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This paper aims at defining the concept of "geopolitical space of the geopolitics of the Sea" and it analyses the way it is constructed. Given that the notion of geopolitical space in the general sense has been largely neglected in contemporary geopolitical theory, this is not a simple task. The paper deals with a physical space of the World Sea and utilizes the theory of modern human geography in which space is understood as a product of human activity. We argue that there is a significant connection between geopolitics of the Sea and the academic discipline of the International Law of the Sea. This link is taken as the basis for the discussion regarding geopolitical space, which encompasses three teleological elements: the fulfillment of the paper's main objective; the argument regarding the connection of Geopolitics of the Sea with the International Law; and, finally, presenting the political science context of the codification of the modern International Law of the Sea. By using earlier studies, the paper analyses the geopolitical space through ideas of construction within dichotomy, as well as through the process of establishing a community within the international framework. The paper also offers our own theory according to which the geopolitical space is the space of manifestation of geopolitical phenomena. ; Temeljni je cilj rada prikazati na koji način nastaje i šta zapravo jeste "geopolitički prostor geopolitike mora". Argumentacija nije bila jednostavna jer je geopolitički prostor kao pojam u općem smislu zanemaren u recentnoj geopolitičkoj teoriji. U diskusiji smo se bavili fizičkim prostorom Svjetskog mora te koristili teorijom suvremene humanističke geografije u kojoj je prostor proizvod društvene djelatnosti. Iznijeli smo stav da je geopolitika mora posebno disciplinarno povezana s međunarodnim pravom mora. To smo, dalje, iskoristili kao poligon za raspravu o geopolitičkom prostoru, i to s tri teleološka elementa: ispunjenje osnovnog cilja rada; argumentacija veze s pravom; te prikaz politološkog konteksta procesa kodifikacije suvremenog međunarodnog prava mora. Geopolitički prostor smo ispitali kroz postojeće ideje konstrukcije unutar dihotomije, te pri uspostavi zajednice u međunarodnom okviru. Ponudili smo i vlastitu teoriju po kojoj je geopolitički prostor prostor manifestacije geopolitičkih fenomena.

Δεν παρατίθεται περἰληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Lina Venturas – Dimitria Groutsis, The Cold War and international migration regulation: The establishment of the Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration The immediate post WWII period saw the establishment of the Inter-governmental Committee for European Migration (ICEM) (now International Organisation for Migration, IOM), as a key organisation in the management of post WWII migration. This paper examines the debates and policies surrounding the creation of the ICEM as an agent responsible for the facilitation and administration of labour migration from parts of Europe to a variety of overseas countries. At the conclusion of the Second World War, the problems surrounding 'surplus population' and unemployment in Europe were discussed in many international forums. It was from these discussions that a consensus emerged which saw emigration as a viable solution. To this end, in 1951, the International Labour Organisation convened a Migration Conference in Naples, bringing together key stakeholders. The Naples Conference failed, an outcome driven mainly by the US. The US was particularly concerned with economic stagnation and mounting social unrest related to the 'surplus population' in European countries in this Cold War period. At the same time however, it strived at limiting international influence over migration and refugee policies and on receiving countries retaining their sovereign immigration policies. In spite of the disagreements and through a process of negotiation, the US subsequently led the creation of an intergovernmental body, which was established at a conference convened in Brussels in 1951. This newly formed organisation, initially named the Provisional Intergovernmental Committee for the Movement of Migrants from Europe (PICMME), was open only to states with a 'liberal' political regime and had specifically designed functions based on inter-governmental negotiations. The US ensured its predominance in the organization through budgetary control and other means. In 1953, the PICMME became a permanent 'fixture' of migration regulation and was renamed the Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration (ICEM). Hereafter, ICEM offered operational and financial assistance for migrants' transportation, language training, reception facilities, settlement services and labour market placement.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Alexandros N. Teneketzis, Art and Politics in Cold War. The International Sculpture Competition for the Monument to the Unknown Political Prisoner The gradual transfer of the metropolis of the western art world from Paris to New York and specifically in circles around the Museum of Modern Art (MOMA) under the leadership of Alfred H. Barr Jr. and with the theoretical foundation by Clement Greenberg, but practically under the guidance and financing from the CIA, was also visible in the case of public memory and art about the Second World War. The international institution that was the cause for the widespread diffusion of the artistic standards grown in USA was the "International Sculpture Competition for the Monument to the Unknown Political Prisoner", which was organized under the auspices of the Institute of Contemporary Arts (ICA) in London and the Tate Gallery, but actually with the encouragement, blessings and supervision of the CIA. The competition was from the beginning a large turnout and the proposals submitted until January 1953 surpassed 3.500 –mainly abstract or semi­abstract stylistic suggestions. The biggest names at the time in the international arena of sculpture in West took part, while artists from the Eastern Bloc boycotted the process. Therefore were precluded any realistic academic representative works and of course any relationship with socialist realism, giving thus the tone for both the style, and for all other future monuments in the western world. Eventually, the first prize of 2.500 pounds awarded to the British sculptor Reg Butler, unknown to the general public until that time but with a decisive commitment to abstraction. However, the work of Butler was never completed, principally because of the changing international circumstances and relationships after the death of Stalin in '53 and Khrushchev's secret speech in '56. The new "Thaw" era in East­West relations imposed the final rejection in 1960. A public monument like that of Butler's, which would refer to the previous tense situation, was no more possible. Nevertheless, the dual objective of recognition and legitimization of abstract art in the western world and at the same time of the weakening of socialist realism and therefore of communism was promoted and achieved up to a certain degree.

