules and regulations of the military service, good relations with the subordinates are more satisfied in the partnership dyad. A statistically significant correlation between the perceived parental acceptance / rejection and authoritarianism was determined. The respondents who perceive their parents as rejecting and hostile have a more pronounced authoritarian personality structure. Also, the respondents who assessed their parents as accepting have established a better conformity with their intimate partners in all aspects. The results of multiple regression analysis show that authoritarianism is a significant predictor of the objective success rate, while the emotional quality of partner relations is a significant predictor of the subjective success in the military profession. The obtained results conform with all of the hypotheses and previous research suggesting that the professional success depends on a proper balance between the family and professional roles. In addition, the results and conclusions can be further developed on the basis of research of other relevant factors of professional success, such as: psychological personality profile, system of values, social and emotional intelligence, communication skills. Also, the results enhance the knowledge about the factors of the general professional success, including the military profession (especially in terms of the development of authoritarian personality structure from the perspective of the parental acceptance / rejection theory, as well as the importance of the emotional quality of partner relations) in order to implement them in the military education curricula (primarily in the Military psychology subject) and training plans for the Ministry of Defense and the Serbian Armed Forces personnel, innovation in the selection processes and modification of the psychological selection criteria, and career management.

Introduction: The Corona virus (COVID-19) pandemic caused, among others, the need for colleges and universities managers around the world to reinvent new ways of providing education preserving its good quality at the same time. With the new ordinances of the Ministry of Education and Health, all courses can use remote methodologies for the continuity on the current school year. With new challenges and paradigms emerging from this methodological proposal: provide for the user the feeling of immersion, of being in the class room, from the navigation and interaction in this virtual environment, at the same time that the educator, respecting the educational principles and the pedagogical approach that he believes, does not transform this moment into a simple distance education. Objective: to describe the state of the art on nursing education and the challenges of using remote technologies in the time of Corona virus pandemic. Methods: this is a reflective study based on secondary sources of literature relevant to the theme, considering articles from national and international journals and recent productions on education, health training, remote technologies, COVId-19 and public health. Results: it is evident that experiencing the effects of the corona virus pandemic (COVID-19) in the health educational sector, especially in the field of nursing, goes beyond a structural reorganization of courses. It implies change attitude of managers, teachers and students to reformulate educational practices (sometimes with traditional tools), with innovative practices preserving a methodology that provides to the student criticality reflection, dialogue, bonding and interaction; elements that are part of a training aimed at transformation, empowerment and not just the transmission of knowledge. In this context, the COVID-19 pandemic caused paradigm shifts perhaps not yet overcome by health science institutions , because when they perceived themselves within a reality that generated changes in the political, economic, cultural and social aspects at a global level, they had to reinvent and insert new ways of teaching in their work process; they had to discuss different educational approaches and, given the needs to readjust health teaching methods, they inserted remote technologies as essential tools to meet the real need for continuity of classes in non-face-to-face model. For many, it is a challenge, as it currently permeates a reflection on the attention of distance learning in the field of nursing and other courses in the health area. However, as it opened up to discussions about new ways of teaching mediated by innovation, it can be said that this will be one of the greatest impact of the pandemic in benefit the education: the contribution of new information and communication technologies in the teaching-learning process for training in health, as well as the reflection on distance education and its concepts, differentiating it from the concepts of remote methodology and the use of technologies. Conclusion: In nursing education, the discussion related to the use of remote technologies in the classroom has always been a point of debate. However, with the need to include these tools for the continuity of classes in the non-face-to-face model resulting from the social isolation strategy motivated by the pandemic of COVID-19, it can provide an opportunity to have a new look on the subject and perhaps there is an opportunity to expand the debate on the use of remote methodologies in health education, seeking a reflection on their interaction with the other teaching methods already implemented. ; Introdução: A pandemia do Corona vírus (COVID-19) provocou em caráter emergencial a necessidade dos gestores das faculdades e universidades de todo mundo de reinventar novas formas de prover o ensino preservando a qualidade dele. Com as novas portarias do Ministério da Educação e Saúde, houve uma abertura para que todos os cursos utilizassem de metodologias remotas para continuidade do ano letivo, surgindo novos desafios e paradigmas com essa proposta metodológica: prover para o usuário, a sensação de imersão, de estar dentro do ambiente, a partir da navegação e interação nesse meio virtual, ao mesmo tempo que o educador, respeitando os princípios educacionais e a abordagem pedagógica que acredita, não transformar esse momento em uma simples educação à distância. Objetivo: descrever o estado da arte sobre o ensino de enfermagem e os desafios do uso de tecnologias remotas em época de pandemia do Corona vírus. Método: trata-se de estudo reflexivo consubstanciado por fontes secundárias da literatura pertinente à temática, considerando artigos de periódicos nacionais e internacionais e produções recentes sobre educação, formação em saúde, tecnologias remotas, o COVId-19 e saúde pública. Resultados: evidencia-se que vivenciar os efeitos da pandemia de corona vírus (COVID-19) no setor educacional na formação em saúde, em especial no campo da enfermagem, vai além de uma reorganização estrutural dos cursos, pois implica em mudança atitudinal dos gestores, docentes e discentes para que reformulem as práticas de ensino (por vezes com ferramentas tradicionais), em práticas inovadoras preservando um ensino que propicie ao estudante a criticidade, reflexão, diálogo, vínculo e interação; elementos que fazem parte de uma formação que visa a transformação, o empoderamento e não apenas a transmissão do conhecimento. Nesse contexto, a pandemia do COVID-19 provocou mudanças de paradigmas talvez ainda não superados pelas instituições na área da saúde, pois ao se perceberem dentro de uma realidade em que gerou mudanças nos aspectos políticos, econômicos, culturais e sociais em nível mundial, estas tiveram que se reinventar e inserir no seu processo de trabalho as novas formas de ensinar; tiveram que discutir sobre as diferentes abordagens educacionais e diante das necessidades do readequar os métodos de ensino em saúde, inseriram as tecnologias remotas como ferramentas essenciais para atender a real necessidade da continuidade das aulas no formato não presencial. Para muitos um desafio, pois permeia atualmente uma reflexão sobre o cuidado do ensino à distância no campo da enfermagem e demais cursos da área da saúde. Entretanto, à medida que se abriu para discussões sobre novas formas de ensinar mediadas pela inovação, pode-se dizer que esse será o maior impacto da pandemia para o ensino: a contribuição das novas tecnologias de informação e comunicação no processo ensino aprendizagem para formação em saúde, assim como a reflexão sobre a educação à distância e seus conceitos, diferenciando-a dos conceitos de metodologia remota e o uso das tecnologias. Conclusão: No ensino da enfermagem, a discussão relacionada ao uso de tecnologias remotas em sala de aula sempre foi um ponto de debate. Entretanto, com a necessidade da inclusão dessas ferramentas para a continuidade de aulas no formato não presencial decorrente da estratégia do isolamento social motivada pela pandemia do COVID-19, pode oportunizar a se ter um novo olhar sobre o assunto e que talvez com esse momento vivido se haja oportunidade de ampliar o debate sobre uso dessas metodologias remotas no ensino em saúde, buscando uma reflexão sobre a interação destas com os demais métodos de ensino já implementados.

Ovo empirijsko istraživanje zasnovano je na analizi literature koju je sproveo Stergiou (2017). Cilj istraživanja usmeren je na merenje kvaliteta obrazovnog rada, nastavnog materijala i aktivnosti univerzitetskih nastavnika u Grčkoj, na osnovu povratnih informacija dobijenih od njihovih diplomiranih studenata. U istraživanju je primenjen upitnik. Uzorak se sastojao od 388 diplomaca, studenata ASPETE programa iz Soluna, akademske 2017/2018. i 2018/2019. Godine. Ispitanici su, pored svojih deklarisanih demografskih karakteristika, na skali od pet tačaka davali odgovore za svaku od 27 stavki koje opisuju aspekte kvaliteta obrazovnog rada, nastavnog materijala i aktivnosti, kao i nastavnih metoda svojih univerzitetskih nastavnika (1 – nimalo; 2 – veoma malo; 3 – prilično; 4 – mnogo; 5 – veoma mnogo). Rezultati pokazuju da diplomci smatraju kako njihovi univerzitetski nastavnici dobro poznaju sadržaj kurseva, te da su dosledni tokom predavanja (praćenje rasporeda i zadovoljavajuća priprema). Studenti su dali prosečne ocene svojim nastavnicima u 20 od 27 kriterijuma kvaliteta univerzitetskog nastavnika. Nastavnici su ocenjeni ispod proseka za organizaciju aktivnosti čiji je cilj aktivno učešće studenata u radu u učionici, davanje uvoda i rekapitulacija nastave u učionici, povezivanje nastavnih metoda sa profesionalnim okruženjem (sa tržištem rada), povezivanje sadržaja izučavanih kurseva sa drugim kursevima i korišćenje radnih resursa (npr. radnih listova, pokaznog materijala) koji olakšavaju učenje. Faktorska analiza pokazala je da sva pitanja imaju visoko opterećenje na jednoj faktorskoj osi – univerzitetskoj pedagogiji (F1, Kronbah α = 0,947, 42% ukupne varijanse), dok su dve druge ose specijalizovane za konkretna polja: jedna za savetodavno-mentorsku ulogu univerzitetskog nastavnika (F2, Kronbah α = 0,879, 24% ukupne varijanse), a druga za nauku i stručnost (F3, Kronbah 0,741, 13% ukupne varijanse). Hijerarhijskom klaster analizom izdvojile su se četiri grupe diplomaca. Prva (C1) obuhvata 16,8% uzorka, druga (C2) 33%, treća (C3) 41,5% i četvrta (C4) 8,8% diplomaca. Klaster C1 sastoji se od pojedinaca koji vrednuju pedagošku kompetenciju i pedagoško obrazovanje svojih univerzitetskih nastavnika, kao i njihovu primarno naučnu orijentaciju i profesionalizam, dok u potpunosti negiraju njihovu mentorsko-savetodavnu ulogu. Grupu C2 čine diplomirani studenti koji u dovoljnoj meri uvažavaju mentorsko-savetodavnu ulogu svojih nastavnika, ali imaju negativno mišljenje o njihovim pedagoškim i didaktičkim aspektima. Diplomci koji pripadaju C3 grupi daju prosečnu ocenu kako pedagogiji nastave i pedagoškom obrazovanju svojih nastavnika, tako i njihovoj primarno naučnoj orijentaciji i profesionalizmu, dok misle da njihovi nastavnici nisu uspeli u svojoj mentorsko-savetodavnoj ulozi. Najzad, najmanji klaster C4 čine diplomci koji iako smatraju da pedagogija nastave i nastavne veštine njihovih nastavnika nisu adekvatne i ne veruju u njihove naučne veštine i profesionalizam, ipak prepoznaju njihov skroman doprinos kao savetnika i mentora koji su im pomogli da steknu predstavu o profesiji kojom bi želeli da se bave i da se tome prilagode. