International audience ; L'Institut Pasteur est au coeur d'un vaste réseau de coopération internationale en santé publique, enseignement et recherche, regroupant 32 instituts dans le monde. La formation de jeunes chercheurs en est l'une des missions essentielles. Pour dynamiser la politique de formation à l'international, l'Institut Pasteur a développé des moyens et des outils importants. Le fonds Calmette et Yersin permet le financement d'un ambitieux programme de formation destiné aux scientifiques et chercheurs internationaux. L'Institut Pasteur soutient, chaque année, par des bourses internationales, des scientifiques du Sud en leur permettant de suivre des cours ou d'effectuer des stages à Paris, dans un institut du RIIP ou dans une autre institution de recherche. Ces programmes offrent également la possibilité à des chercheurs de réaliser des thèses ou des stages postdoctoraux dans le RIIP dans des pays de zones endémiques et/ou aux ressources limitées. Autre pilier de cette politique, le Réseau International des Instituts Pasteur organise des cours internationaux et développe des programmes de formations en partenariat avec les universités des sciences, de médecine et les institutions locales.
The opening of the Colombian economy, decided in 1990, was supposed to promote a new model of growth and development based on exports (and Foreign Direct Investment). This dissertation argues that the opening was not made in order to promote growth and development, and that these two phenomena did not live up to what was expected. This result is based on an International Political Economy approach: taking into account power relationships may give a better explanation of economic phenomena. The first chapter shows that the structural characteristics of the Colombian economy made its opening unable to generate growth and development. This assertion is based on the analysis of the lack of competitiveness and of the institutional flaws of the Colombian economy, as well as on the potential increase in the spatial inequalities of development resulting from the opening. The second chapter thus highlights that the opening aimed at achieving some objectives peculiar to the United States. These objectives are made of economic considerations (typically the access to foreign markets and to raw materials) as well as political ones (dealing with the threats caused by Marxist guerrilla groups within the framework of the American foreign policy). This second chapter explains a series of means at the disposal of the United States to obtain the opening. These means go from coercion (such as sanction threats) to legitimation (to give rise to a Colombian pro-opening government). The third chapter shows that the opening did not lead to an export-led growth. On the contrary, it led to an unstable growth regime. The latter is based on the foreign capital flows. The latter feed the purchase of real estate assets by credit. The housing sector is thus stimulated, which in turn stimulates other economic activities, within the framework of spill-over effects. However, when foreign capital flows lack, real-estate asset purchases are penalized, thus preventing the expansion of the housing sector and eventually of aggregate production itself (spill-over effects no longer work). However, given the power relationship exercised by the United States, the Colombian government had to purchase American military equipment massively, in order to fight against the Colombian guerrillas. By doing so, the economic policy could not stabilize the economy at that time. Besides, the subsequent intensification of the conflict increased the violence within the Colombian territory, thus leading to the migration of skilled workers and to the destruction of infrastructures. The recession had thus been exacerbated. This scenario occurred a few years after 1990, resulting in the worst economic crisis of the 20th century in Colombia with a -5 % recession in 1999. The fourth chapter questions the changes followed by the production and exchange structures because of the opening, to show that these changes did not really contribute to development. Colombia tends to neglect its historic international specialization in coffee and other cultures like wheat, rice, barley, sorghum or cotton, to privilege other cultures whose positive effects on development are lower. As regards the industries of extraction of raw materials (in particular hydrocarbons), they are oriented toward