Zoi Mella, The Greek Civil War and the Spanish Press during Franco's DictatorshipIn this article we would like to approach a quite unknown subject: the presence of the Greek Civil War in the Spanish Press. Our objective was to ascertain the impact this event had at the post war Spanish Press. How would react Spain in view of such a confrontation, especially since it had already experimented a Civil War? It was a complicated period for Greece, as well as for Spain, a time when both countries experienced problems of different nature but equally serious: Greece was suffering the devastating consequences of the Second World War and Spain was trying to encounter the contempt of the international political world. The Greek Civil War was the first confrontation between two worlds that were exiting reinforced from the Second World War. It became the field of conflict between the USSR and the Anglo-Saxon allies during several years. The interior problem of some rebels, who couldn't, or wouldn't, adapt themselves to the new post war situation or were discontented with the new regime, was transformed to an international matter of great impact, that managed to confront USSR, on one hand, and the US and Great Britain, on the other, in the International Organism of the United Nations. Our interest was centred in the various approaches that the newspapers and the magazines of the time made. Moreover we were interested in the points of view and the conclusions manifested by the diverse papers, according to their political and ideological affinities, without forgetting the strict regime of control and censure that was in force at that moment. This investigation forms part of a broader subject that is the bilateral relations of these two countries, rather different at first sight, that during the XX century were affected by very similar events, such as a civil war. ; Zoi Mella, The Greek Civil War and the Spanish Press during Franco's DictatorshipIn this article we would like to approach a quite unknown subject: the presence of the Greek Civil War in the Spanish Press. Our objective was to ascertain the impact this event had at the post war Spanish Press. How would react Spain in view of such a confrontation, especially since it had already experimented a Civil War? It was a complicated period for Greece, as well as for Spain, a time when both countries experienced problems of different nature but equally serious: Greece was suffering the devastating consequences of the Second World War and Spain was trying to encounter the contempt of the international political world. The Greek Civil War was the first confrontation between two worlds that were exiting reinforced from the Second World War. It became the field of conflict between the USSR and the Anglo-Saxon allies during several years. The interior problem of some rebels, who couldn't, or wouldn't, adapt themselves to the new post war situation or were discontented with the new regime, was transformed to an international matter of great impact, that managed to confront USSR, on one hand, and the US and Great Britain, on the other, in the International Organism of the United Nations. Our interest was centred in the various approaches that the newspapers and the magazines of the time made. Moreover we were interested in the points of view and the conclusions manifested by the diverse papers, according to their political and ideological affinities, without forgetting the strict regime of control and censure that was in force at that moment. This investigation forms part of a broader subject that is the bilateral relations of these two countries, rather different at first sight, that during the XX century were affected by very similar events, such as a civil war.