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju da većina studenata daje nisku ocenu nastavnicima grčkih univerziteta u gotovo svim aspektima univerzitetske pedagogije, što ukazuje na odsustvo pedagoških i didaktičkih veština nastavnika. Ovaj rezultat je očekivan, zbog nepostojanja kvalifikovane obuke za nastavnike. To, zapravo, uopšte nije preduslov za započinjanje akademske karijere i ne postoji akademska ustanova koja bi im omogućila da steknu pedagoške i didaktičke kompetencije. Usaglašenost sa dobrom praksom drugih evropskih zemalja trebalo bi da bude strateški izbor obrazovne politike u cilju modernizacije grčkih univerziteta u ovoj oblasti i da se to čini sveobuhvatnije i efikasnije. ; This is a questionnaire based empirical research designed to measure the quality of educational work, teaching material and activities of Greek University teachers, based on their graduates' feedback. The sample consisted of 388 graduates, all students of the ASPETE programs of Thessaloniki, for the academic years 2017-2018 and 2018-2019. The subjects, in addition to their declared demographic characteristics, answered, on a five-point scale (1 – not at all, 2 − very little, 3 − quite, 4 − much, 5 − very much), the 27 items (criteria) describing the aspects of educational work quality, teaching material and activities and teaching methods of their academic teachers. Results showed that graduates perceive that their academic teachers had a good knowledge of the courses content and they were consistent during teaching courses (timetable observation and satisfactory preparation). Students gave moderate scores to their teachers in 20 out of the 27 quality criteria of an academic teacher. Teachers were rated below average in the organization of activities aiming at actively involving the students in the classroom, providing them with the introduction and recapitulation of their classroom teaching, linking their teaching methods to the professional environment (the labour market), linking the content of the studied courses with other courses and the use of labour resources (e.g. worksheets, demonstration materials) that facilitate learning. Factor analysis showed that all questions were highly loaded on one factorial axis, University Pedagogy (F1, Cronbach's α = 0.947, 42% of the total variance), while the two other axes were specialized in the fields, one in the Advisory- Mentor Role of the academic teacher (F2, Cronbach's α = 0.879, 24% of the total variance) and the other in Science and Professionalism (F3, Cronbach's 0.741, 13% of the total variance). Hierarchical Cluster Analysis highlighted four groups of graduates. The first (C1) includes 16.8% of the sample, the second (C2) 33%, the third (C3) 41.5% and the fourth (C4) 8.8% of the graduates. Cluster C1 consists of individuals who appreciated the value of pedagogical competence and teaching training of their university teachers as well as their scientific background orientation and professionalism while their mentoring-advisory role was completely deprecated. C2 consists of graduates who, while appreciating enough the mentor-advisory role of their teachers, have a negative view of their pedagogical and didactic training. C3 grades moderately both the teaching pedagogy and teaching training of their university teachers as well as their scientific background orientation and professionalism, while they think that their teachers have failed their mentor-advisory role. Finally, the smallest cluster C4, although it considers teaching pedagogy and teaching skills of their teachers inadequate, and does not believe in their science skills and professionalism, it recognizes a modest contribution as advisors and mentors who helped them get an idea of the profession they would like to follow and adapt to it. In conclusion, Greek university teachers are low-rated by the majority of students in almost all aspects of University Pedagogy, indicating the absence of their pedagogical and didactic training skills. This result was expected, due to absence of qualified teacher training. Indeed, it is not a prerequisite for entering the academic career and there is no academic institution offering them pedagogical and didactic competence. The compliance with good practices from other European countries should be a strategic educational policy choice in order to modernize Greek universities in this area and to do so more comprehensively and effectively. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

Kunnat ovat suuren muutoksen keskellä. Kuntarakenneuudistus sekä sosiaali- ja terveydenhuollon palvelurakenneuudistus tulevat muuttamaan kuntien hallintoa merkittävästi. Kari Hakarin tutkimus tarkastelee yhden suuren kaupungin hallinnonuudistusta uuden julkisen hallinnan teorian näkökulmasta. Uusi julkinen hallinta on kunnallishallinnon uudistamisen kolmas vaihe, joka on kehittynyt perinteisestä julkishallinnosta ja tätä seuranneesta uudesta julkisjohtamisesta. Tutkimuksen tavoitteena on arvioida, onko uudesta julkisesta hallinnasta kuntien hallinnonuudistusten uudeksi suunnaksi. Tutkimuksella tuetaan myös kuntien käytännön kehittämistoimintaa. Tutkimuskohteena on Tampereen kaupungin toteuttama kokonaisvaltainen toimintamallin uudistus. Uudistus muodostuu kolmesta osasta: pormestarijärjestelmästä, tilaaja–tuottaja-mallista sekä asiakaslähtöisestä prosessiajattelusta. Tutkimustulokset osoittavat, että Tampereen muutosprosessi toteuttaa varsin hyvin uuden julkisen hallinnan mukaista ajattelua. Se ei kuitenkaan edusta tätä moderneimmillaan, vaan perustuu vahvasti sekä byrokraattisen organisaation rakenteisiin että uuden julkisjohtamisen mukaiseen markkinoistumisen tavoitteeseen. Näyttää siltä, että Tampereenkin toimintamalli kaipaa päivittämistä, jotta se pystyy vastaamaan paremmin tulevaisuuden haasteisiin. Moderni uuden julkisen hallinnan kokonaisuus kuntien hallinnon kehittämisen näkökulmasta muodostuu 1) avoimesta kumppanuudesta asukkaiden, palvelutuottajien ja muiden sidosryhmien kanssa, 2) paikallisuuden ja yhteisöllisyyden korostamisesta, 3) monimuotoisesta suorasta ja edustuksellisesta demokratiasta, 4) asiakaslähtöisestä palvelujen kehittämisestä, 5) tulosperusteisesta palveluiden hankinnasta sekä 6) monimuotoisesta palvelutuotannosta. Muutos vallankäytössä on yksi uuden julkisen hallinnan ominaispiirre. Kunnan johtaminen edellyttää monimutkaistuvassa yhteiskunnassa uusia välineitä ja toimintatapoja. Tutkimuksen mukaan moderni kunnan johtaminen perustuu onnistuneelle yhdistelmälle pehmeää ja kovaa valtaa. Tutkimuksen mukaan uusi julkinen hallinta voi kehittyä kuntien hallinnonuudistusten perustaksi. Tätä tukee se, että uudessa julkisessa hallinnassa kehittämisperiaatteet muodostavat loogisen kokonaisuuden, jota voidaan käytännössä toteuttaa monin välinein erilaisissa tilanteissa. Lisäksi on olemassa ilmeinen tarve yhteiselle visiolle, jotta välttämättä edessä oleva kuntien hallinnonuudistus pystytään toteuttamaan. Uudet, isot reformit tarvitsevat aina mallin, johon muutos voidaan perustaa. Uuden julkisen hallinnan kehittymistä tukee myös se, että hallinnon kehittämisen käytännön toteutukset sekä kansainvälisesti että Suomessa toteuttavat jo monella tavoin uuden julkisen hallinnan mukaisia hallinnonuudistuksen kehityssuuntia. Tutkimus tuo uutta tietoa uuden julkisen hallinnan käytännön toteutuksesta suuressa suomalaisessa kaupungissa. Se näyttää myös suuntaa kuntien kehittämistyölle yhdistäen käytäntöä ja teoriaa ja tuo näin tietoa sekä käytännön kuntien kehittämistehtävissä toimiville että tutkijoille. Tampereen toimintamallin päivittämiselle se tarjoaa päämäärän, jota kohti edetä. ; The subject of this dissertation is the new public governance from the perspective of the local government management reforms. The research question is: how is the new public governance reflected in local government reforms? The research ques-tion will be examined from the perspectives of theory, practice and power relations. The empirical object of the study is the management reform of the City of Tampere, Finland. The reform includes three parts: the mayoral system, the purchaser-provider model and the customer-oriented process organization. The study also aims at the development of municipal operations, and presents new public governance as a comprehensive "theory of practice", which combines theory and practice and allows municipalities to find perspectives, tools and a theoretical framework for their management reforms. The study consists of four separate published sub-studies and this summary. The first sub-study deals with the theory of new public governance within the framework of the management reform of the City of Tampere. The second and third sub-studies are concerned with a variety of practical implementations of new public governance in the City of Tampere management reform. The fourth sub-project addresses power relations. In this summary the results are presented from the perspective of a management model, networked service development and the change in the exercise of power. Questionnaires were the empirical basis of the first two sub-studies, the third examined written documents and used interviews with experts and fourth sub-study relied on theme interviews with directors. New public governance (NPG) represents the third wave of the management re-forms evolving from a traditional public administration, and that following the new public management. An essential feature of the new public governance is that it does not completely reject earlier administrative reforms, but rather complements them with new solutions. NPG is based on the view that the public administration is no longer able alone to control society, but the success of governance is based on the partnership with the private and third sectors as well as with the citizens. Within the framework of new public governance one can, at least to some extent, identify three distinct trends. The differences between the trends are mainly in emphasis placed on various matters. Discussion of the new public governance started in network governance. Next, the new public governance was discussed from the perspective of democratic decision-making and public participation. The third emphasis seems to be on the new public governance as a development of customer-focused services and co-production. The results show that the process of change of the City of Tampere can be imple-mented quite well within the new public governance paradigm. At the beginning of the process the new public management was a decided basis of the reform. In the phases of preparation and implementation constraints and international experiences of weaknesses were perceived in the new public management model. On the basis of this, the management model has been developed further so that issues of new public governance such as local democracy, participation, networks and transparency of government have become stronger. The management model of Tampere does not, however, represent the new public governance in its modern form. The Tampere model is built on a basis of democracy and regulation of traditional public administration as well as the quasi-markets of the new public management. The modern new public governance reform seems to be moving especially towards a customer-oriented service development. According to this study the change in the use of power seems to be one of the characteristics of society's growing complexity and new public governance. There is a need for new instruments for leadership and in the exercise of power in an in-creasingly complex society. The modern municipal leadership is based on a suc-cessful combination of soft and hard power. The growth of new public governance as the next paradigm of management re-forms can be justified from three different perspectives. First, the new public gov-ernance is a logical entity. It brings together coherent principles of management reform, which can be implemented in practice by a variety of techniques in different situations. Second, there is an obvious need for a common vision for local gov-ernment reforms. New, large-scale reforms always need a new paradigm in which a change can be set up. There is a need for a common vision for the municipalities and their functions in order to implement local government reform. The new public governance could be the entirety that can show the way for the necessary man-agement reform of municipalities in Finland. Third, the practical implementations of management reforms both internationally and in Finland are already realizing the trends of management reform of new public governance in a number of ways.

