19–20 січня 2006 року в Києві відбувся міжнародний науково-=практичнийсемінар «Законодавство України про освіту і Церква», який проводиться в рамкахзапочаткованих в Україні громадських публічних слухань «Релігія і освіта:сучасні моделі відносин». Ідея таких слухань виникла в результаті проведенняспільної із Міністерством освіти і науки України науково-практичноїконференції «Релігійний компонент у світській освіті», що відбулася у жовтні2005 р. Наслідком конференції стала збірка «Мораль-релігія-освіта», до якоїувійшли правові документи у сфері взаємин освіти і релігії, доповіді, виступи,аналітичні статті відомих експертів, журналістів, науковців, державнихі релігійних діячів.
В статье рассматриваются перспективы и последствия интеграции Украины в ВТО и ЕС для транспортной отрасли. Проведён SWOT-анализ экономических последствий для транспорта после присоединения Украины к ВТО и ЕС. ; В статті розглянуто перспективи та наслідки інтеграції України до СОТ та ЄС для транспортної галузі. Проведено SWOT-аналіз економічних наслідків для транспорту після вступу України до СОТ та ЄС. ; The prospects and consequences of integration ofUkraineto the WTO and the EU for transport complex have been considered. The SWOT-analysis of economic after-effects after such an integration has been performed.
The subject of this study is the strategic cooperation of the permanent members in the Security Council in the period 1946 2000. Because of their right of veto the cooperation of the permanent members has a significant influence on the functioning of the Council. The most important aspects of the cooperation that were investigated are the intensity of the cooperation and the ef-fectiveness of this cooperation in preventing and ending wars. To investigate these aspects, for both the intensity and the effectiveness measuring instruments were constructed. These measuring instruments were based on comprehensive sets of so-called 'leading indicators' and statistical methods and techniques. The intensity of the cooperation increased gradually from 1946 until 1990 (the end of the Cold War). Then it started to increase rapidly until 1996. From 1996 a slight decrease can be discer-ned. The strong increase in the strategic cooperation of the permanent members in the security Council can be established in all the majors forms of cooperation in the Council: the numbers of adopted strategic resolutions and presidential statements, the numbers of employed means (like peacekeeping missions and enforcement actions) and the amounts of money that were spent on peacekeeping activities. Further it was established that the response times of the Council regarding potential and waged wars dropped significantly since the end of the Cold War. The effectiveness of the cooperation of the permanent members in the Council was, insofar this was measurable with the applied method, not good for many years, but after the Cold War a clear improvement can be discerned. This goes for the prevention of wars, as well as for post war peacebuilding and the ending of wars. Also the numbers of potential and waged wars in which the Council not intervened dropped significantly since the end of the Cold War, as well as the use of vetoes. The large number of potential and waged wars in which the Council did not intervene during the Cold War was nearly exclusively caused by 'non decisions' (the non placing of wars on the agenda), and not by the use of vetoes by permanent members, as is often assumed in literature. Further, a comparison of two phase classifications of the Cold War showed that the great powers, even when there are great tensions among them, are prepared to cooperate in the Security Council to resolve strategic matters, if they consider this in their interest. Analyses of the adopted strategic resolutions during the Cold War revealed that cooperation here was nearly exclusively limited to issues that were not core issues of the Cold War. From this it can be concluded that cooperation against third party states was a basis of cooperation of the great powers in the Security Council. Finally, the results of this study show clearly that the Security Council was regarded and used to a large extent by the permanent members in the period 1946 2000 as an instrument of foreign policy to pursue their national interests, and not as an instrument of the world community to prevent and end wars.
'Will the Netherlands be defended?' The debate about NATO's main lines of defence at the beginning of the 1950sAt the beginning of the 1950s, the Netherlands would not have been able to defend itself in the event of a Soviet attack. Despite the fact that NATO, under the leadership of the Supreme Allied Commander Europe, General Eisenhower, and later General Ridgway, was in the process of rapidly building up its defences, it was still incapable of conducting a forward defence. The pivotal political and military issue in the short term centred on one question: Which areas in Western Europe could and should be kept and which not? Answers to this question exposed conflicting national interests and points of view, particularly those of the Dutch and the French. As it was taking a considerably long time to build up the Netherlands' defences, the Dutch government had very few trump cards to add weight to its demands. Indeed, in the summer of 1952, when Parliament asked to be given a precise account of how the Dutch defences were progressing, the government was practically boxed into a corner.
The analysis of the correspondence of the Ukrainian law standards "On the protection of Plant varieties rights" with the standards of the International Convention for the Protection of New Varieties of Plants was conducted. ; Сделано анализ соответствия норм Закона Украины "Об охране прав на сорта растений" нормам Международной конвенции по охране новых сортов растений. ; Проведено постатейний аналіз відповідності норм Закону України "Про охорону прав на сорти рослин" нормам Міжнародної конвенції з охорони нових сортів рослин.