exportation but they promote few development. In addition, the Colombian productive system may lack of this type of input in the future. Finally, if the manufacturing industry was able to increase at the rate of the growth regime, it owes it to the protection still remaining with the differential treatment for developing countries in the World Trade Organization, and less to the export opportunities given by the opening. When this treatment will be eliminated or at least decreased, a whole part of the Colombian economy will be threatened. ; L'ouverture de l'économie colombienne, décidée en 1990, fut présentée comme un promoteur de croissance et développement sur la base des exportations (et des Investissements Directs Etrangers). Cette thèse soutient que l'ouverture n'a pas été décidée afin de favoriser la croissance et le développement et que ces deux phénomènes n'ont pas été à la hauteur de ce qui était anticipé. Ce résultat est fondé sur une analyse en termes d'Economie Politique Internationale : les relations de pouvoir peuvent être utiles pour répondre à des questions d'ordre économique. Le premier chapitre montre que les caractéristiques structurelles de l'économie colombienne rendaient son ouverture impropre à générer croissance et développement sur la base des exportations. Cette proposition s'appuie sur l'analyse de la compétitivité sectorielle et des carences institutionnelles de l'économie colombienne, ainsi que sur l'accroissement potentiel des inégalités spatiales de développement suite à l'ouverture. Le deuxième chapitre s'attache alors à mettre en évidence que l'ouverture répond à des objectifs propres aux Etats-Unis. Ces objectifs sont à dominante économique (typiquement la création des débouchés extérieurs et l'accès à des matières premières) ou politique (lutte contre les guérillas d'inspiration communiste dans le cadre de la politique étrangère américaine). Le deuxième chapitre expose une série des moyens à la disposition des Etats-Unis afin d'obtenir l'ouverture du gouvernement colombien de l'époque. Ces moyens vont de la coercition (par exemple la menace de sanction) à la légitimation (favoriser l'élection d'un gouvernement pro-ouverture). Le troisième chapitre montre que l'ouverture n'a pas instauré un régime de croissance fondé sur les exportations. Au contraire, elle a instauré un régime instable fondé sur une dynamique spéculative sur les actifs immobiliers à partir des flux de capitaux étrangers venant nourrir l'achat de ces actifs à crédit. Lorsque ces capitaux finissent tôt ou tard par manquer, de tels achats sont pénalisés et viennent interrompre la dynamique. Celle-ci ne peut plus tirer la croissance via des effets d'entrainement du secteur de la construction sur le reste de l'économie. Mais pris au piège de la relation de pouvoir exercée par les Etats-Unis, le gouvernement colombien n'a pas cherché à stabiliser la conjoncture. Il a dû privilégier les dépenses en équipement militaire américain pour lutter contre les guérillas colombiennes. L'intensification subséquente du conflit armé a accentué la violence au sein du territoire. Il en résulta la destruction d'infrastructures, ainsi qu'une migration de travailleurs qualifiés. La récession en a été d'autant plus accentuée. Ainsi l'ouverture débouche-t-elle sur la pire crise économique du XXème siècle en Colombie, avec une récession de -5% en 1999. Le quatrième chapitre enquête sur les changements des structures de production et d'échange suite à l'ouverture, pour ainsi montrer que ces changements n'ont que peu favorisé le développement. La Colombie tend à négliger sa spécialisation internationale historique dans le café et la plupart des cultures transitoires (blé, riz, orge, sorgo, coton, etc.) pour privilégier d'autres cultures dont les effets positifs sur le développement sont moindres. Bien que les hydrocarbures et d'autres matières brutes bénéficient d'un certain potentiel d'exportation, le développement des territoires où l'extraction a lieu reste faible. Se pose en outre un problème de soutenabilité de l'extraction. Enfin, si l'industrie manufacturière a pu croitre au rythme du régime de croissance, elle le doit à la protection dont elle bénéficie encore dans le cadre du traitement différentiel des pays en développement à l'Organisation Mondiale du Commerce et moins aux opportunités d'exportation données par l'ouverture. Le jour où ce traitement sera diminué voire supprimé, toute une partie de l'économie colombienne est menacée.