Marxismin mukaan kapitalistisen yhteiskunnan jäsenet jakaantuvat kolmeen luokkaan: porvaristoon, keskiluokkaan ja työväenluokkaan. Jotkut marxismin tukijat jakavat keskiluokan talonpojistoon ja muuhun keskiluokkaan. Talonpojisto on vähenevä luokka. Koska marxismin luokkateorian mukaan poliittiset puolueet vaalivat yhteiskuntaluokien intressejä, tutkin pitääkö tämä väite paikkansa. Ensin selvitin marxilaisen teorian luokista ja niiden intresseistä eli eduista, joiden puolustamiseski luokat järjestäytyvät poliittisiksi puolueiksi. Ne laativat itselleen yhteiskuntapoliittiset ohjelmansa, joita ne pyrkivät politiikansa avulla toteuttamaan. Tutkimusaineistona käytän Suomen eduskunnassa tutkimusvuosina edustettina olelleiden puolueiden tavoite- ja yleisohjelmia, joista selvitän sisällön analyysiä käyttäen niiden sisällön ja julkilausutut tavoitteet. Erityisesti pyrin selvittämään orientoituvatko puolueet ohjelmissaan tiettyjen luokkien etujen puolustajiksi vai missä määrin ne esiintyvät yhteiskunnan yleisten etujen vaalijoina. Tutkimus tapahtuu toisaalta puolueiden eduskuntoimintaa selvittämällä. Tällöin pyrin saamaan selville sen toimivatko puolueet periaate- ja tavoiteohjelmiensa mukaisesti laatiessaan lakialoitteita eduskunnassa. Kolmantena tutkimuskohteena on hallituksen esitysten sisällön eritteleminen intressiorientaation pojalta. Kysymys kuuluu palvelevatko hallituksen esitykset yleistä vai luokkien erityisetuja. Tutkimuksessa selvisi, että puolueet niin ohjelmalausumissaan kuin eduskuntatoiminnassaan vaalivat sekä yleistä etu, josta käytän nimitystä luokkien yhteisetu, että luokkien erityisetuja. Eniten puolueet vaalivat yhteisetua. Erityiseduista puolueet vaalivat kukin tiettyä luokkaetua enemmän kuin toista. Tämän perusteella puolueet jakaantuvat ensijaisesti porvariston, keskiluokan ja työväenluokanetuja vaaliviksi. Hallituksen esityksissä luokkaorientaatio on heikompaa kuin kansanedustajien lakialoitteissa. Tutkimustuloksistani selviää myös se, että vaikka puolueet ovat viime vuosikymmeninä ottaneet vaaliakseen aikaisempaa enemmän kaikkien luokkien intressejä ja niiden yleispuolueominaisuudet ovat lisääntyneet, tietty luokkaorientaatio on säilynyt. ; Classes continually alter and influence party strategies and also the behaviour of voters. The members of classes form economic, professional and political organisations. Every class aims to exert the greatest influence upon the state with the help of its political party. This study researches the class basis of political competition, the effect of class interests on the policies of nine Finnish parties in their political programmes and initiative work in the Parliament. The investigation is based on historical materialism and its class structure theory developed by Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels and other Marxists. The aim of study is to estimate how appropriate the class schema of historical materialism is for analysing the political partisanships and ideological conflicts in advanced industrial society. The statements and aims of political party programmes are put into practice in Parliament. This research analyses how parties represent their aims in their political programmes and what their parliamentarians do in Parliament. Is a party the representative of one class or does it equally promote the interests of many classes? Is it a class party or a generally oriented party? As in historical materialism, the programmes and legislative initiatives have been classified into five groups. The first group contains general class interest, oriented towards the common good. The next four groups comprise bills with a specific class interest orientation: bourgeoisie, the middle class, farmers and workers. The parties investigated are The National Coalition Party /The Conservative Party, The Swedish People`s Party, The Finnish Centre Party, The Finnish Social Democratic Party, The Left Alliance, The Liberals, The True Finns, The Christian Democratic Party and The Greens. The changes in politics and in party relationships over thirty years are investigated by comparing the parliamentary actions of parties from the 1960´s to the 1990´s. The study concerns the legislative initiatives of the years 1965, 1972, 1988 and 1999. The data on the programmes were collected from the two political programmes of nine parties from the years 1950 2003. The programmes of political parties are the public flag of the party as Engels expressed it, although their programmes have lost some of their class orientation. In the programmes of all nine political parties the contents aiming at the common good are the first, most important aim, the percentages being 76 98 %. Differences in the programmes of the political parties can still be found. The political parties emphasise their interests and aims in their own ways. The Conservative Party, The Swedish People´s Party and The Liberals have the next important interest in the bourgeoisie. The Swedish People´s Party, The Finnish Centre Party and The True Finns emphasise the middle class and the farmers. The Finnish Social Democratic Party, The Left Alliance and The Greens take care of working class. The main task of Parliament is to enact legislation. Bills can be submitted to Parliament by the Government or as private members bills. In this process the class interests notably emerge in private members bills of plenary sessions. The main Finnish political parties took into consideration the interests of all classes. All nine parties have made in the largest extent common good legislative initiatives. For all nine parties, the most prevalent type of legislative initiatives was those for the common good (84 -67 %). At the same time they tended to favour special class interests. The least specific class parties were The Christian Democratic Party, The Green Party and The Swedish People´s Party. Among special class interests all the parties oriented more to middle class interests in Parliament than in their declared objectives (18.8 7.0 %). The Liberals, The Conservative Party, The Social Democratic Party, The Left Alliance and The True Finns had the strongest middle class orientation. The Conservative Party were the most bourgeois party (10.2%). The strongest working class interest was found in The Left Alliance, The Social Democratic Party and The Green Party (18.8 13.1 %). The Finnish Centre Party and The Social Democratic party, The Left Alliance and The True Finns were closest to working class interests. Are there class oriented differences in the contents of the legislative initiatives and political programmes of the nine political parties? The contents were classified into eleven groups: administration, civil rights, nature conservation, economics, occupation structure, social policy, public health, education, culture, labour market and international affairs. All nine parties have the same three most important contents of legislative initiatives. These were finance/economics, social policy and administration systems. And all nine parties were more interested in financial and economic aims than their political manifestos suggest. The fourth important content for The Conservative Party, The Swedish People`s Party, The Liberals and The Christian Democratic Party was education. Employment was the fourth aim of The Finnish Centre Party and The True Finns. The Labour Market was also important to The Finnish Social Democratic Party, The Left Alliance and The Greens. Nature conservation was important to The Greens, too. The contents of government bills are more oriented towards the common good than are the private members bills. The conclusion is that the main Finnish political parties took the interests of all classes into consideration. At the same time they reveal preferences for special class interests. This emerges in political manifestos and legislative initiatives and government proposals. The Finnish political parties are not purely general parties devoid of class background. Finance and economics was the basis upon which the people arranged their lives and formed political opinions. The class structure of historical materialism is suitable to demonstrate political partisanship in Finland during the second half of the twentieth century. Social changes affect both the class structures and the political aims of parties and give rise to social and ideological conflicts in advanced industrial societies. The consensus policy is one appearance of civilized class struggle.

Kansalaisosallistuminen YVA-menettelyssä Ympäristövaikutusten arviointimenettelyn (YVA) yksi keskeinen tavoite on lisätä kansalaisten tiedonsaantia ja osallistumista ympäristövaikutuksiltaan merkittävissä hankkeissa. YVA-menettelyllä pyritään tuomaan kansalaisten näkemykset, huolet ja toiveet mukaan suunnitteluun ja päätöksentekoon mahdollisimman varhaisessa vaiheessa. YVA edustaa väitöstutkimuksessa modernia vuorovaikutteista ympäristöpolitiikan ohjauskeinoa ja osallistumisen välinettä. Väitöstyön ensimmäisenä tutkimustehtävänä oli luoda YVAan osallistumisen analyysille teoreettinen viitekehys: millaista demokratia- ja suunnitteluideaa YVA voi edustaa ja millainen politiikkaverkosto YVA on kansalaisosallistumisen kannalta. Toisena tutkimustehtävänä analysoitiin YVAan osallistumisen historiallista kehittymistä ja muutoksia Suomessa. Kolmantena tutkimustehtävänä tarkasteltiin osallistumisen käytännön toteutusta sekä arvioitiin osallistumisen vaikuttavuutta. Lisäksi analysoitiin vaikuttavuuden mahdollisia esteitä, miten läpinäkyviä ja avoimia YVA-menettelyt ovat ja miten hyväksyttävänä osallistumisvälineenä YVAa pidetään. Osallistumisen kannalta olennainen seikka on YVAn institutionaalisuus: se on julkishallinnon luoma väline, jonka lisäksi toimenharjoittajalla on keskeinen YVA-menettelyn käytännön toteuttajan rooli. Tämä luo osallistumisen kannalta rakenteita, joissa korostuu toimijoiden väliset epäsymmetriset valta-asemat. YVA-menettelystä tulee helposti kaikille osapuolille vallan käytön ja politiikan tekemisen väline ja niin osallistumisen järjestämistä kuin itse osallistumista ohjaavat toimijoiden poliittiset intressit ja tavoitteet. YVA on parhaimmillaan eri osapuolten välinen avoin keskusteluareena, joka lisää suunnittelun ja päätöksenteon läpinäkyvyyttä, mutta YVA on myös poliittisen kamppailun areena. Suomen YVA-lainsäädännössä osallistumisella on aina ollut tärkeä rooli. Suomalaisessa YVA-järjestelmässä on korostettu kansalaisten osallistumismahdollisuuksia. Ajan saatossa myös kriittisyys laajaa osallistumisoikeutta ja useita osallistumismahdollisuuksia kohtaan on lieventynyt. Haaste on kuitenkin siinä, että osallistumisen toteutus määritellään laissa väljästi, eikä lainsäädäntö takaa laadukasta osallistumista tai varsinkaan sen vaikuttavuutta. Toinen havaittu haaste on YVAn ja osallistumisen suhde päätöksentekoon. YVAn ulkopuoliset päätöksentekojärjestelmät ja edustuksellisen vallankäytön rakenteet eivät ole muuttuneet, ja siksi YVAn vaikuttavuus voi jäädä vähäiseksi. Vaikka YVA edustaisikin osallistuvaa demokratiaa ja toteuttaisi vuorovaikutteista ja moniäänistä suunnittelua, voi osallistumisen merkitys vesittyä ja kansalaisten osallistumisaktiivisuus hiipua. Ilmiöön liittyy myös tarpeetonta kriittisyyttä. Osallistumisen vaikuttavuus ei ole kertaluonteista, vaan se on usein välillistä ja ajoittuu prosessin eri vaiheisiin. Osallistumisen merkitystä ja vaikutuksia ei aina tunnisteta. YVAsta ei ole muodostunut Suomessa laajojen joukkojen osallistumisvälinettä. Ennemminkin YVAan osallistuvat tyypillisesti harvat kansalaisaktiivit, jotka hyödyntävät YVAn lisäksi lukuisia muitakin osallistumisen ja vaikuttamisen keinoja. Osallistujien määrän