The analysis of the correspondence of the Ukrainian law standards "On the protection of Plant varieties rights" with the standards of the International Convention for the Protection of New Varieties of Plants was conducted. ; Сделано анализ соответствия норм Закона Украины "Об охране прав на сорта растений" нормам Международной конвенции по охране новых сортов растений. ; Проведено постатейний аналіз відповідності норм Закону України "Про охорону прав на сорти рослин" нормам Міжнародної конвенції з охорони нових сортів рослин.
Розглянуто актуальність дослідження міжнародних відносин і транскордонного співробітництва. Акцентовано увагу на специфіці співробітництва України з ЄС. Проаналізовано наслідки розширення ЄС для України. ; The actuality of international relations and trans-boarden cooperation has been considered in the paper. The attention is given to peculiarities of EU cooperation with Ukraine. The EU enlargement consequences for Ukraine analyzed. ; The actuality of international relations and trans-boarden cooperation has been considered in the paper. The attention is given to peculiarities of EU cooperation with Ukraine. The EU enlargement consequences for Ukraine analyzed.
Стаття присвячена глобального виміру енергетичної складової національного потенціалу України. Базові методологічні підходи сучасної американської політико-стратегічної думки об'єднані з підходами міжнародної економічної науки. Розглянуто основні економічні, технологічні, міжнародно-політичні проблеми прагнення України до енергетичної незалежності. ; This article is devoted to the global dimantion oj energy component of Ukrainian's national power. The basic methodological approaches of the modern american political-strategic thought is united here with international economics approaches.The main economic, technological, international-political problems of Ukrainian search for independence in the field of energy are regarded.
Zoi Mella, The Greek Civil War and the Spanish Press during Franco's DictatorshipIn this article we would like to approach a quite unknown subject: the presence of the Greek Civil War in the Spanish Press. Our objective was to ascertain the impact this event had at the post war Spanish Press. How would react Spain in view of such a confrontation, especially since it had already experimented a Civil War? It was a complicated period for Greece, as well as for Spain, a time when both countries experienced problems of different nature but equally serious: Greece was suffering the devastating consequences of the Second World War and Spain was trying to encounter the contempt of the international political world. The Greek Civil War was the first confrontation between two worlds that were exiting reinforced from the Second World War. It became the field of conflict between the USSR and the Anglo-Saxon allies during several years. The interior problem of some rebels, who couldn't, or wouldn't, adapt themselves to the new post war situation or were discontented with the new regime, was transformed to an international matter of great impact, that managed to confront USSR, on one hand, and the US and Great Britain, on the other, in the International Organism of the United Nations. Our interest was centred in the various approaches that the newspapers and the magazines of the time made. Moreover we were interested in the points of view and the conclusions manifested by the diverse papers, according to their political and ideological affinities, without forgetting the strict regime of control and censure that was in force at that moment. This investigation forms part of a broader subject that is the bilateral relations of these two countries, rather different at first sight, that during the XX century were affected by very similar events, such as a civil war. ; Zoi Mella, The Greek Civil War and the Spanish Press during Franco's DictatorshipIn this article we would like to approach a quite unknown subject: the presence of the Greek Civil War in the Spanish Press. Our objective was to ascertain the impact this event had at the post war Spanish Press. How would react Spain in view of such a confrontation, especially since it had already experimented a Civil War? It was a complicated period for Greece, as well as for Spain, a time when both countries experienced problems of different nature but equally serious: Greece was suffering the devastating consequences of the Second World War and Spain was trying to encounter the contempt of the international political world. The Greek Civil War was the first confrontation between two worlds that were exiting reinforced from the Second World War. It became the field of conflict between the USSR and the Anglo-Saxon allies during several years. The interior problem of some rebels, who couldn't, or wouldn't, adapt themselves to the new post war situation or were discontented with the new regime, was transformed to an international matter of great impact, that managed to confront USSR, on one hand, and the US and Great Britain, on the other, in the International Organism of the United Nations. Our interest was centred in the various approaches that the newspapers and the magazines of the time made. Moreover we were interested in the points of view and the conclusions manifested by the diverse papers, according to their political and ideological affinities, without forgetting the strict regime of control and censure that was in force at that moment. This investigation forms part of a broader subject that is the bilateral relations of these two countries, rather different at first sight, that during the XX century were affected by very similar events, such as a civil war.