The opening of the Colombian economy, decided in 1990, was supposed to promote a new model of growth and development based on exports (and Foreign Direct Investment). This dissertation argues that the opening was not made in order to promote growth and development, and that these two phenomena did not live up to what was expected. This result is based on an International Political Economy approach: taking into account power relationships may give a better explanation of economic phenomena. The first chapter shows that the structural characteristics of the Colombian economy made its opening unable to generate growth and development. This assertion is based on the analysis of the lack of competitiveness and of the institutional flaws of the Colombian economy, as well as on the potential increase in the spatial inequalities of development resulting from the opening. The second chapter thus highlights that the opening aimed at achieving some objectives peculiar to the United States. These objectives are made of economic considerations (typically the access to foreign markets and to raw materials) as well as political ones (dealing with the threats caused by Marxist guerrilla groups within the framework of the American foreign policy). This second chapter explains a series of means at the disposal of the United States to obtain the opening. These means go from coercion (such as sanction threats) to legitimation (to give rise to a Colombian pro-opening government). The third chapter shows that the opening did not lead to an export-led growth. On the contrary, it led to an unstable growth regime. The latter is based on the foreign capital flows. The latter feed the purchase of real estate assets by credit. The housing sector is thus stimulated, which in turn stimulates other economic activities, within the framework of spill-over effects. However, when foreign capital flows lack, real-estate asset purchases are penalized, thus preventing the expansion of the housing sector and eventually of aggregate production itself ...
International audience ; Established in 1919 by Part XIII of the Treaty of Versailles, the ILO is the result of a political compromise intended to meet the expectations of public opinion while avoiding a major social crisis in a context of demobilization and Communist revolutionary contagion. In the short time of the social history of the industrial world, its creation is a continuation of the nebulous reformer of the social question, as in the dynamics impelled by the international trade union movement during the war. Conceived as a tripartite organization associating employers and workers representatives with States, it focuses its activity on the elaboration of international labor legislation which it bases on humanist values and a fundamental principle inscribed in the first lines of the preamble of the Part XIII: the indissoluble link between the promotion of social justice and the establishment of universal peace. The present study is based on the examination of these legal productions which account for the polemical nature of the debates which cross and surround the nascent institution, in particular in the Twenties. At the same time, they legitimize the ILO as the site of a deeply innovative experience in the field of contemporary international relations which would illustrate a questioning of the presuppositions of the Westphalian system brought about by the growing interdependence of societies and states . By inscribing this organization in a temporality of modernity, this production translates the significance of political and social issues in legal discourse. The empirical and concrete character of the legitimation process is illustrated by the validation of practices contested by certain socio-professional groups, or by certain States, by the voice of diplomats or licensed jurists, which concern the nature of the institution, its areas of competence and its normative capacity. ; Instituée en 1919 par la Partie XIII du Traité de Versailles, l'OIT (ILO) est le résultat d'un compromis politique destiné ...
International audience ; Established in 1919 by Part XIII of the Treaty of Versailles, the ILO is the result of a political compromise intended to meet the expectations of public opinion while avoiding a major social crisis in a context of demobilization and Communist revolutionary contagion. In the short time of the social history of the industrial world, its creation is a continuation of the nebulous reformer of the social question, as in the dynamics impelled by the international trade union movement during the war. Conceived as a tripartite organization associating employers and workers representatives with States, it focuses its activity on the elaboration of international labor legislation which it bases on humanist values and a fundamental principle inscribed in the first lines of the preamble of the Part XIII: the indissoluble link between the promotion of social justice and the establishment of universal peace. The present study is based on the examination of these legal productions which account for the polemical nature of the debates which cross and surround the nascent institution, in particular in the Twenties. At the same time, they legitimize the ILO as the site of a deeply innovative experience in the field of contemporary international relations which would illustrate a questioning of the presuppositions of the Westphalian system brought about by the growing interdependence of societies and states . By inscribing this organization in a temporality of modernity, this production translates the significance of political and social issues in legal discourse. The empirical and concrete character of the legitimation process is illustrated by the validation of practices contested by certain socio-professional groups, or by certain States, by the voice of diplomats or licensed jurists, which concern the nature of the institution, its areas of competence and its normative capacity. ; Instituée en 1919 par la Partie XIII du Traité de Versailles, l'OIT (ILO) est le résultat d'un compromis politique destiné ...