sijaan huomio tulee kuitenkin kiinnittää sisältöön ja suunnittelun moniäänisyyteen. Olennainen kysymys on se, millaisen roolin kansalaiset ja maallikkoasiantuntijuus voivat saada perinteisesti asiantuntijavetoisessa suunnittelukulttuurissa. ; Public participation in environmental impact assessment Environmental impact assessment (EIA) is a policy instrument based in law and used to prevent harmful environmental impacts, increase public information access, and improve public participation opportunities. EIA is an open process for discussion and participation of different actors: it increases the transparency and broadens the information base of environmental policy planning and decision making. One aim of EIA is to incorporate citizens views and opinions, concerns and desires into planning at an early stage. EIA is a process of identifying and evaluating potential impacts from proposed activities. It is also an interactive and communicative policy instrument and should facilitate direct participation. EIA is an example in the development process of direct participation in Finland during 1990 s. In this study EIA is approached as a participation instrument. Public participation is the perspective from which the EIA-process is analysed. The aim of the research is to examine participation in EIA both a theoretical and empirical way, and to interpret and explain the operation logic and efficacy of participation. There are three main research tasks in the study. The first task is to create a theoretical framework for analysis of public participation in EIA. For this purpose, the theoretical and methodological triangulation is made in the study. There are four main parts in the triangulation. Firstly, the elements of participative and deliberative democracy and communicative planning theories are combined. This theoretical discussion shows what kind of democracy and planning EIA can represents. Secondly, network analysis and evaluation are integrated in the methodological triangulation. The concepts of policy networks and intervention theory are used in theoretical and methodological manner. The outcomes of theoretical and methodological triangulation are criteria of deliberative EIA and four policy network models of EIA as an instrument of public participation: 1) EIA as a negotiation process; 2) EIA as a technical process of information collection, 3) EIA as an information instrument; and 4) EIA as tool for controlling of participation. While the theoretical part of the thesis has its own analytical objectives, these policy network models are utilized with evaluation criteria in the empirical part of the study. The second research task is to analyse the historical development of participation in Finnish EIA legislation. The focus of this part is on the long lasting political process and arguments behind the enacting of Finnish EIA Act in 1980 s and 1990 s. The most important amendments of EIA legislation and the international and national reasons behind them are also considered. According to results of this part of thesis, the role of participation has been central to the Finnish EIA system. Even if the EIA Act was implemented in Finland relatively late in 1994, the legislative foundation for public participation has always been strong. Though the implementation of participation is defined in a flexible way, Finnish EIA legislation supports public participation and in principle creates possibilities for deliberative democracy. The third research task is to evaluate public participation in two case studies. This part includes following questions: 1) what kind of objectives do different actors seek from participation; 2) how does participation impact EIA and what are the obstacles of effective participation; and 3) how transparent and acceptable is the EIA process? The two cases used, the EIA of a road project and the final disposal of nuclear waste, show how much the aims, the implementation and the effectiveness of public participation can not only vary between different projects, but also during the planning process in one certain project. Notably, in the nuclear waste case, the nature of top-down instrument of EIA was clearly observed, while the developer of the project assumed a dominant role. The three elements of policy network (actors, arenas and agenda) were defined by the developer. Even if participation was carried out with great visibility, professional implementation and sufficient resources, the impact of public participation and lay people expertise was not so essential, while the economic and political interests of the project and the role of experts were in central role. In this case study EIA represents the policy network model of controlling of participation: the role of governance was more important than deliberative participation. In the road case the planning situation was more open. There did not seem to be the same need to define and control participation and the agenda of the EIA. The contribution of citizens was used in planning in a more effective manner. The EIA assumed a more traditional role ­ as an information distribution tool, and as a place for open discussion and effective participation. The case studies suggest that the legislative base can not alone guarantee the effectiveness of public participation. Most important factor is the attitude of main actors. Each EIA process is unique and general theories of participation in EIA are difficult to create. In practice, the EIA is more or less an institutional process of power division between different actors, and the developer has the central role. EIA is an open arena that allows political disagreements to form and emerge into the open. However, EIA can also be used to promote political interests. EIA and participation can be harnessed by the proponent, but EIA can also feed the so called NIMBY (Not In My Back Yard) phenomenon. It is also possible, that policy instruments like EIA create a new elite ­ active lay experts. Theoretical ideas of deliberative democracy or communicative planning are challenging to implement in practice. At the same time it is important to estimate the criteria and expectations concerning participation. One can see, that EIA has lot of deliberative potential, but the main challenges are in the relationship between EIA and decision making, and in the structures of political power and decision making outside of EIA.

Apresentação Junho 2020 Nesses dias tão cheios de imprevisão, incerteza e também de agravamento das atuais crises e sanitária e política mundial e brasileira, trazemos a única notícia que podemos garantir com certeza e um pouco de alegria. Apresentamos o mais novo número da Revista Direito e Práxis (vol. 11, n. 2, 2020, 30ª edição – jun-set), como sempre, trazendo doze artigos inéditos de pesquisadoras e pesquisadores brasileiros e internacionais. Os trabalhos tratam de temas nos campos do direito e biopolítica, feminismo, marxismo, teoria do direito e constitucionalismo crítico, além de retratar debates no campo dos estudos criminológicos críticos.O dossiê desse número foi organizado pela professora Adriana Dias Vieira da Universidade Federal Fluminense, e pelo professor Roberto Efrem Filho, da Universidade Federal da Paraíba. O dossiê reflete sobre a complexa relação entre o Supremo Tribunal Federal e as políticas de gênero e sexualidade. A Revista já publicou, em outras edições, dossiês temáticos analisando o papel do STF na judicialização de conflitos urbanos e ambientais, também um dossiê marcando os 10 anos da reforma do judiciário, além de inúmeros artigos e outros dossiês focados na questão da mobilização de direitos e litígio estratégico. No que diz respeito às relações de gênero, o tema também foi trabalhado no dossiê sobre "Direito e Gênero" em 2016. O dossiê organizado nesse número retrata pioneiramente na Revista, em um conjunto de artigos selecionados rigorosamente, essa complexa interação entre a atuação do STF e suas formas de "fazer gênero", como os editores convidados apresentam em sua introdução abaixo. Nesse sentido, dá continuidade e aprofunda temas relevantes, não só para a nossa publicação, como também para nossa sociedade.Na seção de traduções, trazemos dois trabalhos inéditos, traduzidos do inglês para o português. O primeiro é um artigo do pesquisador Peter Hudis, do Oakton Community College em Illinois (EUA), intitulado "O Racismo e a Lógica do Capital: Uma Reconstrução Fanoniana". O trabalho foi traduzido pela doutoranda do PPGD/UERJ, Rhaysa Ruas. O segundo artigo é um trabalho de Carol Smart, Universidade de Warwick no Reino Unido, intitulado "A mulher no discurso jurídico". O artigo foi traduzido pelas professoras da Universidade de Brasília, Alessandra Ramos de Oliveira Harden e Fernanda de Deus Garcia, membros do Departamento de Línguas Estrangeiras e Tradução dessa universidade.Além disso, contamos com duas resenhas. A primeira trata do livro de Luciana Zaffalon Cardoso "A política da justiça: blindar as elites, criminalizar os pobres" (2018) e a segunda do trabalho dos autores Christian Laval e Pierre Dardot "Ensaio sobre a revolução no século XXI" (2017).Relembramos que as políticas editoriais para as diferentes seções da Revista podem ser acessadas em nossa página e que as submissões são permanentes e sempre bem-vindas! Agradecemos, como sempre, às autoras e aos autores, avaliadoras e avaliadores e colaboradoras e colaboradores pela confiança depositada em nossa publicação.Boa Leitura! Equipe Direito e Práxis***PresentaciónJunio 2020 En días tan llenos de imprevisibilidad, incertidumbre y también de agravación de las crisis actuales sanitarias y de las políticas mundiales y brasileñas, traemos las únicas noticias que podemos garantizar con certeza y un poco de alegría. Presentamos lo más reciente número de la Revista Direito e Práxis (vol. 11, n. 2, 2020, 30ª edição – jun-set), como siempre, trayendo doce artículos inéditos de investigadores y investigadoras brasileños e internacionales. Los trabajos abordan temas en los campos del derecho y de la biopolítica, feminismo, Marxismo, teoría del derecho y constitucionalismo crítico, así como retratan los debates en el campo de los estudios criminológicos críticos.El dossier para ese número fue organizado por la profesora Adriana Dias Vieira de la Universidade Federal Fluminense, y por el profesor Roberto Efrem Filho, de la Universidade Federal da Paraíba. El dossier reflexiona sobre la compleja relación entre la Corte Suprema Federal y las políticas de género y sexualidad. La Revista ya ha publicado, en otras ediciones, expedientes temáticos que analizan el papel de la Corte Suprema en la judicialización de conflictos urbanos y ambientales, también ha publicado un dossier que marca los 10 años de la reforma judicial, además de numerosos artículos y otros expedientes centrados en el tema de la movilización de derechos y litigios estratégicos. En lo que diga respecto a las relaciones de género, el tema también se discutió en el dossier sobre "Derecho y Género" en 2016. El dossier organizado en este número retrata, en acto pionero en la revista, en un conjunto de artículos seleccionados rigurosamente, esta compleja interacción entre el trabajo de la Corte Suprema y sus formas de "hacer género", como lo presentan los editores invitados en su introducción abajo. En este sentido, ha dado continuidad y profundiza temas relevantes, no solo para nuestra publicación, sino también para nuestra sociedad.La sección de traducción incluye trabajos inéditos, traducidos del inglés al portugués. El primero es un artículo del investigador Peter Hudis, del Oakton Community College en Illinois (USA), titulado "Racismo e a Lógica do Capital: Uma Reconsideração Fanoniana". El trabajo fue traducido por la estudiante de doctorado de PPGD/UERJ, Rhaysa Ruas. El segundo artículo es un trabajo de Carol Smart, de la Universidad de Warwick en el Reino Unido, titulado "A mulher do discurso jurídico". El artículo fue traducido por las profesoras de la Universidade de Brasilia, Alessandra Ramos de Oliveira Harden y Fernanda de Deus García, miembros del Departamento de Lenguas Extranjeras y Traducción de la Universidad.Además, tenemos dos reseñas. La primera trata del libro de Luciana Zaffalon Cardoso "A política da justiça: blindar as elites, criminalizar os pobres." (2018) y la segunda del trabajo de los autores Christian Laval y Pierre Dardot "Comum: ensaio sobre a revolução no século XXI" (2017).