Розглянуто сутність, функції, завдання і принципи екологічного менеджменту промислових підприємств, а також основні етапи становлення і розвитку екологічного менеджменту, уточнено термінологічний апарат з питань екологічного менеджменту, з'ясованої відмінності між екологічним управлінням і екологічним менеджментом, проаналізовано нормативно-правове забезпечення екологічного менеджменту. ; The essence, functions, tasks, and principles of the environmental management for industrial enterprises have been presented in the paper. The main stages of environmental management establishment and development at the international level are described. The terminology used in the field of environmental management discussed. In particular the difference between the "environmental governance" and "environmental management" clarified. The legal system to support the practical implementation of environmental management analyzed in the paper also. ; The essence, functions, tasks, and principles of the environmental management for industrial enterprises have been presented in the paper. The main stages of environmental management establishment and development at the international level are described. The terminology used in the field of environmental management discussed. In particular the difference between the "environmental governance" and "environmental management" clarified. The legal system to support the practical implementation of environmental management analyzed in the paper also.
Розглянуто питання вдосконалення законодавчого забезпечення інноваційної діяльності в Україні. Розглянуто загальні, спеціальні, міжнародні та інші закони в цій галузі. Особлива увага приділена питанням охорони об'єктів інтелектуальної власності. ; The question of perfection of the legislative providing of innovative activity is considered in Ukraine. General, special, international et al acts are considered in this industry. The special attention is spared to the questions of guard of objects of intellectual property.
Роботу виконано на кафедрі міжнародної інформації ВДУ ім. Лесі Українки ; Розглядається вплив програми єдиного внутрішнього ринку на міжнародну торгівлю, інвестиції, зайнятість та споживання у країнах - членах Європейського Союзу, а також на регіональну структуру європейського ринку. Порівнюються позитивні та негативні ефекти регіональної економічної інтеграції.
Konstantinos Katsoudas, "A Dictatorship that is not a Dictatorship". Spanish Nationalists and the 4th of August The Spanish Civil War convulsed the international public opinion and prompted most foreign governments to take measures or even intervene in the conflict. Greek entanglement either in the form of smuggling war materiel or the participation of Greek volunteers in the International Brigades has already been investigated. However, little is known about a second dimension of this internationalization of the war: the peculiar forms that the antagonism between the two belligerent camps in foreign countries took. This paper, based mainly on Spanish archival sources, discusses some aspects of the activity developed in Greece by Franco's nationalists and the way Francoist diplomats and emissaries perceived the nature of an apparently similar regime, such as the dictatorship led by general Metaxas. The main objectives of the Francoist foreign policy were to avoid any escalation of the Spanish civil war into a world conflict, to secure international assistance for the right-wing forces and to undermine the legitimacy of the legal Republican government. In Greece, an informal diplomatic civil war broke out since Francoists occupied the Spanish Legation in Athens and Republicans took over the Consulate in Thessaloniki. The Francoists combined public and undercover activity: they worked hard to achieve an official recognition of their Estado Nuevo, while at the same time created rings of espionage and channels of anticommunist propaganda. The reason of their partial breakthroughs was that, contrary to their Republican enemies, the Nationalists enjoyed support by a significant part of the Greek political world, which was ideologically identified with their struggle. Francoist anti-communism had some interesting implications for Greek politics. An important issue was the Francoist effort to reveal a supposed Moscow-based conspiracy against Spain and Greece, both considered as hotbeds of revolution in the Mediterranean, in order to justify both Franco's extermination campaign and Metaxas' coup. Although this effort was based on fraudulent documents, forged by an anti-Bolshevik international organization, it became the cornerstone of Francoist and Metaxist propaganda. General Metaxas was the only European dictator to invoke the Spanish Civil War as a raison d'etre of his regime and often warned against the repetition of Spanish-like drama on Greek soil. Nevertheless he did not approve of Franco's methods and preferred Dr. Salazar's Portugal as an institutional model closer to his vision. For Spanish nationalist observers this was a sign of weakness. They interpreted events in Greece through the disfiguring mirror of their own historic experience: thus, although they never called in question Metaxas' authoritarian motives, the 4th of August regime was considered too mild and soft compared to Francoism (whose combativeness and fanaticism, as they suggested, the Greek General should have imitated); it reminded them the dictatorship founded in Spain by General Primo de Rivera in 1920s, whose inadequacy paved the way for the advent of the Republic and the emergence of sociopolitical radicalism. Incidents of the following years, as Greece moved towards a civil confrontation, seemed to strengthen their views. ; Konstantinos Katsoudas, "A Dictatorship that is not a Dictatorship". Spanish Nationalists and the 4th of AugustThe