Konstantinos Katsoudas, "A Dictatorship that is not a Dictatorship". Spanish Nationalists and the 4th of August The Spanish Civil War convulsed the international public opinion and prompted most foreign governments to take measures or even intervene in the conflict. Greek entanglement either in the form of smuggling war materiel or the participation of Greek volunteers in the International Brigades has already been investigated. However, little is known about a second dimension of this internationalization of the war: the peculiar forms that the antagonism between the two belligerent camps in foreign countries took. This paper, based mainly on Spanish archival sources, discusses some aspects of the activity developed in Greece by Franco's nationalists and the way Francoist diplomats and emissaries perceived the nature of an apparently similar regime, such as the dictatorship led by general Metaxas. The main objectives of the Francoist foreign policy were to avoid any escalation of the Spanish civil war into a world conflict, to secure international assistance for the right-wing forces and to undermine the legitimacy of the legal Republican government. In Greece, an informal diplomatic civil war broke out since Francoists occupied the Spanish Legation in Athens and Republicans took over the Consulate in Thessaloniki. The Francoists combined public and undercover activity: they worked hard to achieve an official recognition of their Estado Nuevo, while at the same time created rings of espionage and channels of anticommunist propaganda. The reason of their partial breakthroughs was that, contrary to their Republican enemies, the Nationalists enjoyed support by a significant part of the Greek political world, which was ideologically identified with their struggle. Francoist anti-communism had some interesting implications for Greek politics. An important issue was the Francoist effort to reveal a supposed Moscow-based conspiracy against Spain and Greece, both considered as hotbeds of revolution in the Mediterranean, in order to justify both Franco's extermination campaign and Metaxas' coup. Although this effort was based on fraudulent documents, forged by an anti-Bolshevik international organization, it became the cornerstone of Francoist and Metaxist propaganda. General Metaxas was the only European dictator to invoke the Spanish Civil War as a raison d'etre of his regime and often warned against the repetition of Spanish-like drama on Greek soil. Nevertheless he did not approve of Franco's methods and preferred Dr. Salazar's Portugal as an institutional model closer to his vision. For Spanish nationalist observers this was a sign of weakness. They interpreted events in Greece through the disfiguring mirror of their own historic experience: thus, although they never called in question Metaxas' authoritarian motives, the 4th of August regime was considered too mild and soft compared to Francoism (whose combativeness and fanaticism, as they suggested, the Greek General should have imitated); it reminded them the dictatorship founded in Spain by General Primo de Rivera in 1920s, whose inadequacy paved the way for the advent of the Republic and the emergence of sociopolitical radicalism. Incidents of the following years, as Greece moved towards a civil confrontation, seemed to strengthen their views. ; Konstantinos Katsoudas, "A Dictatorship that is not a Dictatorship". Spanish Nationalists and the 4th of AugustThe Spanish Civil War convulsed the international public opinion and prompted most foreign governments to take measures or even intervene in the conflict. Greek entanglement either in the form of smuggling war materiel or the participation of Greek volunteers in the International Brigades has already been investigated. However, little is known about a second dimension of this internationalization of the war: the peculiar forms that the antagonism between the two belligerent camps in foreign countries took. This paper, based mainly on Spanish archival sources, discusses some aspects of the activity developed in Greece by Franco's nationalists and the way Francoist diplomats and emissaries perceived the nature of an apparently similar regime, such as the dictatorship led by general Metaxas. The main objectives of the Francoist foreign policy were to avoid any escalation of the Spanish civil war into a world conflict, to secure international assistance for the right-wing forces and to undermine the legitimacy of the legal Republican government. In Greece, an informal diplomatic civil war broke out since Francoists occupied the Spanish Legation in Athens and Republicans took over the Consulate in Thessaloniki. The Francoists combined public and undercover activity: they worked hard to achieve an official recognition of their Estado Nuevo, while at the same time created rings of espionage and channels of anticommunist propaganda. The reason of their partial breakthroughs was that, contrary to their Republican enemies, the Nationalists enjoyed support by a significant part of the Greek political world, which was ideologically identified with their struggle. Francoist anti-communism had some interesting implications for Greek politics. An important issue was the Francoist effort to reveal a supposed Moscow-based conspiracy against Spain and Greece, both considered as hotbeds of revolution in the Mediterranean, in order to justify both Franco's extermination campaign and Metaxas' coup. Although this effort was based on fraudulent