¡Señalamos que se puede acceder a nuestra política editorial para las diferentes secciones de la Revista en nuestro sitio electrónico y que las sumisiones son permanentes y siempre bien venidas! Agradecemos, como siempre, a los autores, revisores y colaboradores por la confianza depositada en nuestra publicación.¡Buena lectura! Equipo Direito e Práxis***EditorialJune 2020In face of such uncertain and unpredictable times, with the worsening of political and sanitary crises in Brazil and around the globe, we are glad at least to be able to present now the newest issue of Direito e Práxis Journal (Vol. 11 – N. 2, 30ª edition, 2020, Jun-Sep) containing, as always, twelve brand new articles from renowned Brazilian and international researchers. This issue addresses topics from various fields passing by law and biopolitics, feminism, Marxism, legal theory, constitutionalism, as well as a couple of reviews of debates on critical criminology.The dossier in this issue was set up by professors Adriana Dias Vieira and Roberto Efrem Filho from the Universidade Federal Fluminense and Universidade Federal da Paraiba, respectively. The dossier's themes ponder over the complex relationship between the Supreme Federal Court and policy issues on sexuality and gender. Previously, other publications on our Journal have focused on the role of the Supreme Court addressing environmental and urban land disputes, the celebration of the 10th year of judiciary reform in Brazil, and several articles dealing with legal mobilization and strategic litigation. In the context of gender and sexuality, the theme has already been elaborated in the "Law and Gender" dossier in 2016. This time, the selected new articles have been arranged and compiled, in order to discuss complex interactions between the role of the Supreme Court and the multiples forms of "doing gender", as the guest editors presented in their introduction below.This edition presents two translated articles, from English to Portuguese. First, an article by Peter Hudis, researcher from Oakton Community College (Illinois - USA), titled "Racism and the Logic of Capital: A Fanonian Reconsideration" ("O Racismo e a Lógica do Capital: Uma Reconstrução Fanoniana"). The translation was done by the PhD student Rhaysa Ruas, from PPGD/UERJ (Rio de Janeiro/Brazil). The second article is titled "The Woman of Legal Discourse" ("A Mulher no Discurso Jurídico") and was translated by the professors Alessandra Ramos de Oliveira Harden and Fernanda de Deus Garcia, members of the Department of Foreign Languages and Translation from the University of Brasília.Finally, this issue also counts with two reviews. The first summarizes the book "A Política da Justiça: Blindar as Elites, Criminalizar os Pobres" (2018), by Luciana Zaffalon Cardoso, and the second reviews the work of the authors Christian Laval and Pierre Dardot "The Common: An Essay on the 21st-Century Revolution" ("Comum: Ensaio sobre a revolução no Século XXI")We also remind our readers that the editorial policy guidelines for the Journal' sections are available in our homepage, and that all submissions are welcome. We thank, as always, all of the authors, reviewers and collaborators for the trust they place in our publication. Enjoy the reading! Team Direito e Praxis

BEFORE THE SCIENCE, TECHNOLOGY AND INNOVATION POLICY In clarity that the policy of science, technology and innovation is, on the one hand, one of the main guidelines developed by the national government for the 2014-2018 period, and on the other hand, part of the strategy of Strategic Competitiveness and Infrastructure for the period 2016-2025, to which is added the Colombian historical experience of being in the frame of action of post Agreements of Havana, the Criteria Libre Jurídico Magazine is compelled to join the efforts from the framework of academic and investigative action of the Faculty of Right of Universidad Libre Seccional Cali to contribute to the visibility of research results as a missionary principle that responds to the demands of the country's bets in order to respond to the specific challenges of the territories in cooperation with the agents of the national system of innovation. Although to achieve high rates of visibility, the editorial policy of the Free Criteria journal should be rigorous in following the guidelines required by Publíndex, it finds, beyond the reach of measurement indicators, an opportunity to be decidedly a contribution to the dissemination of results of inquiries carried out by national and international researchers. Several steps have already been taken from the route to follow, and this is what the authors identify who have seen in our editorial the propitious setting for their publications. What remains to be removed brings great challenges. Every time that the universities turn their eyes towards the policy of Colombian CTeI, they try to attend it with the rigor that their budgetary possibilities allow them, which means to tend for a pertinent bet of the investigation in the regions, at the same time as the actions advanced by the Teachers researchers also join the path of institutional accreditation, certification and recertification of programs. The policy of CTeI is transversal to the requirements for the academic offer and the recognition of quality in the accreditation; both the one and the other, has among its indicators the publications. Being the Criterio Libre Jurídico Magazine a scientific publication scenario in the areas of Law, Political and Social Sciences, it has its virtual publication in the Open Journal System -OJS software, under the guidelines of Publindex, adding to this the open visibility of inquiries of the researchers and what that implies in an opportunity for their indicators as a researcher and author of publications, as well as the strengthening of the institutions to which the researchers are formally linked. The challenge is to position the editorial rigor of the Criterio Libre Jurídico Magazine visible in the National Service of Indexing of Serial Specialized Publications of Science, Technology and Innovation - Publindex, thereby irradiating the academic communities that have decided to publish with us. We are all then called to know the one and multiple ways of reading the world from the perspective of law, political and social sciences, as research results, adding to this reflection exercises for future new publications. JOSÉ HOOVER SALAZAR RÍOS Faculty of Law, Political and Social Sciences Universidad Libre Seccional Cali ; ANTE LA POLÍTICA DE CIENCIA, TECNOLOGÍA E INNOVACIÓN En claridad que la política de ciencia, tecnología e innovación es, por un lado, uno de los principales lineamientos que desarrolla el Gobierno nacional para la vigencia 2014-2018, y por otro, parte de la estrategia de Competitividad e Infraestructura Estratégicas para el periodo 2016-2025, a lo que se suma la experiencia histórica colombiana de encontrarse en marco de actuación de pos Acuerdos de la Habana, la Revista Criterio Libre Jurídico se ve compelida a aunar los esfuerzos desde el marco de actuación académico e investigativo de la Facultad de Derecho de la Universidad Libre Seccional Cali que coadyuven a la visibilización de resultados de investigación como principio misional que responde a las exigencias de las apuestas de país en pro de dar respuesta a los retos específicos de los territorios en cooperación con los agentes del sistema nacional de innovación. Si bien para lograr altos índices de visibilización, la política editorial de la revista Criterio Libre Jurídico debe ser rigurosa en seguir los lineamientos exigidos por Publíndex, encuentra, allende al alcance de indicadores de medición, una oportunidad para ser decididamente un aporte a la difusión de resultados de indagaciones que adelantan los investigadores nacionales e internacionales. De la ruta por seguir se han dado ya varios pasos, y así lo identifican los autores que han visto en nuestra editorial el escenario propicio para sus publicaciones. Lo que queda por trasegar trae consigo grandes retos. Cada que las universidades viran la mirada hacia la política de CTeI colombiana, intentan atenderla con el rigor que su posibilidad presupuestal les permite, lo que implica propender por una apuesta pertinente de la investigación en las regiones, a la vez que las acciones adelantadas por los docentes investigadores sumen igualmente a la ruta de acreditación institucional, la certificación y recertificación de programas. La política de CTeI es transversal a las exigencias para la oferta académica y el reconocimiento de calidad en la acreditación; tanto lo uno como lo otro, tiene entre sus indicadores las publicaciones. Siendo la Revista Criterio Libre Jurídico un escenario de publicación científica en las áreas del Derecho, Ciencias Políticas y Sociales, dispone su publicación virtual en el software Open Journal System –OJS, bajo los lineamientos de Publindex, sumando con ello tanto a la visibilización abierta de indagaciones de los investigadores y lo que ello implica en oportunidad para sus indicadores como investigador y autor de publicaciones, como al fortalecimiento de las instituciones a los que los investigadores se encuentran formalmente vinculados. El reto, lograr posicionar el rigor editorial de la Revista Criterio Libre Jurídico visible en el Servicio Nacional de Indexación de Publicaciones Especializadas Seriadas de Ciencia, Tecnología e Innovación – Publindex, irradiando con ello a las comunidades académicas que han decidido publicar con nosotros. Somos todos convocados entonces a conocer las una y múltiples formas de leer el mundo desde la perspectiva del derecho, las ciencias políticas y sociales, en tanto resultados de investigación, sumando con ello a ejercicios de reflexión para futuras nuevas publicaciones. JOSÉ HOOVER SALAZAR RÍOS Facultad de Derecho, Ciencias Políticas y Sociales Universidad Libre Seccional Cali ; ANTE A POLÍTICA CIÊNCIA, TECNOLOGIA E INOVAÇÃO Com a clareza de que a política de ciência, tecnologia e inovação é, por um lado, uma das principais diretrizes desenvolvidas pelo governo nacional para o período 2014-2018 e, por outro lado, parte da estratégia de competitividade estratégica e infra-estrutura para o período 2016-2025, ao qual se adiciona a experiência histórica colombiana de estar no quadro de ação dos pós- acordos da Havana. A Revista Criterio Livre Jurídico é obrigada a unir os esforços do quadro de ação acadêmica e de investigação da Faculdade de Direito da Universidade Livre Seccional Cali para contribuir para a visibilidade dos resultados da pesquisa como um princípio missionário que responda às demandas das apostas do país para responder aos desafios específicos dos territórios em cooperação com os agentes do sistema nacional de inovação. Embora para alcançar altas taxas de visibilidade, a política editorial da revista Criterio livre Jurídico deve ser