The author analysed numerical data characterizing international liquidity of the member States of the International Monetary Fund in the years 1956 -1983, attempting to define in what way the Fund could affect that liquidity. Instruments intended to secure the international liquidity used by the Fund were the object of the research. The Author also examined the role of the Fund instruments in financing of import and foreign trade deficit and creating currency reserves of the member States. The author positively assessed the role played by the Fund, indicating that it has realized its statutory tasks in shaping international liquidity. The author scepticaly estimated the use of a reserves/import ratio as yardstick for international reserve adequacy, recognizing the need of research in that scope. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
Safeguards Agreements are the important legal institution in the system of international control of peaceful utilization of the atomic energy. The control is kept by the International Atomic Energy Agency. The control activities of this organization have to secure that any help offered by itself, by its request, or under its supervision or control cannot be diverted into any military goals. The control activities of the Agency in this scope have to preclude any proliferation of nuclear technology by means of eliminating the situations of inadequate utilization of the Organization's assistance by a State and to prevent a seizure or increase in an army nuclear supplies used and produced in the objects subjected to the safeguards system of the IAEA. The control activities of the Agency is regulated by many acts, the essential ones are: the IAEA Statute, the Safeguards Document, the Inspectors Document. They provide the key model of the control system. These provisions are specified in the Safeguards Agreements. The agreements are concluded between the Agency and one or several member states and they contain commitments of the states- -parties to the agreement to use materials equipment and installations subjected to the IAEA safeguards solely for peaceful goals, the organization is granted the right to control carrying out the commitments of the contracting states. The agreements can concern whether a project of utilization of the Agency assistance or bilateral or multilateral regulation in the scope of utilization of the atomic energy, enabling a contracting state to apply to the organization asking for executing safeguards, they can also refer to any activity of a state pertinent to the atomic energy which is unilaterally subjected to the safeguards of the Agency. The author of the article indicates at the substance of the Safeguards Agreements and discusses their particular types in the IAEA regulations and practice. These are: Project Agreements, Safeguards Transfer Agreements, Safeguards Execution Agreements, Unilateral Safeguards Submission Agreements, Supplementary and Subsidiary Agreements. The development of the International Atomic Energy Agency control system is also discussed. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
The task of the article is a comparison of theoretical findings of the conception of the international economic cooperation of the CMEA member states with the premises of their economic policies in this scope and with the previous course of integrational processes in the CMEA group. In the first part of the study, three basic theoretical concepts of economic cooperation are presented which can be related to differing views of economists on the part played by planning and international market in the socialist economy. In the second part of the study a system of the international economic cooperation adopted in the premises of the economic policies of the CMEA member states is analyzed. The author's attention is focused mainly on those elements of the international cooperation system which are compromising opposing pursuits of the particular member states of securing themselves most favorable conditions for balancing necessary means with needs stated autonomously in the national plans of economic developement. The third part of the study is devoted to the analysis of features of functioning of the present system of international cooperation of the CMEA states. The actual distribution of competence and roles in the system of relations between various levels of domestic and international institutions and organizations are characterized. The scope of implementation of resolutions and recommendations of the CMEA on the developement of the international specialization and productional cooperation is evaluated. The excessive build up of the consulting and negociating activities almost on all the levels of economic organizations of the member states and of the CMEA organs is also indicated. The identification and analysis of structure of interdependence of economic interests in the sphere of realization of international economic cooperation in the CMEA are performed. Particularly, following groups of interests can be singled out: Party and government governing bodies, central economic administration, productional and trade enterprises, international organs of the CMEA. In the final remarks factors diminishing the ability to control a mechanism of the international cooperation are presented, this can well account for the lack of developement in real integrational ties and related organizational structures in the system of cooperation of the CMEA states. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