documents, forged by an anti-Bolshevik international organization, it became the cornerstone of Francoist and Metaxist propaganda. General Metaxas was the only European dictator to invoke the Spanish Civil War as a raison d'etre of his regime and often warned against the repetition of Spanish-like drama on Greek soil. Nevertheless he did not approve of Franco's methods and preferred Dr. Salazar's Portugal as an institutional model closer to his vision. For Spanish nationalist observers this was a sign of weakness. They interpreted events in Greece through the disfiguring mirror of their own historic experience: thus, although they never called in question Metaxas' authoritarian motives, the 4th of August regime was considered too mild and soft compared to Francoism (whose combativeness and fanaticism, as they suggested, the Greek General should have imitated); it reminded them the dictatorship founded in Spain by General Primo de Rivera in 1920s, whose inadequacy paved the way for the advent of the Republic and the emergence of sociopolitical radicalism. Incidents of the following years, as Greece moved towards a civil confrontation, seemed to strengthen their views.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Anna Mahera, Émigration et développement économique dans la Grèce d'après guerre. L'approche du problème par le milieu politique de Centre-gauche Dans les premières années de l'après guerre, en Grèce se pose de nouveau le problème du mode de développement économique. En effet, la perspective de l'arrivée massive des capitaux américains en combinaison avec la disponibilité d'une main-d'oeuvre autochtone créent des conditions favorables à un projet d'industrialisation. C'est au sein des milieux politiques grecques qu'un tel projet est élaboré, alors que les instances internationales —comme le Food and Agriculture Organisation des Nations Unies— signalent les graves difficultés à surmonter. Progressivement, dans le climat de la guerre froide des années 1950, la quasi-totalité des forces politiques grecques ont abandonné l'idée d'un développement industriel, admettant la position subalterne occupée par le pays dans la division internationale du travail. Celui-ci doit se contenter au rôle de fournisseur de main-d'oeuvre vers les pays européens, en particulier vers l'Allemagne, en phase de reconstruction économique, à travers Γ émigration du travail qui prend une grande ampleur dans les années 1950 et 1960. Tout au plus, la Grèce peut-elle envisager le développement du secteur des services. Contrairement aux autres forces politiques, le Centre-gauche a parcouru ce chemin avec une décennie de retard, en raison de la présence en son sein d'une réflexion économique affirmée, émanant d'économistes de haut niveau, orientés vers l'économie de la planification, et peut-être aussi à cause de l'éloignement de ce milieu du jeu politique immédiat. Le rangement du Centre-gauche à la politique officielle d'émigration intereuropéenne a marqué la fin d'une période de fermentation sur le projet d'industrialisation de la Grèce dont l'origine remonte à l'entre-deux-guerres.

The article discusses the status, rights and perspectives of the minorities and "non-constituent" peoples in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The status of the "constituent minorities" (the "Others") is very specific and different from the minorities' status in neighbouring countries. The article argues that in Bosnia and Herzegovina "traditional" attitudes like ethno-nationalism, discrimination, violation of minorities rights and freedoms are still very dominant. A direct consequence of this socio-political atmosphere is ethno-particularisation of society and destabilization of the state in domestic and international contexts. This short review of the status of minorities in Bosnia and Herzegovina is an insight into the international and national instruments that regulate the status and rights of the national minorities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The authors highlight the specificity of the country, i.e. the institutional discrimination of citizens that belong to the "others", but are still citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The authors claim that the citizenship of Bosnia and Herzegovina should be an efficient protection against the observed discrimination. ; Tema ovog članka je položaj, prava i perspektiva manjina i "nekonstitutivnih" naroda u Bosni i Hercegovini. Položaj posebne grupe "konstitutivnih manjina" (tzv. ostalih) Bosnu i Hercegovinu čini specifičnom i po mnogim faktorima razlikuje od drugih država u okruženju. Članak se fokusira na tezu da u Bosni i Hercegovini još uvijek dominiraju određene "tradicionalne" političke i društvene projekcije koje se iskazuju u formi etnonacionalizma, diskriminacije, kršenja manjinskih prava i sloboda, odnosno demokraciji neprimjerenih supstrata i supstituta. Izravan produkt ovakvog socio-političkog ambijenta jeste etno-partikularizacija društva i destabilizacija države na unutarnjem i međunarodnom planu. Ovaj kratki ogled o položaju manjina u Bosni i Hercegovini, sem pregleda međunarodnih i nacionalnih instrumenata koji reguliraju status i prava nacionalnih manjina, nudi uvid u pomenutu specifičnost Bosne i Hercegovine: institucionaliziranu diskriminaciju građana koji pripadaju kategoriji "ostali", koji su žrtve diskriminacije, iako bi njihovo bosanskohercegovačko državljanstvo per se, i po prirodi stvari, trebalo predstavljati učinkovitu smetnju ovakvoj diskriminaciji.