rigorosa ao seguir as diretrizes exigidas pelo Publíndex, descobre, além do alcance dos indicadores de medição, uma oportunidade para ser decididamente uma contribuição para a difução de resultados de inquéritos realizados por pesquisadores nacionais e internacionais. Várias etapas já foram tiradas da rota a seguir, é isso o que identifaca os autores que têm visto em nosso editorial o cenário propício para suas publicações. O que resta para se-transferir traz grandes desafios. Toda vez que as universidades voltam os olhos para a política da CTeI colombiana, elas tentam atendê-la com o rigor que suas possibilidades orçamentais lhes permitem, o que significa tender para uma aposta pertinente da investigação nas regiões, ao mesmo tempo que as ações avançadas pelos professores pesquisadores também se juntam ao caminho da acreditação institucional, certificação e recertificação de programas. A política da CTeI é transversal aos requisitos para a oferta acadêmica e ao reconhecimento da qualidade na acreditação; tanto o um como o outro, tem entre os seus indicadores as publicações. Sendo a Revista Criterio Livre Jurídico um cenário de publicação científica nas áreas de Direito, Ciências Políticas e Sociais, tem sua publicação virtual no software Open Journal System -OJS, de acordo com as diretrizes do Publindex, acrescentando a isso a visibilidade aberta ás indagações de pesquisadores e o que isso implica em uma oportunidade para seus indicadores como pesquisador e autor de publicações, bem como o fortalecimento das instituições às quais os pesquisadores estão formalmente ligados. O desafio é posicionar o rigor editorial da Revista Criterio Livre Jurídico visível no Serviço Nacional de Indexação de Publicações Especializadas em Séries de Ciência, Tecnologia e Inovação - Publindex, irradiando assim as comunidades acadêmicas que decidiram publicar conosco. Todos somos chamados a conhecer uma e múltiplas formas de ler o mundo da perspectiva das ciências jurídicas, políticas e sociais, como resultados de pesquisa, somando a esses exercicios de reflexão para novas publicações futuras. JOSÉ HOOVER SALAZAR RÍOS Faculdade de Direito, Ciências Políticas e Sociais Universidade Livre Seccional Cali

BEFORE THE SCIENCE, TECHNOLOGY AND INNOVATION POLICY In clarity that the policy of science, technology and innovation is, on the one hand, one of the main guidelines developed by the national government for the 2014-2018 period, and on the other hand, part of the strategy of Strategic Competitiveness and Infrastructure for the period 2016-2025, to which is added the Colombian historical experience of being in the frame of action of post Agreements of Havana, the Criteria Libre Jurídico Magazine is compelled to join the efforts from the framework of academic and investigative action of the Faculty of Right of Universidad Libre Seccional Cali to contribute to the visibility of research results as a missionary principle that responds to the demands of the country's bets in order to respond to the specific challenges of the territories in cooperation with the agents of the national system of innovation. Although to achieve high rates of visibility, the editorial policy of the Free Criteria journal should be rigorous in following the guidelines required by Publíndex, it finds, beyond the reach of measurement indicators, an opportunity to be decidedly a contribution to the dissemination of results of inquiries carried out by national and international researchers. Several steps have already been taken from the route to follow, and this is what the authors identify who have seen in our editorial the propitious setting for their publications. What remains to be removed brings great challenges. Every time that the universities turn their eyes towards the policy of Colombian CTeI, they try to attend it with the rigor that their budgetary possibilities allow them, which means to tend for a pertinent bet of the investigation in the regions, at the same time as the actions advanced by the Teachers researchers also join the path of institutional accreditation, certification and recertification of programs. The policy of CTeI is transversal to the requirements for the academic offer and the recognition of quality in the accreditation; both the one and the other, has among its indicators the publications. Being the Criterio Libre Jurídico Magazine a scientific publication scenario in the areas of Law, Political and Social Sciences, it has its virtual publication in the Open Journal System -OJS software, under the guidelines of Publindex, adding to this the open visibility of inquiries of the researchers and what that implies in an opportunity for their indicators as a researcher and author of publications, as well as the strengthening of the institutions to which the researchers are formally linked. The challenge is to position the editorial rigor of the Criterio Libre Jurídico Magazine visible in the National Service of Indexing of Serial Specialized Publications of Science, Technology and Innovation - Publindex, thereby irradiating the academic communities that have decided to publish with us. We are all then called to know the one and multiple ways of reading the world from the perspective of law, political and social sciences, as research results, adding to this reflection exercises for future new publications. JOSÉ HOOVER SALAZAR RÍOS Faculty of Law, Political and Social Sciences Universidad Libre Seccional Cali ; ANTE LA POLÍTICA DE CIENCIA, TECNOLOGÍA E INNOVACIÓN En claridad que la política de ciencia, tecnología e innovación es, por un lado, uno de los principales lineamientos que desarrolla el Gobierno nacional para la vigencia 2014-2018, y por otro, parte de la estrategia de Competitividad e Infraestructura Estratégicas para el periodo 2016-2025, a lo que se suma la experiencia histórica colombiana de encontrarse en marco de actuación de pos Acuerdos de la Habana, la Revista Criterio Libre Jurídico se ve compelida a aunar los esfuerzos desde el marco de actuación académico e investigativo de la Facultad de Derecho de la Universidad Libre Seccional Cali que coadyuven a la visibilización de resultados de investigación como principio misional que responde a las exigencias de las apuestas de país en pro de dar respuesta a los retos específicos de los territorios en cooperación con los agentes del sistema nacional de innovación. Si bien para lograr altos índices de visibilización, la política editorial de la revista Criterio Libre Jurídico debe ser rigurosa en seguir los lineamientos exigidos por Publíndex, encuentra, allende al alcance de indicadores de medición, una oportunidad para ser decididamente un aporte a la difusión de resultados de indagaciones que adelantan los investigadores nacionales e internacionales. De la ruta por seguir se han dado ya varios pasos, y así lo identifican los autores que han visto en nuestra editorial el escenario propicio para sus publicaciones. Lo que queda por trasegar trae consigo grandes retos. Cada que las universidades viran la mirada hacia la política de CTeI colombiana, intentan atenderla con el rigor que su posibilidad presupuestal les permite, lo que implica propender por una apuesta pertinente de la investigación en las regiones, a la vez que las acciones adelantadas por los docentes investigadores sumen igualmente a la ruta de acreditación institucional, la certificación y recertificación de programas. La política de CTeI es transversal a las exigencias para la oferta académica y el reconocimiento de calidad en la acreditación; tanto lo uno como lo otro, tiene entre sus indicadores las publicaciones. Siendo la Revista Criterio Libre Jurídico un escenario de publicación científica en las áreas del Derecho, Ciencias Políticas y Sociales, dispone su publicación virtual en el software Open Journal System –OJS, bajo los lineamientos de Publindex, sumando con ello tanto a la visibilización abierta de indagaciones de los investigadores y lo que ello implica en oportunidad para sus indicadores como investigador y autor de publicaciones, como al fortalecimiento de las instituciones a los que los investigadores se encuentran formalmente vinculados. El reto, lograr posicionar el rigor editorial de la Revista Criterio Libre Jurídico visible en el Servicio Nacional de Indexación de Publicaciones Especializadas Seriadas de Ciencia, Tecnología e Innovación – Publindex, irradiando con ello a las comunidades académicas que han decidido publicar con nosotros. Somos todos convocados entonces a conocer las una y múltiples formas de leer el mundo desde la perspectiva del derecho, las ciencias políticas y sociales, en tanto resultados de investigación, sumando con ello a ejercicios de reflexión para futuras nuevas publicaciones. JOSÉ HOOVER SALAZAR RÍOS Facultad de Derecho, Ciencias Políticas y Sociales Universidad Libre Seccional Cali ; ANTE A POLÍTICA CIÊNCIA, TECNOLOGIA E INOVAÇÃO Com a clareza de que a política de ciência, tecnologia e inovação é, por um lado, uma das principais diretrizes desenvolvidas pelo governo nacional para o período 2014-2018 e, por outro lado, parte da estratégia de competitividade estratégica e infra-estrutura para o período 2016-2025, ao qual se adiciona a experiência histórica colombiana de estar no quadro de ação dos pós- acordos da Havana. A Revista Criterio Livre Jurídico é obrigada a unir os esforços do quadro de ação acadêmica e de investigação da Faculdade de Direito da Universidade Livre Seccional Cali para contribuir para a visibilidade dos resultados da pesquisa como um princípio missionário que responda às demandas das apostas do país para responder aos desafios específicos dos territórios em cooperação com os agentes do sistema nacional de inovação. Embora para alcançar altas taxas de visibilidade, a política editorial da revista Criterio livre Jurídico deve ser rigorosa ao seguir as diretrizes exigidas pelo Publíndex, descobre, além do alcance dos indicadores de medição, uma oportunidade para ser decididamente uma contribuição para a difução de resultados de inquéritos realizados por pesquisadores nacionais e internacionais. Várias etapas já foram tiradas da rota a seguir, é isso o que identifaca os autores que têm visto em nosso editorial o cenário propício para suas publicações. O que resta para se-transferir traz grandes desafios. Toda vez que as universidades voltam os olhos para a política da CTeI colombiana, elas tentam atendê-la com o rigor que suas possibilidades orçamentais lhes permitem, o que significa tender para uma aposta pertinente da investigação nas regiões, ao mesmo tempo que as ações avançadas pelos professores pesquisadores também se juntam ao caminho da acreditação institucional, certificação e recertificação de programas. A política da CTeI é transversal aos requisitos para a oferta acadêmica e ao reconhecimento da qualidade na acreditação; tanto o um como o outro, tem entre os seus indicadores as publicações. Sendo a Revista Criterio Livre Jurídico um cenário de publicação científica nas áreas de Direito, Ciências Políticas e Sociais, tem sua publicação virtual no software Open Journal System -OJS, de acordo com as diretrizes do Publindex, acrescentando a isso a visibilidade aberta ás indagações de pesquisadores e o que isso implica em uma oportunidade para seus indicadores como pesquisador e autor de publicações, bem como o fortalecimento das instituições às quais os pesquisadores estão formalmente ligados. O desafio é posicionar o rigor editorial da Revista Criterio Livre Jurídico visível no Serviço Nacional de Indexação de Publicações Especializadas em Séries de Ciência, Tecnologia e Inovação - Publindex, irradiando assim as comunidades acadêmicas que decidiram publicar conosco. Todos somos chamados a conhecer uma e múltiplas formas de ler o mundo da perspectiva das ciências jurídicas, políticas e sociais, como resultados de pesquisa, somando a esses exercicios de reflexão para novas publicações futuras. JOSÉ HOOVER SALAZAR RÍOS Faculdade de Direito, Ciências Políticas e Sociais Universidade Livre Seccional Cali