Both the present theory of international conflicts and recent development in international relations in the sphere of procedures and bases for pacific solution of international disputes call for an urgent re-examination of a number of relevant problems involved. There are three such problems the examination of which is essential to meet the necessity of a new approach to international disputes and their solution by pacific means. First of all it seems to be of primary importance to propose a new and more adequate systematization of international disputes using such criteria as they appeared to have played in practice decisive role in the originating (sources) of particular disputes their stages and possible mutations. The author proposes five such criteria which give an opportunity to systematize all disputes and show them in the light of variety of characteristic features. These criteria are as follows: a) substance of the dispute (the subject matter may be territorial or personal), b) persons meaning parties to a dispute (there may by bilateral or multilateral disputes; disputes between states, states and an organization, or between organizations etc.), c) the factor of time which may have and material significance or plays a formal and procedural role, d) the factor of the locus in the meaning of the character of circumstances (local, regional or universal) which bear upon sources of a particular dispute, and e) the factor of forum which shows whether and under what conditions a particular dispute may be discussed on the international plane or falls within the exclusive national jurisdiction. The visible decline of using existing devices and means of pacific solution of international disputes as listed in the article 33 of the Charter tends to expose the international peace to a real danger. There is therefore a further need of thorough research of present practices spontaneously and often informally developing. The author gives a number of such instances which together with some other propositions may be used as a helpful indication by drafting new devices and institutions of pacific solution of international disputes. Finally there is another problem which consists in an hypothesis that there is an intimate relation between particular types of international disputes and means best calculated to bring such disputes to an desirable end. In other words the problem put forward by the author lies in an answer to the question whether there may be found a guiding rule or set of rules which would facilitate the proper choice of particular procedure best fiting in with requirements and nature of a given dispute. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
Dynamism and complexity of international environment is reflected in Incessant rotation of values. Experience and knowledge from disaster of Two Enormous World Wars, grounded in complicated structure of contemporary world - democratic values, which have dominated circle of principles. The main role in this process was plaid by United Nations, that became promoter of peace and regard for otherness. The author analyze how international community had been changed. The awareness of circulation of values determines the way of human thinking and proclaimed such important factors in global system. Disproportions in development in different parts of the World are escalated by increasing economic cooperation between international actors, and Hitech achievements. Singular nation cannot solve this issue by itself. Challenges of globalization like: poverty and hunger, pollution, or gender unequal, demand transnational activity. Most of those disadvantages has argued how necessary global social movements are to neutralize global disproportions. The author notices that social activities in global assessment created new attitude for global citizens. Members of this new global community identify world as a common place. That project has been creating and in authors opinion belongs to one of the most important challenge in the future.
Celem artykułu jest ukazanie wpływu i logicznych konsekwencji efektów dyskursu na temat związków między uniwersalizmem, modernizacją i westernizacją na promowane przez różne międzynarodowe organizacje i agencje ratingowe standardy pożądanych wzorców ładu instytucjonalnego sprzyjającego wzrostowi międzynarodowej instytucjonalnej konkurencyjności gospodarek. Problematyka ta mieści się również w obszarze badań współczesnej teorii modernizacji. Bez względu na fakt ogromnego dorobku badawczego w tym zakresie, ciągle trudno ocenić konkurencyjność ładu instytucjonalnego ex ante. Dominują zdecydowanie oceny ex post. ; The relationship between institutional structure and economic development is an extremely important from international competitiveness of economies point of view. The paper analyses this relationship and issues related to it from European concept of universalism as a base for international ratings of European concept of universalism as a base for international ratings of institutional competitiveness. Modernisation and westernisation is usually a desirable model of institutional change in contemporary world economy. Taking in to the consider path dependency of China, Japan, South Korea and other countries is necessary to ask a question: do economics offer today an universal model of institutional changes from the rate of economic growth point of view? There is a strong link between idea of universalism and promoting by international organisations and economists institutional order desirable model but it does not mean that it is really desirable.
The relationship between institutional structure and economic development is an extremely important from international competitiveness of economies point of view. The paper analyses this relationship and issues related to it from European concept of universalism as a base for international ratings of European concept of universalism as a base for international ratings of institutional competitiveness. Modernisation and westernisation is usually a desirable model of institutional change in contemporary world economy. Taking in to the consider path dependency of China, Japan, South Korea and other countries is necessary to ask a question: do economics offer today an universal model of institutional changes from the rate of economic growth point of view? There is a strong link between idea of universalism and promoting by international organisations and economists institutional order desirable model but it does not mean that it is really desirable. ; Celem artykułu jest ukazanie wpływu i logicznych konsekwencji efektów dyskursu na temat związków między uniwersalizmem, modernizacją i westernizacją na promowane przez różne międzynarodowe organizacje i agencje ratingowe standardy pożądanych wzorców ładu instytucjonalnego sprzyjającego wzrostowi międzynarodowej instytucjonalnej konkurencyjności gospodarek. Problematyka ta mieści się również w obszarze badań współczesnej teorii modernizacji. Bez względu na fakt ogromnego dorobku badawczego w tym zakresie, ciągle trudno ocenić konkurencyjność ładu instytucjonalnego ex ante. Dominują zdecydowanie oceny ex post.