Considering that in the spectrum of juvenile criminal sanctions punishment of deprivation of liberty is the most severe criminal sanction, international documents related to juveniles in conflict with the law proclaim standards that this sanction has to be imposed only as a measure of last resort and for the shortest period. Issues like possible duration of subject sanction and scope of its imposition, represents some of the basic features of the legal and judicial policy of sanctioning of juveniles, and represent the subject of this paper. The author analyzes how these issues are regulated in Bosnia and Herzegovina"s and comparative law, and how aforementioned standards are applied in practice. Applying the comparative analysis it was determined that there are certain indicators that Bosnia and Herzegovina is one of the countries that has in its heritage "humane" sanctioning policy of juvenile offenderes, and that the aforementioned international standards are consistently accepted in domestic law as well as in the jurisprudence. ; Imajući u vidu da u spektru maloljetničkih krivičnih sankcija kazna lišenja slobode predstavlja najstrožiju krivičnu sankciju, međunarodni dokumenti iz oblasti postupanja sa maloljetnicima u sukobu sa zakonom proklamiraju standard da se ona ima izricati samo kao krajnje sredstvo (ultima ratio) i u što kraćem trajanju. Upravo pitanja mogućeg trajanja predmetne sankcije, te obima njenog izricanja predstavljaju neka od osnovnih obilježja zakonske i sudske politike sankcioniranja maloljetnika, te čine predmet istraživanja ovog rada. Autor je analizirao kako su ova pitanja uređena u bosanskohercegovačkom i uporednom pravu, te kako su spomenuti standardi oživotvoreni u praksi. Primjenom komparativnopravne analize utvrđeno je kako postoje određeni pokazatelji da Bosna i Hercegovina spada u red zemalja koje baštine "humanu" politiku sankcioniranja maloljetnih učinitelja krivičnih djela, te da su spomenuti međunarodni standardi dosljedno prihvaćeni kako u pravu, tako i u sudskoj praksi ove zemlje.

Lambros Flitouris, The Suez Crisis and the Greek-French Relations The Suez crisis in 1956 constitutes an important point in the development of the international relations at the period of the cold war. 1956 is a landmark year for the appointment of the Arabic nationalism as a basic constitutive element of the anti-colonialist wave that convulsed the world. During this period, the relations of Greece with the states involved in the crisis were to a large extent precarious. The anti-imperialists tones of Nasser found impression in the Greek common opinion that was exceptionally irritated from the EOKA's fight in Cyprus. In the present article we examine one particular aspect of the crisis: the relations of Greece with France. The agreements of economic collaboration that was achieved by Markezinis in 1953 signalled a new era in the activation of French capital in Greece. In combination with the big cultural tradition that Prance had in the country but also with the crisis in the relations of Greece with the UK because of the Cypriot question, the French factor in Greece acquired a great importance. However, the French diplomacy followed the policy of London and because of this the relations between Greece and France faced their more important post-war crisis. The Greek common opinion also turned against France, while the French diplomacy lost a great opportunity to strengthen her place in Greece. In the sector of economic relations and cultural exchanges befell a period of algidity with extensions in the Greek internal political life. The crisis of the period 1956-1958 constituted a negative parenthesis in the traditionally good relations between Athens and Paris, while it could be characterized as an adjacent negative result of the anti-colonial struggle and the Cypriot affair. ; Lambros Flitouris, The Suez Crisis and the Greek-French RelationsThe Suez crisis in 1956 constitutes an important point in the development of the international relations at the period of the cold war. 1956 is a landmark year for the appointment of the Arabic nationalism as a basic constitutive element of the anti-colonialist wave that convulsed the world. During this period, the relations of Greece with the states involved in the crisis were to a large extent precarious. The anti-imperialists tones of Nasser found impression in the Greek common opinion that was exceptionally irritated from the EOKA's fight in Cyprus. In the present article we examine one particular aspect of the crisis: the relations of Greece with France. The agreements of economic collaboration that was achieved by Markezinis in 1953 signalled a new era in the activation of French capital in Greece. In combination with the big cultural tradition that Prance had in the country but also with the crisis in the relations of Greece with the UK because of the Cypriot question, the French factor in Greece acquired a great importance. However, the French diplomacy followed the policy of London and because of this the relations between Greece and France faced their more important post-war crisis. The Greek common opinion also turned against France, while the French diplomacy lost a great opportunity to strengthen her place in Greece. In the sector of economic relations and cultural exchanges befell a period of algidity with extensions in the Greek internal political life. The crisis of the period 1956-1958 constituted a negative parenthesis in the traditionally good relations between Athens and Paris, while it could be characterized as an adjacent negative result of the anti-colonial struggle and the Cypriot affair.

