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This research attempts to shed light on the role of the international Court of Justice (ICJ) and the significance of its adjudicatory and advisory functions. The theme of this research will initially project a brief introduction of the topic in question, keeping in view the historical and contemporary perspectives of the ICJ. This research also focuses on the organizational structure of the United Nations, keeping in view the position and role of the ICJ within the organization. With practical examples of case laws, the ambit of judicial review in the context of judicial and advisory function of ICJ will also be taken into account. It will also present brief analysis on the intra-organizational relationship between the ICJ and other organs of the UN. ; This research attempts to shed light on the role of the international Court of Justice (ICJ) and the significance of its adjudicatory and advisory functions. The theme of this paper will initially project a brief introduction of the topic in question, keeping in view the historical and contemporary perspectives of the ICJ . This research also focuses on the organizational structure of the United Nations, keeping in view the position and role of the ICJ within the organization. With practical examples of case laws, the ambit of judicial review in the context of judicial and advisory function of ICJ will also be taken into account. It will also present brief analysis on the intra-organizational relationship between the ICJ and other organs of the UN.

تهدف هذه الدراسة بشكل اساسي إلى بيان مستقبل النظام السياسي والاقتصادي الدولي, إضافة الى بيان الاثار السياسية والاقتصادية على النظام السياسي والاقتصادي الدولي, حيث تكمن اهمية الدراسة في معرفة مستقبل النظام السياسي والاقتصادي الدولي بعد جائحة كورونا ودورها في تغيير نمط النظام الدولي من احادي القطبية الى نمط ثنائي قطيبة أو متعدد الاقطاب. وظفت الدراسة عدة مناهج بحثية, وهي: المنهج الوصفي التحليلي, ومنهج تحليل النظم؛ من أجل تحقيق أهداف الدراسة, والإجابة عن السؤال الجورهي للدراسة: ما هو مستقبل النظام السياسي والاقتصادي الدولي بعد جائحة كورونا. توصلت الدراسة الى نتائج اهمها ما يلي : اثبتت الدراسة صحة فرضيتها, بوجود علاقة طردية بين جائحة كورنا والنظام السياسي والاقتصادي الدولي ، فكلما زادت الفترة الزمنية والمكانية لجائحة كورونا زادت الاثار السياسية والاقتصادية على النظام الدولي مما يؤدي الى تغير في نمط النظام الدولي من احادي قطبية الى نمط متعدد الاقطاب ,ومن اهم التوصيات ما يلي: يجب على دول العالم أن تعطي الأولوية في الاهتمام والدعم لقطاعات الصحة والقيام بتطويرها وتعزيزها لتمكينهم من الاستعداد لمواجهة أي وباء. ; This study aims mainly to show the future of the international political and economic system, in addition to showing the political and economic effects on the international political and economic system, where the importance of the study lies in knowing the future of the international political and economic system after the corona pandemic and its role in changing the pattern of the international system from unipolar to bi-polar or multi-polar. The study employed several research approaches, namely: the descriptive analytical approach, and the systems analysis approach; in order to achieve the objectives of the study, and to answer the Georgian question of the study: what is the future of the international political and economic system after the corona pandemic. The study found the most important results: the study proved the validity of its hypothesis, there is a direct relationship between the corona pandemic and the international political and economic system ,the greater the time and space period of the corona ...

يقوم مبدأ المكاسب المتكافئة في المعاهدات الدولية على إيجاد قاعدة عامة للتعايش الإنساني القائم على الرضا والمنفعة المشتركة؛ لأنه يعد سبيلا إلى تحقيق السلام العالمي بين الدول والأفراد والجماعات. وتلخصت الأسس التي يقوم عليها إلى ثلاثة أسس رئيسة: الأولى الأمانة؛ وهي المعزز الرئيسي الأول لمعنى الثقة. الثانية: التوازن؛ وهو القدرة على التعبير عن الرأي مع مراعاة آراء ومخاوف الطرف الآخر. الثالثة: عقلية الوفرة؛ وهي تصور ذهني يقوم على الثقة الواسعة بعطاء الله عز وجل. وكان التاريخ الإسلامي زاخرا بهذا المبدأ وأسسه حيث كانت النواة الأولى للنهضة والفتوحات السلمية، واخترت منه شاهدين: الأول: معاهدة صلح الحديبية في زمن النبوة، والآخر: العهدة العمرية في زمن الخلافة. ; Abstract The principle of equal gains in international treaties is to find a general rule of human coexistence based on mutual benefit and satisfaction; it is a way to achieve world peace among nations and individuals and groups. And it summarized the foundations of three main bases: The first one; is to be a trustworthy. Second: to be balanced, and it's the ability to express opinion, and thoughts with taking into account the views and concerns of the other party. Third: the mentality of abundance; and it's the confidence ones have, that Allah the Almighty ensured that every living thing have its share on this earth. The equal gains principle was founded in the Islamic history on many Occasions that created the very soul of the Islamic empire, and so I chose two Examples to present the idea: the first one is about the Khudaibiya Treaty at the time of the prophecy, and the second one is Auhdah alumarya at the time of kilafa