Stvaranje Evropske unije bespovratno je narušilo tradicionalno ustrojstvo drţava, pa i samog meĊunarodnog poretka. Uspostavljanje strukture koja obuhvata više centara moći u okviru kojih se (ne)ravnopravno donose odluke od znaĉaja za ţivot graĊana, uticalo je na slabljenje nacionalnih, a nedovoljnu samostalnost nadnacionalnog nivoa unutar nje. Stalno pregovaranje i lobiranje na kojima poĉiva Unija pruţa mogućnost za ostvarivanje ciljeva pojedinih interesnih grupa i drţava. Koncept demokratije je ovakvim stanjem najviše izgubio. Pojаm demokrаtije je teško definisаti, isto koliko je komplikovаno pronаći kriterijume za njeno identifikovanje a koji su primjenljivi nа sve politiĉke sisteme. Situаcijа se dodаtno usloţnjаvа kаdа je ove kriterijume neophodno prepoznati u okviru nedovršenog politiĉkog sistema kаkаv je onаj u Evropskoj uniji. Problemi u demokrаtskoj legitimizаciji Unije, koji se jаvljаju uporedo sа uspjesimа u integrаciji, otvаrаju pitаnje primjenljivosti "stаndаrdnog" modelа demokrаtije nа ovu tvorevinu. Prirodа funkcionisаnjа Evropske unije, u kojoj je na snazi uprаvljаnje nа više nivoа, zаhtijevа prilаgoĊаvаnje demokrаtskih principа njenom specifiĉnom politiĉkom sistemu. Mada ne postoji konsenzus meĊu teoretiĉаrima koji su dali doprinos objašnjavanju pojma demokratije u Evropskoj uniji dа li postoji demokratski deficit unutar nje, kаo ni koji su nаjbolji uslovi zа rаzvoj аutentiĉne demokrаtije u EU, moguće je identifikovati brojne strukturne probleme demokratije u politiĉkom sistemu Evropske unije. U okviru postojećeg institucionаlnog mehаnizmа Evropske unije problemi nastaju usljed isprepletenih nаdleţnosti izmeĊu institucijа i osjetnog jаĉаnjа izvršne u odnosu nа zаkonodаvnu grаnu vlаsti. Centrаlnu ulogu od institucija imа Sаvjet koji funkcioniše po principu meĊuvlаdine sаrаdnje. Prаktiĉno nijednа evropskа politikа ne moţe se usvojiti bez djelovаnjа ove institucije i uplitаnjа drţаvа ĉlаnicа, što Savjet ĉini glavnim zakonodavnim tijelom Unije. Evropski parlament, sa druge strane, iako neposredno izabran, zbog svojih još uvijek ogrаniĉenih nаdleţnosti, i dаlje je glаvni uzroĉnik demokrаtskog deficitа u Uniji. Stoga bi talas demokratizacije institucija Unije trebalo da obuhvati "prelivаnje" moći sа Sаvjetа nа Evropski pаrlаment i jаĉаnje meĊuinstitucionаlne sаrаdnje izmeĊu Evropskog pаrlаmentа i Evropske komisije. Evropskа unijа nemа ureĊenje poput trаdicionаlne nаcionаlne drţаve. Ne postoji ni demos nа evropskom nivou, te, stoga, nemа ko dа obezbijedi neophodni legitimitet evropskim politikama. Iako je nesumnjivo da politike Evropske unije proizvode velike koristi zа njene grаĊаne, ovа reаlnost, zаjedno sа rаzvijenim mehаnizmimа konsultovаnjа sа grаĊаnimа, ipаk ne umаnjuje kljuĉni problem u komunikаciji Unija – graĎani: mаnjаk аdekvаtnog predstаvljаnjа grаĊаnа, što je zа zаjednicu kojа se u svojim osnivаĉkim dokumentimа deklаriše kаo predstavniĉka ipak nedostаtаk. Ni sаmi grаĊаni ne pokreću politiĉku debаtu o specifiĉnim evropskim pitаnjimа nа nivou koji bi bio izаzov zа nаcionаlne vlаde. Demokrаtskа legitimizаcijа evropskih institucijа zаhtijevа i veću ulogu politiĉkih pаrtijа i njihovu revitаlizаciju nа evropskom nivou, kao i otvoreno politiĉko takmiĉenje koje ukljuĉuje grаĊаne. Proces integrisаnjа zemаljа Evropske unije prouzrokovаo je ozbiljne demokrаtske probleme ne sаmo nа nivou Unije, već i u drţаvаmа ĉlаnicаmа. "Problemi demokratije" u drţavama ĉlanicama koji proizilaze iz funkcionisanja Unije drugаĉije se reflektuju u rаzliĉitim nаcionаlnim politiĉkim sistemimа. Pritisku koji dolаzi od integrisаnjа unutar Evropske unije bolje se prilagoĊavaju drţаve koje imаju federаlno od onih koje imаju unitаrno ureĊenje. Federаlni kаrаkter ureĊenjа u drţаvi već podrаzumijevа više nivoа odluĉivаnjа i decentrаlizаciju vlasti, pа se ovаj sistem lаkše prilаgoĊаvа uprаvljаnju nа više nivoа unutаr Evropske unije. To ne moţe biti sluĉаj sа zemljаmа koje su trаdicionаlno centrаlizovаne. Dalji razvoj Evropske unije moţe ići u pravcu zadrţavanja trenutnih principa integrisanja uz obrazloţenje da su demokratske drţave ĉlanice garant legitimiteta Unije. Na taj naĉin bi i dalje meĊuvladin princip imao primat u odnosu na nadnacionalni. Model koji bi trаnsformisаo Evropsku uniju u zаjednicu demokrаtskog kаrаkterа jeste federаlni. Evropskа unijа posjeduje elemente federalizma, a toj konstrukciji nedostaje kаpаcitet zа oporezivаnje i mogućnost predlaganja izmjena osnivаĉkih, konstitutivnih, ugovora. Trenutno postojanje federalnih elemenata u funkcionisanju Unije ukazuje da njihovo dodatno osnaţivanje neće neminovno dovesti do njene trаnsformаcije u zajednicu federalnog karaktera, ali će svakako uticati na smanjivanje postojećeg demokratskog deficita.Nauĉno-istraţivaĉki pristup korišćen u ovom radu odreĊen je predmetom i ciljevima istraţivanja. Znaĉajnu primjenu imale su metodologija svojstvena politiĉkim naukama, komparativna metoda, analiza sadrţaja dokumenata, kao i specijalizacija. U dokazivanju postavljenih hipoteza primjenu su našle i sinteza, generalizacija, indukcija i dedukcija. ; The creation of the European Union has irreversibly undermined the traditional establishment of states, including the international order thereof. The establishment of a structure encompassing multiple power centers entailing (un)equal decision making relevant to the lives of citizens, has triggered the downturn in national, subsequently weakening the supranational level of autonomy within it. Constant negotiations and lobbying representing the cornerstones of the Union, provides for an opportunity for achieving the objectives of individual groups and states. In the light of the above, the democracy concept has suffered the most. The democracy concept is difficult to define, being leveraged by the complication in finding criteria for its identification which are applicable to all political systems. The situation is further complicated in case of a need to identify these criteria within an unfinished political system like the one in the European Union. The problems behind democratic legitimization of the Union, arising along with the integration success, are opening up the question of the applicability of "standard" democracy model to this creation. The nature of the European Union functioning governed by the multiple levels management, requires adjustment of the democratic principles to its specific political system. Although there is no consensus among theorists who have contributed to clarifying the democracy concept in the European Union on neither whether there is a democratic deficit within it, nor what are the best conditions for the development of a genuine democracy in the EU, nevertheless it is possible to identify a number of structural problems of democracy in the political system of the European Union. In the framework of existing institutional mechanism of the European Union, the problems arise because of overlapping responsibilities between the institutions and the appreciable strengthening of the executive over the legislative branch of government. The Council plays the central role, operating on the principle of intergovernmental cooperation. Practically not a single European policy may be adopted without the operation of this institution and the interference of the member states, making the Council the leading legislative authority of the Union. The European Parliament, on the other hand, although directly elected, due to its still limited competences, being the main trigger of the democratic deficit in the Union. Thus, the wave of democratization of the EU institutions should include the "spillover" of power from the Council to the European Parliament and strengthening the inter-institutional cooperation between the European Parliament and European Commission. The European Union has not been grounded as the traditional national state. Demos don"t exist at the European level and, therefore, there is no one to provide the necessary legitimacy of the European policies. Although undoubtedly, the European Union policies are generating great benefits for its citizens, this reality, along with developed mechanisms of consultation with citizens, however, does not reduce the key problem in communication between the Union - citizens: lack of adequate representation of citizens, representing a deficiency having in mind that its founding documents are declaring it as a representative Community. Even the citizens themselves are failing to launch political debate on specific issues at the European level that would be a challenge for the national governments. Democratic legitimization of European institutions requires a greater role of political parties and their revitalization at the European level, as well as open political competition involving the citizens The integration process of the European Union counties has caused serious democratic problems not only at the level of the Union, but also in the member states. "Democracy problems" in the member states deriving from the functioning of the Union are reflected differently in different national political systems. Unlike unitary governments, federal ones are better adapting to the pressure deriving form the integration within the European Union. Federal feature of organization in the state already implies the multiple levels of decision making and decentralization of powers, thus the system is easily adapting to the multiple levels of management within the European Union. This is not the case with countries that are traditionally centralized. The further EU development may be directed in retaining the current integration principles with the rationale that the democratic member states represent legitimacy guarantor of the Union. In the light of the above, the intergovernmental principle should supersede the supranational. However, a model that would transform the EU into a democratic community is federal. The European Union has elements of federalism and this structure lacks the capacity for taxation and possibility of proposing amendments to founding, constitutional contracts. Currently the existence of federal elements in the functioning of the Union is pinpointing that its further strengthening will not inevitably lead to the transformation of the Union into the community with federal character, but will most likely impact on reducing the existing democratic deficit However, the model that would transform the European Union into the Community with democratic feature is the federal one. The European Union has the federalism features, and this structure suffers the lack of taxation capacity and the option of proposing amendments to the founding and constitutional treaties. The current existence of federal elements within the functioning of the Union is implying that its additional strengthening will not inevitably generate the transformation of the Union into the Community of federal feature, yet it will affect the decline in the current democratic deficit. Scientific methods used in this thesis are based on specific topic and research objective. Therefore, the methodology inherent in political science, comparative method, content analysis of documents, as well as specialization are used to a large extent. In proving the hypotheses a great usage has found the synthesis, generalization, induction and deduction.

