Suchergebnisse

The article aims to present the current situation in Ukraine through international relations theory that is able to provide the necessary theoretical background to analyse the complex problems that unfold in the contemporary international environment. These problems are analysed through several perspectives including realist, postmodern and socialconstructivist dimensions, as well as from the point of view of classical institutionalism. What is more, on the basis of their deliberations, the authors describe several possible scenarios of the future events, including the strategy of Russia to continue destabilization in Ukraine in order to seize control over its entire territory and the long-term effects of international sanctions on the Russian economy with the possibility of the collapse of the aggressor state. Nonetheless, the Crimean crisis reveals an important fact that, according to the authors, has deep ramifications for the entire international security system – at present, the international community is not able to exert influence on any of the nuclear powers through military means. While other, non-military means of influence can be used, such as broad economic sanctions or political isolation of an aggressor-state, they are not effective immediately thus allowing the aggressor states to violate international law with a feeling of impunity and invincibility.

The article aims to present the current situation in Ukraine through international relations theory that is able to provide the necessary theoretical background to analyse the complex problems that unfold in the contemporary international environment. These problems are analysed through several perspectives including realist, postmodern and socialconstructivist dimensions, as well as from the point of view of classical institutionalism. What is more, on the basis of their deliberations, the authors describe several possible scenarios of the future events, including the strategy of Russia to continue destabilization in Ukraine in order to seize control over its entire territory and the long-term effects of international sanctions on the Russian economy with the possibility of the collapse of the aggressor state. Nonetheless, the Crimean crisis reveals an important fact that, according to the authors, has deep ramifications for the entire international security system – at present, the international community is not able to exert influence on any of the nuclear powers through military means. While other, non-military means of influence can be used, such as broad economic sanctions or political isolation of an aggressor-state, they are not effective immediately thus allowing the aggressor states to violate international law with a feeling of impunity and invincibility.

ISAF operation is one of the hardest missions in the history of Polish Armed Forces in the Post‑Coll War era. Polish Army activity in Afghanistan is also noticeable among other NATO countries. However military involvement in this operation meets a number of challenges, especially when it comes to national security and defence policy. The article discusses these problems, such as: financial aspects of PKW Afghanistan; its influence on the process of modernization of Polish Army; military actitivy in Ghazni province; ideas to withdraw Polish forces prematurely; or political aspects of Polish involvement in Central Asia. Author distinguished several positive and negative aspects of Polish participation in the ISAF operation. Among negative, author listed e.g. the lack of complex solutions (financial, political, organizational) implemented by Poland to improve the security and functioning of PKW Afghanistan. However, it has to be also noted that the military involvement in Afghanistan allows to strengthen Polish position in the Atlantic Alliance. It also caused a major shift in the process of modernization of Polish Army.

The author analysed numerical data characterizing international liquidity of the member States of the International Monetary Fund in the years 1956 -1983, attempting to define in what way the Fund could affect that liquidity. Instruments intended to secure the international liquidity used by the Fund were the object of the research. The Author also examined the role of the Fund instruments in financing of import and foreign trade deficit and creating currency reserves of the member States. The author positively assessed the role played by the Fund, indicating that it has realized its statutory tasks in shaping international liquidity. The author scepticaly estimated the use of a reserves/import ratio as yardstick for international reserve adequacy, recognizing the need of research in that scope. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The aim of this work is to present the role of Poland in the system of international relations governed by the principles of (neo) liberalism, mainly in the context of crisis phenomena taking place in the West. The hypothesis of this article is as follows: the downturn in Western liberal structures may lead to the modification of the functions and legal and economic system of the Polish state, undermining the principles and rules of liberal democracy applicable there. The turbulence to which the liberal structures of the West are subject may be problematic for those states that have identified their longterm interests with the phenomena of globalization/liberalization and do not have their own strategies of action and more autonomous tools to achieve national goals. Should the western zone weaken, there may be a possibility not only of a geopolitical transformation but also of significant political and economic transformations in countries like Poland. The state may fall into the zone of influence of the new center in a geographical or functional sense, which will impose a different civilization model, based on alternative economic principles and institutional solutions, violating the rights of individuals, minorities, and private businesses. The compulsion to adapt to the new rules that will emerge as a consequence of lowering the role of liberal institutions, the foundations of which are not yet known, may lead to a reduction in the level of protection of citizens and capital in the region. The work includes comments on the functioning of the (neo) liberal system of international relations, the socio-political transformation of Central and Eastern European countries, and Polish internal/foreign policy in the face of the crisis in the Western zone. ; W artykule podjęto próbę przedstawienia roli Polski w systemie stosunków międzynarodowych regulowanym zasadami (neo)liberalizmu, głównie w kontekście zjawisk kryzysowych rozgrywających się na Zachodzie. Postawiono następującą hipotezę: dekoniunktura zachodnich ...