The article is an attempt to study possibilities of trade conversion in Poland and other CMEA member States to slow the increasing involvement in foreign debts in the socialist States and to reduce gradually their international payments deficit in the trade with the Western States. The author focusses on answering a question whether it is possible and to what degree, to limit Polish and other socialis States' imports from the industrial Western countries by means of intensifying international economic cooperation within the framework of the CMEA group of member States. The author dwells also on finding conditions and capacities of international coordination of trade policies of the member states on the Western markets and in the Third World. Coordinating these policies within the CMEA would maintain and develop such institutional, produetional and trade links which would bring about equal returns to both parts of the East-West exchange. It is understood that a consolidation of economic policies of the socialist States and a further intensification of economic ties within the CMEA is a main condition to start actions which would limit a destructive effect of the economic crisis in the capitalist world. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
The foundation of international organizations has created the need to employ in their offices qualified persons who, with the time passing, were called international civil servants. The legal status of international civil servants, their place in the organization and the role played towards member countries, is the subject of the present work. The origin of international civil servants goes back to the 19th c. administrative unions but it was only the League of Nations which accepted this situation. Its full development took place, however, in the latter part of the 20th c., in the period of the so-called organizational revolution. International law and sometimes also the domestic law of the states define the rules of employing civil servants in the organizations. They formulate both the conditions which the candidate for the civil servant must fulfil and the types of his connections with the organization (Chpt. II). International civil servants enjoy the rights and appropriate duties (Chpts. Ill and IV). Their content and scope is the result of, first of all, the internal regulations of the organization, sometimes enriched by the rules of the law of the host state. The rights and duties of civil servants are accompanied by the privileges and immunities — facilities necessary to perform their duties in the organization (Chpt. V). The activities of civil servants may lead to conflicts with organization authorities. To protect their interests civil servants may make use of either administrative procedure stipulated in the inner law of the organization or submit the existing controversy to the competent judicial agency, i. e. administrative tribunal (Chpt. VI). The work closes with considerations on the independence of international civil servants towards the countries they are citizens of (Chpt. VII). And although the rule of independence of civil servants is confirmed by the statutes of particular organizations, still the activities of some countries are threat for this independence.
Celem artykułu jest ukazanie wpływu i logicznych konsekwencji efektów dyskursu na temat związków między uniwersalizmem, modernizacją i westernizacją na promowane przez różne międzynarodowe organizacje i agencje ratingowe standardy pożądanych wzorców ładu instytucjonalnego sprzyjającego wzrostowi międzynarodowej instytucjonalnej konkurencyjności gospodarek. Problematyka ta mieści się również w obszarze badań współczesnej teorii modernizacji. Bez względu na fakt ogromnego dorobku badawczego w tym zakresie, ciągle trudno ocenić konkurencyjność ładu instytucjonalnego ex ante . Dominują zdecydowanie oceny ex post . ; The relationship between institutional structure and economic development is an extremely important from international competitiveness of economies point of view. The paper analyses this relationship and issues related to it from European concept of universalism as a base for international ratings of European concept of universalism as a base for international ratings of institutional competitiveness. Modernisation and westernisation is usually a desirable model of institutional change in contemporary world economy. Taking in to the consider path dependency of China, Japan, South Korea and other countries is necessary to ask a question: do economics offer today an universal model of institutional changes from the rate of economic growth point of view? There is a strong link between idea of universalism and promoting by international organisations and economists institutional order desirable model but it does not mean that it is really desirable.
Differences between countries are the immanent feature of social growth but these days that situation had been complicated by globalization. The benefits of globalization are not so obvious because the new opportunities like: faster growth, higher living standards, promotion of democratic values aren't equally distributed and the global market is not yet underpinned by rules based on shared social objectives. That realities cause serious consequences for safety and peace in world. Those issues are the main challenge for international community. They determinate live standard of people and future of our planet. For that reasons author analyse what United Nations are making to find a solution to that problems and where are both - the main difficulties and weaknesses of international act system. Only that kind of Organizations have a legitimation to create an international forum which is necessary to find a solution for international issue. That is why autor is indicated those problems of inequality as a priority over national interests.
The political relationship between the United States of America and the USSR determined the international relations during the period of the "cold war". The election of Mikhail Gorbachev to general secretary of the Communist Party was a turning point in international relations. Boris Yeltsin signed the agreement to disband the Soviet Union, which according to legal regulations was then transformed into Russia. B. Clinton, who accepted all of the decisions of Russian president, and also supported financially a number of new initiatives from B. Yeltsin, continued the good relationship between Russia and the USA instigated by G. Bush. The election of W. Putin to the Russian presidency was followed by a new strategy from Russia towards western countries, particularly towards the USA. Instead of following the strategy of partnership Putin tried to limit the influence of the USA on Russian policy. The situation changed after the terrorist attack on 11th Sept. when W. Putin, President of Russia, was one of the first world leaders to assure G. Bush in an official phone call that Russia intended to support all military action taken by the USAagainst the perpetrators. If Russia intends to have a great influence on the international political relations and take part in international policy it should change its position towards USA into one of partnership and co-operation.