Peace and Security Council Fourth Session 6 April 2004 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia ; Conseil De Paix Et De Securite Quatrième session 6 avril 2004 Addis Abéba (Ethiopie) ; السلام والأمن التابع الدورة الرابعة 6 أبريل 2004 أديس أبابا، إثيوبيا ; Paz e Segurança sessão do Conselho Quarta 6 de abril de 2004 Adis Abeba, Etiópia

An at-a-glance illustrated guide to global and regional trends in human insecurity, the miniAtlas provides a succinct introduction to today's most pressing security challenges. It maps political violence, the links between poverty and conflict, assaults on human rights including the use of child soldiers and the causes of war and peace.

Executive Council Thirty-Fourth Ordinary Session 7 – 8 February 2019 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia ; The African Union Advisory Board on Corruption (AUABC) was established in accordance with the provisions of article 22 (5) (a) of the African Union Convention on Preventing and Combating Corruption (AUCPCC). The Convention was adopted at the second ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of States and Government of the African Union in Maputo, Mozambique, on 11th July 2003, and entered into force on 5th August 2006, thirty (30) days after the deposit of the fifteenth instrument of ratification. As at November 2018, the Convention had been signed by 49 states and ratified or acceded to by 40 States.

Δεν παρατίθεται περἰληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Lina Venturas – Dimitria Groutsis, The Cold War and international migration regulation: The establishment of the Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration The immediate post WWII period saw the establishment of the Inter-governmental Committee for European Migration (ICEM) (now International Organisation for Migration, IOM), as a key organisation in the management of post WWII migration. This paper examines the debates and policies surrounding the creation of the ICEM as an agent responsible for the facilitation and administration of labour migration from parts of Europe to a variety of overseas countries. At the conclusion of the Second World War, the problems surrounding 'surplus population' and unemployment in Europe were discussed in many international forums. It was from these discussions that a consensus emerged which saw emigration as a viable solution. To this end, in 1951, the International Labour Organisation convened a Migration Conference in Naples, bringing together key stakeholders. The Naples Conference failed, an outcome driven mainly by the US. The US was particularly concerned with economic stagnation and mounting social unrest related to the 'surplus population' in European countries in this Cold War period. At the same time however, it strived at limiting international influence over migration and refugee policies and on receiving countries retaining their sovereign immigration policies. In spite of the disagreements and through a process of negotiation, the US subsequently led the creation of an intergovernmental body, which was established at a conference convened in Brussels in 1951. This newly formed organisation, initially named the Provisional Intergovernmental Committee for the Movement of Migrants from Europe (PICMME), was open only to states with a 'liberal' political regime and had specifically designed functions based on inter-governmental negotiations. The US ensured its predominance in the organization through budgetary control and other means. In 1953, the PICMME became a permanent 'fixture' of migration regulation and was renamed the Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration (ICEM). Hereafter, ICEM offered operational and financial assistance for migrants' transportation, language training, reception facilities, settlement services and labour market placement.