Unia Europejska odgrywa na arenie międzynarodowej wiele ról, a jednym z priorytetowych kierunków w jej polityce zagranicznej jest region śródziemnomorski. Od połowy lat 90. XX wieku UE stara się odgrywać jednocześnie kilka ról wobec państw w nim położonych. Najważniejszymi z nich są role: aktywnego aktora w rozwiązywaniu konfliktu arabsko-izraelskiego; promotora środków budowy zaufania, partnerstwa, bezpieczeństwa i rozbrojenia; promotora reform rynkowych i zrównoważonego rozwoju; propagatora demokracji i praw człowieka oraz dialogu międzykulturowego.Efektywność ról międzynarodowych, analizowana na przykładzie unijnej polityki śródziemnomorskiej, jest jednak niska, ze względu na konflikt między rolami deklarowanymi, rzeczywistymi i oczekiwanymi. W konsekwencji region śródziemnomorski nie został przekształcony w obszar pokoju, stabilności, dobrobytu i porozumienia międzykulturowego, co od 1995 roku było deklarowanym przez Unię Europejską celem. ; The European Union acts in numerous capacities on the international arena, and one of its priorities in foreign policy involves the Mediterranean. Since the mid-1990s, the EU has been trying to play several roles in its relations with countries in this region, the most significant being: an active participant in solving the Arab-Israeli conflict; a promoter of measures to build trust, partnership, security and disarmament; a promoter of market reforms and sustainable development; an advocate of democracy and human rights as well as cross-cultural dialogue.Assessed on the basis of its Mediterranean policy, the efficiency of the EU's international roles, however, is poor, on account of the conflict between the roles the EU declares to be playing, and its actual and expected roles. As a consequence, the Mediterranean has not transformed into the area of peace, stability, welfare and cross-cultural understanding which has been declared as the EU's objective since 1995.

Unia Europejska odgrywa na arenie międzynarodowej wiele ról, a jednym z priorytetowych kierunków w jej polityce zagranicznej jest region śródziemnomorski. Od połowy lat 90. XX wieku UE stara się odgrywać jednocześnie kilka ról wobec państw w nim położonych. Najważniejszymi z nich są role: aktywnego aktora w rozwiązywaniu konfliktu arabsko-izraelskiego; promotora środków budowy zaufania, partnerstwa, bezpieczeństwa i rozbrojenia; promotora reform rynkowych i zrównoważonego rozwoju; propagatora demokracji i praw człowieka oraz dialogu międzykulturowego. Efektywność ról międzynarodowych, analizowana na przykładzie unijnej polityki śródziemnomorskiej, jest jednak niska, ze względu na konflikt między rolami deklarowanymi, rzeczywistymi i oczekiwanymi. W konsekwencji region śródziemnomorski nie został przekształcony w obszar pokoju, stabilności, dobrobytu i porozumienia międzykulturowego, co od 1995 roku było deklarowanym przez Unię Europejską celem. ; The European Union acts in numerous capacities on the international arena, and one of its priorities in foreign policy involves the Mediterranean. Since the mid-1990s, the EU has been trying to play several roles in its relations with countries in this region, the most significant being: an active participant in solving the Arab-Israeli conflict; a promoter of measures to build trust, partnership, security and disarmament; a promoter of market reforms and sustainable development; an advocate of democracy and human rights as well as cross-cultural dialogue. Assessed on the basis of its Mediterranean policy, the efficiency of the EU's international roles, however, is poor, on account of the conflict between the roles the EU declares to be playing, and its actual and expected roles. As a consequence, the Mediterranean has not transformed into the area of peace, stability, welfare and cross-cultural understanding which has been declared as the EU's objective since 1995. ; 8 ; 49 ; 61 ; 4 ; Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej

This article is a case study that presents the international cooperation of one of the 66 Polish cities with the district status - Płock, a city of average size in this category of Polish local self-governments, which, however, is not average in terms of its historical traditions. For several decades it was the capital of Poland and the historical capital of one of its regions, Mazovia. Today, it is a medium-sized city, which is very active in the international arena. For its international cooperation it has been awarded many Council of Europe awards: the European Diploma, the Flag of Honour and the Plaque of Honour. This article presents the activities undertaken by the Płock authorities which led to the awarding of these distinctions.