Spanish Civil War convulsed the international public opinion and prompted most foreign governments to take measures or even intervene in the conflict. Greek entanglement either in the form of smuggling war materiel or the participation of Greek volunteers in the International Brigades has already been investigated. However, little is known about a second dimension of this internationalization of the war: the peculiar forms that the antagonism between the two belligerent camps in foreign countries took. This paper, based mainly on Spanish archival sources, discusses some aspects of the activity developed in Greece by Franco's nationalists and the way Francoist diplomats and emissaries perceived the nature of an apparently similar regime, such as the dictatorship led by general Metaxas. The main objectives of the Francoist foreign policy were to avoid any escalation of the Spanish civil war into a world conflict, to secure international assistance for the right-wing forces and to undermine the legitimacy of the legal Republican government. In Greece, an informal diplomatic civil war broke out since Francoists occupied the Spanish Legation in Athens and Republicans took over the Consulate in Thessaloniki. The Francoists combined public and undercover activity: they worked hard to achieve an official recognition of their Estado Nuevo, while at the same time created rings of espionage and channels of anticommunist propaganda. The reason of their partial breakthroughs was that, contrary to their Republican enemies, the Nationalists enjoyed support by a significant part of the Greek political world, which was ideologically identified with their struggle. Francoist anti-communism had some interesting implications for Greek politics. An important issue was the Francoist effort to reveal a supposed Moscow-based conspiracy against Spain and Greece, both considered as hotbeds of revolution in the Mediterranean, in order to justify both Franco's extermination campaign and Metaxas' coup. Although this effort was based on fraudulent documents, forged by an anti-Bolshevik international organization, it became the cornerstone of Francoist and Metaxist propaganda. General Metaxas was the only European dictator to invoke the Spanish Civil War as a raison d'etre of his regime and often warned against the repetition of Spanish-like drama on Greek soil. Nevertheless he did not approve of Franco's methods and preferred Dr. Salazar's Portugal as an institutional model closer to his vision. For Spanish nationalist observers this was a sign of weakness. They interpreted events in Greece through the disfiguring mirror of their own historic experience: thus, although they never called in question Metaxas' authoritarian motives, the 4th of August regime was considered too mild and soft compared to Francoism (whose combativeness and fanaticism, as they suggested, the Greek General should have imitated); it reminded them the dictatorship founded in Spain by General Primo de Rivera in 1920s, whose inadequacy paved the way for the advent of the Republic and the emergence of sociopolitical radicalism. Incidents of the following years, as Greece moved towards a civil confrontation, seemed to strengthen their views.
This paper - written for a conference held in Leuven (KUL) in 2001- offers a global analysis of the European Insolvency Regulation. At the time the paper was written, the Regulation was a very recent instrument. The paper reviews the Regulation based on previous experiences at harmonising the law of cross-border insolvencies (such as the European Insolvency Convention and the Istanbul Convention). Particular attention is paid to the issues of jurisdiction (which court has jurisdiction to open insolvency proceedings), jurisdiction conflicts (what happens if two courts decide to exercise jurisdiction simultaneously) and recognition and enforcement of foreign insolvency judgments.
Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Anna Mahera, Émigration et développement économique dans la Grèce d'après guerre. L'approche du problème par le milieu politique de Centre-gauche Dans les premières années de l'après guerre, en Grèce se pose de nouveau le problème du mode de développement économique. En effet, la perspective de l'arrivée massive des capitaux américains en combinaison avec la disponibilité d'une main-d'oeuvre autochtone créent des conditions favorables à un projet d'industrialisation. C'est au sein des milieux politiques grecques qu'un tel projet est élaboré, alors que les instances internationales —comme le Food and Agriculture Organisation des Nations Unies— signalent les graves difficultés à surmonter. Progressivement, dans le climat de la guerre froide des années 1950, la quasi-totalité des forces politiques grecques ont abandonné l'idée d'un développement industriel, admettant la position subalterne occupée par le pays dans la division internationale du travail. Celui-ci doit se contenter au rôle de fournisseur de main-d'oeuvre vers les pays européens, en particulier vers l'Allemagne, en phase de reconstruction économique, à travers Γ émigration du travail qui prend une grande ampleur dans les années 1950 et 1960. Tout au plus, la Grèce peut-elle envisager le développement du secteur des services. Contrairement aux autres forces politiques, le Centre-gauche a parcouru ce chemin avec une décennie de retard, en raison de la présence en son sein d'une réflexion économique affirmée, émanant d'économistes de haut niveau, orientés vers l'économie de la planification, et peut-être aussi à cause de l'éloignement de ce milieu du jeu politique immédiat. Le rangement du Centre-gauche à la politique officielle d'émigration intereuropéenne a marqué la fin d'une période de fermentation sur le projet d'industrialisation de la Grèce dont l'origine remonte à l'entre-deux-guerres.