يهدف هذا المقال إلى بيان مسؤولية المراجع الخارجي في ضوء معايير المراجعة الدولية، ولذلك تم الاعتماد على الاتجاهات الحديثة في منهجية المراجعة الخارجية وامتداد تدخل المراجع الخارجي، مع تبيان مسؤولية المراجع بالتركيز خاصة على: 1- الكفاءة المهنية للمراجع الخارجي وجودة أداء أعماله،وهذا ما أكده Mautz بأن الكفاءة المهنية مفترضة في المراجعين دائما فهي ليست محل شك من وجهة نظره، ولكن العديد من الانتقادات الموجهة للمراجعين بأنهم يعملون في مجالات لا تتوافر لديهم فيها التأهيل العلمي أو التدريب الكافي. 2- استقلاليته وموضوعيته؛ ومثال ذلك أن تقديم المراجع الخارجي لأعمال أخرى بخلاف مهنة المراجعة يؤثر سلبا على استقلاليته لأنها تخلق تعارض في المصالح، وهذا ما أكدته الدراسة التفصيلية لـ MetacalfLee".وكذا دراسة Mautzet Sharaf والتي ترى أن المنافسة الشديدة بين مكاتب المراجعة تجعل من الصعب على المراجعين أن يحافظوا دائما على استقلالهم عند اتخاذ القرارات في عملية المراجعة. وعلى ضوء ذلك، يجب التأكيد على ضرورة تحديث معايير المراجعة المعتمدة وخاصة في التشريع الجزائري من طرف الجهات المهتمة بالمهنة.وكذا تفعيل العمل الرقابي على جودة أداء مكاتب المراجعة من طرف الجمعيات والمعاهد المهنية لان ذلك من شأنه رفع كفاءة عمل المراجع الخارجي. أيضا وجوب تدعيم استقلال المراجع الخارجي في الجزائر خاصة وأنه وإذا أخذنا الجزائر مثالا فنجد أنه لا يزال يعمل تحت وصاية وزارة المالية ; This study aims to indicate the responsibility of the External Auditor on the expectations gapin the light of international auditing standards and to achieve this goal we relied on secondary data from books and references and the theoretical framework studies about external audit, as well as recent trends in the methodology of the external audit and an extension into the external auditor, with the monitoring features of the expectations gapanditsreasos, after we suggest some solutions to narrow with explaining the responsibility of the External Auditor to This study has concluded a set of results: that there are many factors associated with the responsibility of the External Auditor: 1- Professionalism of the External Auditor and the quality of the performance of his works, and this was ...

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Alexandros N. Teneketzis, Art and Politics in Cold War. The International Sculpture Competition for the Monument to the Unknown Political Prisoner The gradual transfer of the metropolis of the western art world from Paris to New York and specifically in circles around the Museum of Modern Art (MOMA) under the leadership of Alfred H. Barr Jr. and with the theoretical foundation by Clement Greenberg, but practically under the guidance and financing from the CIA, was also visible in the case of public memory and art about the Second World War. The international institution that was the cause for the widespread diffusion of the artistic standards grown in USA was the "International Sculpture Competition for the Monument to the Unknown Political Prisoner", which was organized under the auspices of the Institute of Contemporary Arts (ICA) in London and the Tate Gallery, but actually with the encouragement, blessings and supervision of the CIA. The competition was from the beginning a large turnout and the proposals submitted until January 1953 surpassed 3.500 –mainly abstract or semi­abstract stylistic suggestions. The biggest names at the time in the international arena of sculpture in West took part, while artists from the Eastern Bloc boycotted the process. Therefore were precluded any realistic academic representative works and of course any relationship with socialist realism, giving thus the tone for both the style, and for all other future monuments in the western world. Eventually, the first prize of 2.500 pounds awarded to the British sculptor Reg Butler, unknown to the general public until that time but with a decisive commitment to abstraction. However, the work of Butler was never completed, principally because of the changing international circumstances and relationships after the death of Stalin in '53 and Khrushchev's secret speech in '56. The new "Thaw" era in East­West relations imposed the final rejection in 1960. A public monument like that of Butler's, which would refer to the previous tense situation, was no more possible. Nevertheless, the dual objective of recognition and legitimization of abstract art in the western world and at the same time of the weakening of socialist realism and therefore of communism was promoted and achieved up to a certain degree.