International audience ; Established in 1919 by Part XIII of the Treaty of Versailles, the ILO is the result of a political compromise intended to meet the expectations of public opinion while avoiding a major social crisis in a context of demobilization and Communist revolutionary contagion. In the short time of the social history of the industrial world, its creation is a continuation of the nebulous reformer of the social question, as in the dynamics impelled by the international trade union movement during the war. Conceived as a tripartite organization associating employers and workers representatives with States, it focuses its activity on the elaboration of international labor legislation which it bases on humanist values and a fundamental principle inscribed in the first lines of the preamble of the Part XIII: the indissoluble link between the promotion of social justice and the establishment of universal peace. The present study is based on the examination of these legal productions which account for the polemical nature of the debates which cross and surround the nascent institution, in particular in the Twenties. At the same time, they legitimize the ILO as the site of a deeply innovative experience in the field of contemporary international relations which would illustrate a questioning of the presuppositions of the Westphalian system brought about by the growing interdependence of societies and states . By inscribing this organization in a temporality of modernity, this production translates the significance of political and social issues in legal discourse. The empirical and concrete character of the legitimation process is illustrated by the validation of practices contested by certain socio-professional groups, or by certain States, by the voice of diplomats or licensed jurists, which concern the nature of the institution, its areas of competence and its normative capacity. ; Instituée en 1919 par la Partie XIII du Traité de Versailles, l'OIT (ILO) est le résultat d'un compromis politique destiné à répondre à l'attente des opinions publiques tout en évitant une crise sociale majeure dans un contexte de démobilisation et de contagion révolutionnaire communiste. Dans le temps court de l'histoire sociale du monde industriel, sa création s'inscrit dans la continuité de la nébuleuse réformatrice de la question sociale, comme dans la dynamique impulsée par le mouvement syndical international pendant la guerre. Conçue comme une organisation tripartite associant aux Etats des représentants patronaux et ouvriers, elle centre son activité sur l'élaboration d'une législation internationale du travail qu'elle fonde sur des valeurs humanistes et un principe fondamental inscrit dans les premières lignes du préambule de la Partie XIII : le lien indissouble existant entre la promotion d'une justice sociale et l'établissement d'une paix universelle. La présente étude se fonde sur l'examen de ces productions juridiques qui rendent compte du caractère polémique des débats qui traversent et entourent l'institution naissante, notamment dans les années vingt. Ils procèdent dans le même temps à une légitimation de l'OIT comme lieu d'une expérience profondément innovante dans le domaine des relations internationales contemporaines qui illustrerait une remise en cause des présupposés du système westphalien induite par l'interdépendance croissante des sociétés et des Etats. En inscrivant cette organisation dans une temporalité de la modernité, cette production traduit la prégnance des enjeux politiques et sociaux dans le discours juridique. Le caractère empirique et concret du processus de légitimation s'illustre par la validation de pratiques contestées par certains groupes socio-professionnels, ou par certains Etats, par la voix de diplomates ou de jurisconsultes patentés, qui concernent la nature de l'institution, ses domaines de compétence et sa capacité normative.
L'Organisation internationale du travail (OIT) est la plus ancienne institution du système des Nations unies et l'une des plus méconnues. Datant de 1919, sa création témoigne de l'importance croissante prise par le travail et par la question sociale. L'OIT a pour mission première d'adopter des normes internationales du travail, mais elle a également progressivement développé des activités de coopération technique et de production d'expertise. Elle compte aujourd'hui 186 membres, tous représentés par un nombre égal de délégués gouvernementaux et de délégués professionnels issus des organisations d'employeurs et de travailleurs. Unique sur la scène internationale, ce tripartisme a historiquement permis à l'OIT de revendiquer une forte légitimité au moment de traiter des enjeux du travail. Mais il la rend également particulièrement sensible aux évolutions intervenues sous le coup de la chute du communisme et sous l'effet de la mondialisation, à l'image du recul syndical ou de l'essor des entreprises multinationales.Ce Courrier hebdomadaire donne un aperçu synthétique de l'histoire de l'OIT, de ses principaux rouages (structures et fonctionnement), de ses domaines et modalités d'intervention, et des enjeux qui la traversent. Cédric Leterme se penche sur les défis auxquels l'OIT doit faire face au moment d'aborder son centenaire. Au tournant du siècle, la fin de la Guerre froide et l'essor de la mondialisation ont en effet posé de grandes questions à cette organisation internationale créée pour faire barrage au communisme et pour réguler des relations socio-économiques entre les nations. L'OIT a tenté d'y apporter des réponses, mais elle est loin d'avoir dépassé les interrogations qui pèsent sur son avenir. Parmi les défis à relever, figurent les conséquences de la crise économique et financière déclenchée en 2008, le refus croissant du patronat de jouer le jeu du tripartisme, et les tensions qui traversent le « développement durable » entre urgence écologique, développement du Sud et lutte contre les inégalités. ...