Sabemos que el fútbol es el deporte más practicado en todo el mundo y también el más seguido, por eso es uno de los deportes con más potencial de influencia en la sociedad y el entrenador es su figura más influyente por la acción de liderazgo que promueve junto a los demás, que lo rodean, sobre todo si hablamos de niños y jóvenes. Es el entrenador que puede mantener la práctica del fútbol del lado positivo, donde se pretende que esté y donde debe permanecer, en el fomento de los valores educativos y en el aprendizaje armonioso de la modalidad. Dada la importancia que tiene esta figura en el deporte en general y en el fútbol en particular, es determinante que su formación sea un punto fundamental de sus cualidades, ya que de ella pueden emanar muchas otras competencias, capaces de influir al joven futbolista de forma favorable en todas sus dimensiones. De esta forma, se hace preponderante el estudio sobre la formación del entrenador de fútbol, que todos los días es una pieza importante en el entrenamiento de nuestros jóvenes, no sólo en el capítulo deportivo, sino también en el capítulo social. Comenzamos nuestro trabajo buscando realizar la fundamentación teórica del tema. En una primera parte iniciamos un marco global haciendo referencia a la legislación reciente que rige la figura del entrenador y su formación, revisamos todos los documentos internacionales y nacionales sobre la formación de entrenadores y sus competencias recogiendo la información pertinente. En una segunda parte, más específica, fuimos gradualmente entrando en las características que debe tener el entrenador, en las concepciones de enseñanza y en las necesidades de formación de entre otros aspectos desarrollados. Uno de los grandes objetivos de esta investigación fue el desarrollo de una herramienta válida y fiable para el estudio de la formación de entrenadores que posibilitase su posterior aplicación en Portugal y para permitir la replicación del estudio en diferentes contextos. Para ello construimos un cuestionario que partió del estudio de Abad (2009) y sometemos esa herramienta a un proceso de validación con el objetivo de analizar la formación de los entrenadores de fútbol de base en los clubes de la Asociación de Fútbol de Beja. Hemos diseñado un cuestionario que al final del proceso de validación quedó con 121 ítems agrupados en 8 dimensiones (Características Sociodemográficas, Experiencia Deportiva, Aspectos Personales, Formación como Entrenador, Formación Continua, Concepción de Enseñanza, Planificación y Programación, Necesidades de Formación). Hemos realizado un análisis cualitativo y cuantitativo que se realizó a través de la evaluación de 12 expertos. La validez del contenido fue analizada a través del coeficiente V de Aiken, estableciendo un intervalo de confianza del 99% y el coeficiente de variación. Para establecer la fiabilidad, el cuestionario fue aplicado a 20 entrenadores de cuatro clubes diferentes de la región en dos momentos diferentes, la consistencia interna fue analizada por el método Alpha de Cronbach (0.915) y la fiabilidad test-reteste usando el coeficiente de correlación intraclase resultando 0.890 (p <0.01). Los resultados muestran que el cuestionario reúne suficientes propiedades psicométricas para ser considerado una herramienta válida y fiable para estudiar y analizar las necesidades de formación de los entrenadores de fútbol (Paixão, Abad & Giménez, 2019). En un segundo momento, los cuestionarios construidos fueron aplicados a 124 entrenadores de la región de Beja que estaban trabajando con niños y jóvenes en el fútbol de formación. Esta muestra representó el 91% del total de la población de estudio y a través de un análisis descriptivo e inferencial permitió analizar el perfil del entrenador, su formación y su intervención en los diversos dominios y parámetros. Destacamos algunos resultados como, el hecho de que la mayoría de los entrenadores aún no tienen siquiera el título de entrenador y sólo una minoría tienen una formación superior en el área del deporte; por otro lado, el gusto en entrenar y enseñar es el motivo por el cual los entrenadores están en el fútbol de formación, en lo que se refiere a las estrategias de formación continua: la creación de grupos de trabajo entre entrenadores, la visualización y análisis de juegos y entrenamientos en vídeo, y la participación en talleres prácticos, son las preferenciales; destacamos también que persiste una división entre los métodos directivos y los métodos de descubrimiento, entre otros resultados interesantes. Concluimos con la concreción de los objetivos generales y específicos, la presentación de las implicaciones del estudio, añadimos algunas propuestas de mejora, exponemos las limitaciones del estudio y por último indicamos las perspectivas futuras. ; Sabemos que o futebol é o desporto mais praticado em todo o mundo e também o mais seguido, por isso é um dos desportos com mais potencial de influência na sociedade e o treinador é a sua figura mais influente pela ação de liderança que promove junto dos que o rodeiam, principalmente se estivermos a falar de crianças e jovens. É o treinador que pode manter a prática do futebol do lado positivo, onde se pretende que esteja e aonde deve permanecer, no fomento dos valores educativos e na aprendizagem harmoniosa da modalidade. Dada a importância que detém esta figura no desporto em geral e no futebol em particular, é determinante que a sua formação seja um ponto fundamental das suas qualidades, até porque dela podem emanar muitas outras competências, capazes de influenciar o jovem futebolista de forma favorável em todas as suas dimensões. Desta forma, torna-se preponderante o estudo sobre a formação do treinador de futebol, que todos os dias é uma peça importante no treino dos nossos jovens, não só no capítulo desportivo mas também no capítulo social. Começámos o nosso trabalho procurando realizar a fundamentação teórica do tema. Numa primeira parte iniciámos por um enquadramento global fazendo referencia à legislação recente que rege a figura do treinador e a sua formação, revisámos todos os documentos internacionais e nacionais sobre a formação de treinadores e as suas competências, recolhendo a informação pertinente. Numa segunda parte, mais específica, fomos gradualmente entrando nas características que deve ter o treinador, nas conceções de ensino e nas necessidades de formação de entre outros aspetos desenvolvidos. Um dos grandes objetivos desta investigação foi o desenvolvimento de uma ferramenta válida e fiável para o estudo da formação de treinadores, que possibilitasse a sua posterior aplicação em Portugal e que permitisse a replicação do estudo em diversos contextos. Para esse fim, construímos um questionário que partiu do estudo de Abad (2009) e submetemos essa ferramenta a um processo de validação com o objetivo de analisar a formação dos treinadores de futebol de base nos clubes da Associação de Futebol de Beja. Desenhámos um questionário que no final do processo de validação ficou com 121 itens agrupados em 8 dimensões (Características Sociodemográficas, Experiencia Desportiva, Aspetos Pessoais, Formação como Treinador, Formação Contínua, Conceção de Ensino, Planificação e Programação, Necessidades de Formação). Efetuámos uma análise qualitativa e quantitativa que foi realizada através da avaliação de 12 especialistas. A validade do conteúdo foi analisada através do coeficiente V de Aiken, estabelecendo um intervalo de confiança de 99% e o coeficiente de variação. Para estabelecer a fiabilidade, o questionário foi aplicado a 20 treinadores de quatro clubes diferentes da região em dois momentos diferentes, a consistência interna foi analisada pelo método Alpha de Cronbach (0.915) e a fiabilidade teste-reteste usando o coeficiente de correlação intraclasse resultando 0.890 (p <0.01). Os resultados mostram que o questionário reúne suficientes propriedades psicométricas para ser considerado uma ferramenta válida e fiável para estudar e analisar as necessidades de formação dos treinadores de futebol (Paixão, Abad & Giménez, 2019). Num segundo momento, os questionários construídos foram aplicados a 124 treinadores da região de Beja que estavam a trabalhar com crianças e jovens no futebol de formação. Esta amostra representou 91% do total da população de estudo e através de uma análise descritiva e inferencial permitiu analisar o perfil do treinador, a sua formação e a sua intervenção nos diversos domínios e parâmetros. Destacamos alguns resultados como, o facto da maioria dos treinadores ainda não ter sequer o título de treinador e só uma minoria detém formação superior na área do desporto; por outro lado, o gosto em treinar e ensinar é o motivo pelo qual os treinadores estão no futebol de formação; no que diz respeito à formação contínua as estratégias preferenciais são: a criação de grupos de trabalho entre treinadores, a visualização e análise de jogos e treinos em vídeo, e a participação em workshops práticos; destacamos também que persiste uma divisão entre os métodos diretivos e os métodos de descoberta, entre outros resultados interessantes. Concluímos com a concretização dos objetivos gerais e específicos, a apresentação das implicações do estudo, aduzimos algumas propostas de melhoria, expomos as limitações do estudo e por último indicamos as perspetivas futuras. ; We know that football is the most practiced sport in the whole world and it is also the most followed. So, it is one of the sports with more potential to influence society and the coach is its most influential person by the leadership action that he promotes near those surrounding him, especially if we are talking about children and young people. The coach is the one who can maintain the practice of football on the positive side, where it is intended to be and where it should remain, to foster educational values and to learn the sport in a harmonious way. Considering the importance of this figure in sports in general and in football in particular, it is essential for training to be a fundamental aspect of his qualities, namely because many other skills can emanate from this training, skills which may influence the young player in a favourable way in all its dimensions. Thus, the study on the football coach's training, which usually plays an important part on our young people's training, is not only important in the sports chapter but also in the social chapter. We have started our work by looking at the theoretical basis of the theme. In the first part, we started with a global framework concerning the recent legislation governing the coach and his training, we reviewed all the international and national documents on the training of coaches and their skills, collecting the relevant information. In a second, more specific part, we gradually approached the characteristics that a coach must have, in terms of the concepts of education and training needs among other aspects developed. One of the main objectives of this research was the development of a valid and reliable tool for the study of coach's training, which might allow its subsequent application in Portugal and that might allow for the replication of the study in different contexts. For that purpose, we have created a questionnaire that started from the study by Abad (2009) and we have submitted this tool to a validation process with the aim of analysing the training of base football coaches in the clubs of the Beja Football Association. We have designed a questionnaire that, at the end of the validation process, included 121 items grouped in 8 dimensions (Sociodemographic Characteristics, Sport Experience, Personal Aspects, Training as a Coach, Continuous Training, Teaching Conception, Planning and Programming, Training Needs). We have carried out a qualitative and quantitative analysis that was performed through the evaluation of 12 specialists. The validity of the content was analysed through the Aiken V coefficient, establishing a 99% confidence interval and the coefficient of variation. To establish reliability, the questionnaire was applied to 20 coaches from four different clubs in the region in two different times, the internal consistency was analysed by Cronbach's Alpha method (0.915) and the test-retest reliability using the intra-class correlation coefficient resulting in 0.890 (p <0.01). The results show that the questionnaire gathers enough psychometric properties to be considered a valid and reliable tool to study and analyse the training needs of football coaches (Paixão, Abad & Giménez, 2019). In a second moment, the questionnaires created were applied to 124 coaches from the region of Beja, who were working with children and youth in football training. This sample represented 91% of the total study population and, through a descriptive and inferential analysis, it allowed us to analyse the profile of the coach, his training and his intervention in the different domains and parameters. We highlight some results, such as the fact that most coaches still do not even have the title of coach and that only a minority holds a higher education in the field of sports; on the other hand, the pleasure involved in training and teaching is the reason why coaches are in football training; as far as continuous training is concerned, the preferred strategies are: the creation of working groups between coaches, the visualization and analysis of games and video training, and the participation in practical workshops; we also emphasize that there is still a division between the directive methods and the discovery methods, among other interesting results. We conclude with the achievement of the general and specific aims, the presentation of the implications of the study, we present some improvement proposals, we show the limitations of the study and, finally, we indicate perspectives for the future.