Zoi Mella, The Greek Civil War and the Spanish Press during Franco's DictatorshipIn this article we would like to approach a quite unknown subject: the presence of the Greek Civil War in the Spanish Press. Our objective was to ascertain the impact this event had at the post war Spanish Press. How would react Spain in view of such a confrontation, especially since it had already experimented a Civil War? It was a complicated period for Greece, as well as for Spain, a time when both countries experienced problems of different nature but equally serious: Greece was suffering the devastating consequences of the Second World War and Spain was trying to encounter the contempt of the international political world. The Greek Civil War was the first confrontation between two worlds that were exiting reinforced from the Second World War. It became the field of conflict between the USSR and the Anglo-Saxon allies during several years. The interior problem of some rebels, who couldn't, or wouldn't, adapt themselves to the new post war situation or were discontented with the new regime, was transformed to an international matter of great impact, that managed to confront USSR, on one hand, and the US and Great Britain, on the other, in the International Organism of the United Nations. Our interest was centred in the various approaches that the newspapers and the magazines of the time made. Moreover we were interested in the points of view and the conclusions manifested by the diverse papers, according to their political and ideological affinities, without forgetting the strict regime of control and censure that was in force at that moment. This investigation forms part of a broader subject that is the bilateral relations of these two countries, rather different at first sight, that during the XX century were affected by very similar events, such as a civil war. ; Zoi Mella, The Greek Civil War and the Spanish Press during Franco's DictatorshipIn this article we would like to approach a quite unknown subject: the presence of the Greek Civil War in the Spanish Press. Our objective was to ascertain the impact this event had at the post war Spanish Press. How would react Spain in view of such a confrontation, especially since it had already experimented a Civil War? It was a complicated period for Greece, as well as for Spain, a time when both countries experienced problems of different nature but equally serious: Greece was suffering the devastating consequences of the Second World War and Spain was trying to encounter the contempt of the international political world. The Greek Civil War was the first confrontation between two worlds that were exiting reinforced from the Second World War. It became the field of conflict between the USSR and the Anglo-Saxon allies during several years. The interior problem of some rebels, who couldn't, or wouldn't, adapt themselves to the new post war situation or were discontented with the new regime, was transformed to an international matter of great impact, that managed to confront USSR, on one hand, and the US and Great Britain, on the other, in the International Organism of the United Nations. Our interest was centred in the various approaches that the newspapers and the magazines of the time made. Moreover we were interested in the points of view and the conclusions manifested by the diverse papers, according to their political and ideological affinities, without forgetting the strict regime of control and censure that was in force at that moment. This investigation forms part of a broader subject that is the bilateral relations of these two countries, rather different at first sight, that during the XX century were affected by very similar events, such as a civil war.