Contains the full text of, or extracts from, all laws and orders concerning the protection of insurance of the working classes, and bibliographies of labor legislation and labor statistics. ; Contains the full text of, or extracts from, all laws and orders concerning the protection of insurance of the working classes, and bibliographies of labor legislation and labor statistics. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Also available in German and English editions.
International audience ; The current concern, in the number of local or international conflicts, where there are problems of reconciliation, collective identity, political, security, economic and environmental interdependencies is in favour of a closer look at these issues, which can only encourage such international negotiations. International negotiation is a complex and specific decision-making process in which people tend to find a common agreement instead of acting unilaterally. A privileged tool of exchange between people, of the adjustment of their points of view, of the coexistence of their social identities and of the resolution of their conflicts, international negotiation is one of the most fundamental springs of life. Moreover, international negotiation of all types (diplomatic, political, commercial, cultural, economic, and environmental) is affected by cultural phenomena: the differences in goals and objectives that separate negotiators are added here, a cultural difference, which can make them difficult and opaque. Culture greatly influences the process, communication, cognition, motivation and actions of the protagonists. Knowledge of the cultural peculiarities of the opposing party could have a positive effect on the perception of the country and on the communication of negotiators and the search for solutions, on the other hand, its ignorance or negligence can lead to complications, risks of disagreements or interruptions of negotiation, etc. Moreover, the international negotiator is in a position of the interface of two relations that with his own country and that with the opposing party. His dilemma here, caught between conflicting objectives, is to defend the positions of his own country, his own interests and reach an agreement with the opposing party. During long or short discussions at the negotiating table, he must propose new solutions, try to change expectations, adapt strategies, styles and tactics and, at the same time, exchange ideas with his adversary to reach a mutually acceptable ...
International audience ; The current concern, in the number of local or international conflicts, where there are problems of reconciliation, collective identity, political, security, economic and environmental interdependencies is in favour of a closer look at these issues, which can only encourage such international negotiations. International negotiation is a complex and specific decision-making process in which people tend to find a common agreement instead of acting unilaterally. A privileged tool of exchange between people, of the adjustment of their points of view, of the coexistence of their social identities and of the resolution of their conflicts, international negotiation is one of the most fundamental springs of life. Moreover, international negotiation of all types (diplomatic, political, commercial, cultural, economic, and environmental) is affected by cultural phenomena: the differences in goals and objectives that separate negotiators are added here, a cultural difference, which can make them difficult and opaque. Culture greatly influences the process, communication, cognition, motivation and actions of the protagonists. Knowledge of the cultural peculiarities of the opposing party could have a positive effect on the perception of the country and on the communication of negotiators and the search for solutions, on the other hand, its ignorance or negligence can lead to complications, risks of disagreements or interruptions of negotiation, etc. Moreover, the international negotiator is in a position of the interface of two relations that with his own country and that with the opposing party. His dilemma here, caught between conflicting objectives, is to defend the positions of his own country, his own interests and reach an agreement with the opposing party. During long or short discussions at the negotiating table, he must propose new solutions, try to change expectations, adapt strategies, styles and tactics and, at the same time, exchange ideas with his adversary to reach a mutually acceptable ...