The aim of this work is to attempt to answer the following questions: what were the dominant tendencies in the years 1990—1994 in the declarations and actions purporting to construct a system of security in the post-Cold War Europe? What model of security was needed by the international community, and what was the direction of the international practice? Which model of international security suited better the strategic national security interests of the Visegrad Group states, and which model was actually favoured by the foreign policy of those states? In the years 1990—1994 there was a steadily growing discrepancy, among the states of the European Conference on Security and Co-operation, between the declared and the actually realised model of international security. As far as declarations are concerned, the majority of the politicians of the states of the European Conference on Security and Co-operation pointed to a system of collective security as the best possible model of European security in the post-Cold War era. In practice, various tendencies were gaining in strength that favoured the formation of a new balance of power. From the point view of the strategic security interests of Poland and other states of the Visegrad group, the tendencies to establish a new balance of power should be regarded as detrimental.
Zoi Mella, The Greek Civil War and the Spanish Press during Franco's DictatorshipIn this article we would like to approach a quite unknown subject: the presence of the Greek Civil War in the Spanish Press. Our objective was to ascertain the impact this event had at the post war Spanish Press. How would react Spain in view of such a confrontation, especially since it had already experimented a Civil War? It was a complicated period for Greece, as well as for Spain, a time when both countries experienced problems of different nature but equally serious: Greece was suffering the devastating consequences of the Second World War and Spain was trying to encounter the contempt of the international political world. The Greek Civil War was the first confrontation between two worlds that were exiting reinforced from the Second World War. It became the field of conflict between the USSR and the Anglo-Saxon allies during several years. The interior problem of some rebels, who couldn't, or wouldn't, adapt themselves to the new post war situation or were discontented with the new regime, was transformed to an international matter of great impact, that managed to confront USSR, on one hand, and the US and Great Britain, on the other, in the International Organism of the United Nations. Our interest was centred in the various approaches that the newspapers and the magazines of the time made. Moreover we were interested in the points of view and the conclusions manifested by the diverse papers, according to their political and ideological affinities, without forgetting the strict regime of control and censure that was in force at that moment. This investigation forms part of a broader subject that is the bilateral relations of these two countries, rather different at first sight, that during the XX century were affected by very similar events, such as a civil war. ; Zoi Mella, The Greek Civil War and the Spanish Press during Franco's DictatorshipIn this article we would like to approach a quite unknown subject: the presence of the Greek Civil War in the Spanish Press. Our objective was to ascertain the impact this event had at the post war Spanish Press. How would react Spain in view of such a confrontation, especially since it had already experimented a Civil War? It was a complicated period for Greece, as well as for Spain, a time when both countries experienced problems of different nature but equally serious: Greece was suffering the devastating consequences of the Second World War and Spain was trying to encounter the contempt of the international political world. The Greek Civil War was the first confrontation between two worlds that were exiting reinforced from the Second World War. It became the field of conflict between the USSR and the Anglo-Saxon allies during several years. The interior problem of some rebels, who couldn't, or wouldn't, adapt themselves to the new post war situation or were discontented with the new regime, was transformed to an international matter of great impact, that managed to confront USSR, on one hand, and the US and Great Britain, on the other, in the International Organism of the United Nations. Our interest was centred in the various approaches that the newspapers and the magazines of the time made. Moreover we were interested in the points of view and the conclusions manifested by the diverse papers, according to their political and ideological affinities, without forgetting the strict regime of control and censure that was in force at that moment. This investigation forms part of a broader subject that is the bilateral relations of these two countries, rather different at first sight, that during the XX century were affected by very similar events, such as a civil war.