Konstantinos Katsoudas, "A Dictatorship that is not a Dictatorship". Spanish Nationalists and the 4th of August The Spanish Civil War convulsed the international public opinion and prompted most foreign governments to take measures or even intervene in the conflict. Greek entanglement either in the form of smuggling war materiel or the participation of Greek volunteers in the International Brigades has already been investigated. However, little is known about a second dimension of this internationalization of the war: the peculiar forms that the antagonism between the two belligerent camps in foreign countries took. This paper, based mainly on Spanish archival sources, discusses some aspects of the activity developed in Greece by Franco's nationalists and the way Francoist diplomats and emissaries perceived the nature of an apparently similar regime, such as the dictatorship led by general Metaxas. The main objectives of the Francoist foreign policy were to avoid any escalation of the Spanish civil war into a world conflict, to secure international assistance for the right-wing forces and to undermine the legitimacy of the legal Republican government. In Greece, an informal diplomatic civil war broke out since Francoists occupied the Spanish Legation in Athens and Republicans took over the Consulate in Thessaloniki. The Francoists combined public and undercover activity: they worked hard to achieve an official recognition of their Estado Nuevo, while at the same time created rings of espionage and channels of anticommunist propaganda. The reason of their partial breakthroughs was that, contrary to their Republican enemies, the Nationalists enjoyed support by a significant part of the Greek political world, which was ideologically identified with their struggle. Francoist anti-communism had some interesting implications for Greek politics. An important issue was the Francoist effort to reveal a supposed Moscow-based conspiracy against Spain and Greece, both considered as hotbeds of revolution in the Mediterranean, in order to justify both Franco's extermination campaign and Metaxas' coup. Although this effort was based on fraudulent documents, forged by an anti-Bolshevik international organization, it became the cornerstone of Francoist and Metaxist propaganda. General Metaxas was the only European dictator to invoke the Spanish Civil War as a raison d'etre of his regime and often warned against the repetition of Spanish-like drama on Greek soil. Nevertheless he did not approve of Franco's methods and preferred Dr. Salazar's Portugal as an institutional model closer to his vision. For Spanish nationalist observers this was a sign of weakness. They interpreted events in Greece through the disfiguring mirror of their own historic experience: thus, although they never called in question Metaxas' authoritarian motives, the 4th of August regime was considered too mild and soft compared to Francoism (whose combativeness and fanaticism, as they suggested, the Greek General should have imitated); it reminded them the dictatorship founded in Spain by General Primo de Rivera in 1920s, whose inadequacy paved the way for the advent of the Republic and the emergence of sociopolitical radicalism. Incidents of the following years, as Greece moved towards a civil confrontation, seemed to strengthen their views. ; Konstantinos Katsoudas, "A Dictatorship that is not a Dictatorship". Spanish Nationalists and the 4th of AugustThe Spanish Civil War convulsed the international public opinion and prompted most foreign governments to take measures or even intervene in the conflict. Greek entanglement either in the form of smuggling war materiel or the participation of Greek volunteers in the International Brigades has already been investigated. However, little is known about a second dimension of this internationalization of the war: the peculiar forms that the antagonism between the two belligerent camps in foreign countries took. This paper, based mainly on Spanish archival sources, discusses some aspects of the activity developed in Greece by Franco's nationalists and the way Francoist diplomats and emissaries perceived the nature of an apparently similar regime, such as the dictatorship led by general Metaxas. The main objectives of the Francoist foreign policy were to avoid any escalation of the Spanish civil war into a world conflict, to secure international assistance for the right-wing forces and to undermine the legitimacy of the legal Republican government. In Greece, an informal diplomatic civil war broke out since Francoists occupied the Spanish Legation in Athens and Republicans took over the Consulate in Thessaloniki. The Francoists combined public and undercover activity: they worked hard to achieve an official recognition of their Estado Nuevo, while at the same time created rings of espionage and channels of anticommunist propaganda. The reason of their partial breakthroughs was that, contrary to their Republican enemies, the Nationalists enjoyed support by a significant part of the Greek political world, which was ideologically identified with their struggle. Francoist anti-communism had some interesting implications for Greek politics. An important issue was the Francoist effort to reveal a supposed Moscow-based conspiracy against Spain and Greece, both considered as hotbeds of revolution in the Mediterranean, in order to justify both Franco's extermination campaign and Metaxas' coup. Although this effort was based on fraudulent documents, forged by an anti-Bolshevik international organization, it became the cornerstone of Francoist and Metaxist propaganda. General Metaxas was the only European dictator to invoke the Spanish Civil War as a raison d'etre of his regime and often warned against the repetition of Spanish-like drama on Greek soil. Nevertheless he did not approve of Franco's methods and preferred Dr. Salazar's Portugal as an institutional model closer to his vision. For Spanish nationalist observers this was a sign of weakness. They interpreted events in Greece through the disfiguring mirror of their own historic experience: thus, although they never called in question Metaxas' authoritarian motives, the 4th of August regime was considered too mild and soft compared to Francoism (whose combativeness and fanaticism, as they suggested, the Greek General should have imitated); it reminded them the dictatorship founded in Spain by General Primo de Rivera in 1920s, whose inadequacy paved the way for the advent of the Republic and the emergence of sociopolitical radicalism. Incidents of the following years, as Greece moved towards a civil confrontation, seemed to strengthen their views.

تستهدف هذه الدراسة رصد حجم المساحة المخصصة لحقوق الإنسان في البيانات الختامية لمؤتمرات القمم العربية، وذلك لبيان مدى اهتمام القيادات السياسية العربية بهذه الحقوق وماهية تأثير البيئة الدولية وتحديدا أحداث الحادي عشر من سبتمبر2001 في حضور هذه الحقوق في هذه البيانات. وتستخدم هذه الدراسة منهج تحليل المضمونContent Analysis لبيان حجم المساحة المخصصة لموضوع حقوق الإنسان في مؤتمرات القمم العربية اعتمادا على وحدة السطر، بالإضافة إلى استخدام المنهج التاريخي والمنهج المقارن والمنهج التحليلي. وقد توصلت الدراسة إلى مجموعة من النتائج أبرزها: أن الخطاب السياسي العربي على مستوى القمة خلا من أية إشارة لحقوق الإنسان كما وردت في الإعلان العالمي الإنسان خلال الفترة الممتدة من أول مؤتمر قمة عربي عام 1964 ولغاية عام 1990، كما شكلت أحداث الحادي عشر من سبتمبر نقطة مفصلية في تحول الخطاب السياسي العربي على مستوى حقوق الإنسان؛ إذ زادت وتيرة الحديث عن قضايا حقوق الإنسان كنتيجة للتحولات الدولية والضغوط الأمريكية على الدول العربية. ; This study aims to show the degree of interest shown by Arab leaders in promoting the issue of Arab human rights, as evidenced by their closing statements at Arab League summits. This paper also intends to illustrate the impact of international events, mainly those of September 11 attacks, on the issue of Arab human rights as reflected in the closing statements of Arab League summit conferences. The Results of the study show that Arab political address make no reference to human rights as defined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. September11 attacks were found to be a pivotal point in the transformation of Arab political address of human rights in that the frequency of mentioning of the human rights issues increased as a result of international transformations and American pressure on the Arab states.