International audience The current concern, in the number of local or international conflicts, where there are problems of reconciliation, collective identity, political, security, economic and environmental interdependencies is in favour of a closer look at these issues, which can only encourage such international negotiations. International negotiation is a complex and specific decision-making process in which people tend to find a common agreement instead of acting unilaterally. A privileged tool of exchange between people, of the adjustment of their points of view, of the coexistence of their social identities and of the resolution of their conflicts, international negotiation is one of the most fundamental springs of life. Moreover, international negotiation of all types (diplomatic, political, commercial, cultural, economic, and environmental) is affected by cultural phenomena: the differences in goals and objectives that separate negotiators are added here, a cultural difference, which can make them difficult and opaque. Culture greatly influences the process, communication, cognition, motivation and actions of the protagonists. Knowledge of the cultural peculiarities of the opposing party could have a positive effect on the perception of the country and on the communication of negotiators and the search for solutions, on the other hand, its ignorance or negligence can lead to complications, risks of disagreements or interruptions of negotiation, etc. Moreover, the international negotiator is in a position of the interface of two relations that with his own country and that with the opposing party. His dilemma here, caught between conflicting objectives, is to defend the positions of his own country, his own interests and reach an agreement with the opposing party. During long or short discussions at the negotiating table, he must propose new solutions, try to change expectations, adapt strategies, styles and tactics and, at the same time, exchange ideas with his adversary to reach a mutually acceptable ...
358 p. ; This thesis aims to understand the impact of the internal factors (internal production structures and conflicts between interest groups) for the international economic integration of Russia. The research combines the analysis in terms of international economics with that of international political economy (IPE). The former allows a detailed analysis of Russia's international specialisation in exchanges of goods and capital, while the latter provides the analytical framework for analysing the pattern of changes. Firstly, we show a growing dependency on the export of natural resources, independent of the geographical (political) circle of countries analyzed. Secondly, we argue that the analytical framework of the IPE should be adapted to the Russian context. So, the period of the 1990s is characterized by a large scope of personal arrangements and individualized relations within a captured and fragmented State. After the beginning of the 2000s, this situation is reversed given the centralization of the central State and a quest for more institutionalized relations between the State and firms. This thesis contains three parts. The first part presents an economic analysis of the integration of Russia into the world economy. The second part studies the evolution of Russia's internal institutional context. The third part compares the internal preferences towards economic integration with those of Russia's main trade partners, which are i) the Commonwealth of Independent States, ii) the European Union and iii) China and the United States. ; L'objet de la thèse est de comprendre l'impact des facteurs internes (structures de production internes, conflits de groupes d'intérêt domestiques) sur l'insertion économique internationale de la Russie. La recherche combine l'approche de l'économie internationale et celle de l'économie politique internationale (EPI). La première permet de construire une présentation pointue de la spécialisation internationale de la Russie dans les échanges de biens et de capitaux et de ses ...
International audience ; La plupart des discours qui encadrent l'adoption internationale se caractérisent par un relatif consensus politique et moral. À l'inverse d'autres échanges mondialisés, l'adoption internationale est entourée d'un discours positif qui tient en grande partie à « l'intérêt supérieur de l'enfant », à la « générosité » des adoptants et aux valeurs altruistes qu'on leur attribue. Si les parents ont la possibilité d'adopter, le processus dans lequel ils s'engagent est supposé accorder à son tour une « chance » pour les enfants de grandir dans une famille occidentale – doublement valorisée pour son adéquation à une norme familiale dominante et son appartenance sociale, raciale et spatiale aux espaces centraux. Dès lors, la dimension marchande de ces circulations d'enfants n'est jamais exprimée ni pensée comme telle. Et si elle demeure présente, elle n'est traitée – en tout cas au sein des pays du Nord (i.e « adoptants ») – que comme un « excès » et une déviance mercantile et immorale contre lesquels il faudrait lutter. Le droit international notamment, et la multiplication (récente) des conventions multi- et bilatérales, entend réglementer ces circulations pour garantir la non-marchandisation des enfants. L'argent est supposément proscrit et les enfants ne sont évidemment pas « achetables », au risque de relever de la législation internationale contre le trafic d'êtres humains. Pourtant, l'organisation du marché international de l'adoption fixe pourtant une valeur – si ce n'est un prix – aux différents enfants proposés, et fonctionne selon des logiques économiques qu'il est possible d'interroger.