Konstantinos Katsoudas, "A Dictatorship that is not a Dictatorship". Spanish Nationalists and the 4th of August The Spanish Civil War convulsed the international public opinion and prompted most foreign governments to take measures or even intervene in the conflict. Greek entanglement either in the form of smuggling war materiel or the participation of Greek volunteers in the International Brigades has already been investigated. However, little is known about a second dimension of this internationalization of the war: the peculiar forms that the antagonism between the two belligerent camps in foreign countries took. This paper, based mainly on Spanish archival sources, discusses some aspects of the activity developed in Greece by Franco's nationalists and the way Francoist diplomats and emissaries perceived the nature of an apparently similar regime, such as the dictatorship led by general Metaxas. The main objectives of the Francoist foreign policy were to avoid any escalation of the Spanish civil war into a world conflict, to secure international assistance for the right-wing forces and to undermine the legitimacy of the legal Republican government. In Greece, an informal diplomatic civil war broke out since Francoists occupied the Spanish Legation in Athens and Republicans took over the Consulate in Thessaloniki. The Francoists combined public and undercover activity: they worked hard to achieve an official recognition of their Estado Nuevo, while at the same time created rings of espionage and channels of anticommunist propaganda. The reason of their partial breakthroughs was that, contrary to their Republican enemies, the Nationalists enjoyed support by a significant part of the Greek political world, which was ideologically identified with their struggle. Francoist anti-communism had some interesting implications for Greek politics. An important issue was the Francoist effort to reveal a supposed Moscow-based conspiracy against Spain and Greece, both considered as hotbeds of revolution in the Mediterranean, in order to justify both Franco's extermination campaign and Metaxas' coup. Although this effort was based on fraudulent documents, forged by an anti-Bolshevik international organization, it became the cornerstone of Francoist and Metaxist propaganda. General Metaxas was the only European dictator to invoke the Spanish Civil War as a raison d'etre of his regime and often warned against the repetition of Spanish-like drama on Greek soil. Nevertheless he did not approve of Franco's methods and preferred Dr. Salazar's Portugal as an institutional model closer to his vision. For Spanish nationalist observers this was a sign of weakness. They interpreted events in Greece through the disfiguring mirror of their own historic experience: thus, although they never called in question Metaxas' authoritarian motives, the 4th of August regime was considered too mild and soft compared to Francoism (whose combativeness and fanaticism, as they suggested, the Greek General should have imitated); it reminded them the dictatorship founded in Spain by General Primo de Rivera in 1920s, whose inadequacy paved the way for the advent of the Republic and the emergence of sociopolitical radicalism. Incidents of the following years, as Greece moved towards a civil confrontation, seemed to strengthen their views. ; Konstantinos Katsoudas, "A Dictatorship that is not a Dictatorship". Spanish Nationalists and the 4th of AugustThe Spanish Civil War convulsed the international public opinion and prompted most foreign governments to take measures or even intervene in the conflict. Greek entanglement either in the form of smuggling war materiel or the participation of Greek volunteers in the International Brigades has already been investigated. However, little is known about a second dimension of this internationalization of the war: the peculiar forms that the antagonism between the two belligerent camps in foreign countries took. This paper, based mainly on Spanish archival sources, discusses some aspects of the activity developed in Greece by Franco's nationalists and the way Francoist diplomats and emissaries perceived the nature of an apparently similar regime, such as the dictatorship led by general Metaxas. The main objectives of the Francoist foreign policy were to avoid any escalation of the Spanish civil war into a world conflict, to secure international assistance for the right-wing forces and to undermine the legitimacy of the legal Republican government. In Greece, an informal diplomatic civil war broke out since Francoists occupied the Spanish Legation in Athens and Republicans took over the Consulate in Thessaloniki. The Francoists combined public and undercover activity: they worked hard to achieve an official recognition of their Estado Nuevo, while at the same time created rings of espionage and channels of anticommunist propaganda. The reason of their partial breakthroughs was that, contrary to their Republican enemies, the Nationalists enjoyed support by a significant part of the Greek political world, which was ideologically identified with their struggle. Francoist anti-communism had some interesting implications for Greek politics. An important issue was the Francoist effort to reveal a supposed Moscow-based conspiracy against Spain and Greece, both considered as hotbeds of revolution in the Mediterranean, in order to justify both Franco's extermination campaign and Metaxas' coup. Although this effort was based on fraudulent documents, forged by an anti-Bolshevik international organization, it became the cornerstone of Francoist and Metaxist propaganda. General Metaxas was the only European dictator to invoke the Spanish Civil War as a raison d'etre of his regime and often warned against the repetition of Spanish-like drama on Greek soil. Nevertheless he did not approve of Franco's methods and preferred Dr. Salazar's Portugal as an institutional model closer to his vision. For Spanish nationalist observers this was a sign of weakness. They interpreted events in Greece through the disfiguring mirror of their own historic experience: thus, although they never called in question Metaxas' authoritarian motives, the 4th of August regime was considered too mild and soft compared to Francoism (whose combativeness and fanaticism, as they suggested, the Greek General should have imitated); it reminded them the dictatorship founded in Spain by General Primo de Rivera in 1920s, whose inadequacy paved the way for the advent of the Republic and the emergence of sociopolitical radicalism. Incidents of the following years, as Greece moved towards a civil confrontation, seemed to strengthen their views.