ان حجم ظاهرة الفساد في العالمآخذة في التفاقم، إلى درجة أن اثاره صارت تهدد مجتمعات كثيرة بالانهيار ، لكن الدلائل القاطعة أثبتت انه كلما حقق المجتمعات قدرا اعلى من الديمقراطية والشفافية، يزداد دور مؤسسات المجتمع المدني والمنظمات الدولية ، في مكافحة الفساد ومحاصرته، أي كلما زادت جودة الحكم تقلص مستوى الفساد ، وظاهرة الفساد في الجزائر حقيقة موجودة منذ الاستقلال لاسبيل لانكارها، بل ان حجمه ازداد ودائرته اتسعت، وجرائمه انتشرت، لدرجة انها صارت اخطر على الدول من جرائم الارهاب، خاصة مع بداية انطلاق المشاريع التنموية مطلع القرن الحالي ، تاركة الجزائر في مؤخرة الترتيب العالمي لأقل الدول فسادا ; The size of the phenomenon of corruption in the world is getting worse to the point that its effects become threatening many societies to collapse. But the evidence unequivocal proved that whenever communities and societies achieved a higher level of democracy and transparency, the role of civil society organizations and international organizations increases to fight against corruption; i.e. the higher the governance's quality, the diminished level of corruption. The phenomenon of corruption in Algeria is a fact which exists since independence and there is no way to deny it. But its size has increased, his circle has widened and his crimes have propagated to the extent that it becomes more dangerous on the state than terrorism's crimes on the state. This raise was more apparent on the 21st century onset especially with the beginning of development projects. According to several international organizations interested in corruption, Algeria is in the front of the ranking of countries the most corrupted.

Executive Council Thirty-Fourth Ordinary Session 7 – 8 February 2019 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia ; African Risk Capacity (ARC) Agency is a Specialized Agency of the African Union that was established in 2012 to provide a comprehensive and integrated approach to tackling the impacts of natural disasters on vulnerable populations on the continent. In 2014, ARC launched its initial risk insurance product for Member States through its financial affiliate, the ARC Insurance Company Limited (ARC Ltd). ARC Ltd is a specialist mutual insurance company and Africa's first ever disaster insurance pool. ARC Ltd aggregates risk by issuing insurance policies to participating governments and transferring the pooled risk to the international markets.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Anna Mahera, Émigration et développement économique dans la Grèce d'après guerre. L'approche du problème par le milieu politique de Centre-gauche Dans les premières années de l'après guerre, en Grèce se pose de nouveau le problème du mode de développement économique. En effet, la perspective de l'arrivée massive des capitaux américains en combinaison avec la disponibilité d'une main-d'oeuvre autochtone créent des conditions favorables à un projet d'industrialisation. C'est au sein des milieux politiques grecques qu'un tel projet est élaboré, alors que les instances internationales —comme le Food and Agriculture Organisation des Nations Unies— signalent les graves difficultés à surmonter. Progressivement, dans le climat de la guerre froide des années 1950, la quasi-totalité des forces politiques grecques ont abandonné l'idée d'un développement industriel, admettant la position subalterne occupée par le pays dans la division internationale du travail. Celui-ci doit se contenter au rôle de fournisseur de main-d'oeuvre vers les pays européens, en particulier vers l'Allemagne, en phase de reconstruction économique, à travers Γ émigration du travail qui prend une grande ampleur dans les années 1950 et 1960. Tout au plus, la Grèce peut-elle envisager le développement du secteur des services. Contrairement aux autres forces politiques, le Centre-gauche a parcouru ce chemin avec une décennie de retard, en raison de la présence en son sein d'une réflexion économique affirmée, émanant d'économistes de haut niveau, orientés vers l'économie de la planification, et peut-être aussi à cause de l'éloignement de ce milieu du jeu politique immédiat. Le rangement du Centre-gauche à la politique officielle d'émigration intereuropéenne a marqué la fin d'une période de fermentation sur le projet d'industrialisation de la Grèce dont l'origine remonte à l'entre-deux-guerres.