The database Cretan Institutional Inscriptions was created as part of the PhD research project in Ancient Heritage Studies Kretikai Politeiai: Cretan Institutions from VII to I century BC, carried out at the University of Venice Ca' Foscari by Irene Vagionakis from 2016 to 2019, under the supervision of Claudia Antonetti and Gabriel Bodard. The research project aimed at collecting the epigraphic sources related to the institutional elements of the many political entities of Crete, with a view to highlighting the specificity of each context in the period between the rise of the poleis and the Roman conquest of the island. The main component of the database consists of the epigraphic collection of the 600 inscriptions constituting the core of the documentary base of the study, for each of which an XML edition compliant with the TEI EpiDoc international standard was created. Each EpiDoc edition includes a descriptive and a bibliographic lemma, the text of the inscription, a selective apparatus criticus and a commentary focused on the institutional data offered by the document. In addition to the epigraphic collection, the database includes a collection of the main related literary sources, a catalogue of the attested Cretan institutions (assemblies, boards, officials, associations, civic subdivisions, social statuses, age classes, months, festivities and other celebrations, institutional practices, institutional instruments, public spaces) and a catalogue of the political entities of Crete (poleis, koina, dependent communities, extra-urban sanctuaries, hegemonic alliances). Data and SW available at https://github.com/IreneVagionakis/CretanInscriptions

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Juan Suriano, Cultural practices and politics of the argentine anarchism The writer attempts to establish the basic characteristics of the argentine anarchism, analyze its cultural dimensions and show the limits of its strategies. The basic concepts of the anarchism in Argentina were developed during the years 1870-1920, within a constantly changing and cosmopolitan social environment, since it was in that period that the country became part of the international market place. The anarchists' discourse, being flexible and out of rigid structures, based on the principles of class heterodoxy, individualism and universality, as well as on the spontaneous action, achieved to interpret, during the years 1890-1910, not only the demands of the working class, but also the discontent and frustration of the lower classes and oppressed social groups, in general. The anarchists undertook the mission to «illuminate» and educate morally the working class, through the doctrinaire press and a network of a considerable number of circles, clubs and alternative schools, which offered not only economic help but also education and entertainment to the workers and their families. On the other hand, the constant rejection, by the anarchists, of the concepts of citizenship, representation and political participation had a negative effect on the popularity of the movement: because of the new political situation during the 1910s —in 1912 all men obtained the right to vote—, the working class changed its attitude towards the electoral process and got interested in the social measures taken by the radical governments of the period; as a result, the anarchism faced serious difficulties to attract the interest of the lower classes.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Maria Papathanassiou, Illegitimate Children and Foster Children in the Eastern Alps: Research Directions and Perspectives This article deals with the history of illegitimate and foster children (usually also illegitimate) in the region of Eastern Alps (Austria) between the mid-18th and the early 20th centuries. During that period these childrens' number, though not stable, remained considerably high in absolute and relative terms. The paper discerns three basic trends in literature on the subject and comments on their results: a) Studies related to an international historical debate on bastardy in Europe and trying to explain impressive statistical data by pointing to social and economic factors, such as the domination of animal husbandry, the system of inheritance, the family system, labour organization and the so-called «agricultural revolution» in Europe. b) Studies on legislation, on official politics regarding single mothers and illegitimate or foster children, as well as studies on public institutions taking care of illegitimate children and their mothers from the second half of the 18th century on. Austrian law did not provide clearly for illegitimate children until the civil code was enacted in 1811 and only in 1919 a new law came into being regarding illegitimate and foster children together. c) Studies in a «history from below» direction, regarding people and their experiences but clearly not dominating the field in terms of numbers as well as analytical breadth. This essay suggests a more systematic approach in this last direction, particularly by comparing social groups, for example illegitimate children with peasant children, illegitimate children in rural with illegitimate children in urban environments, illegitimate foster children with other foster children in rural Austria, single mothers born and grown up as illegitimate children themselves with single mothers born and grown up as peasant daughters etc.

Książka stanowi tom studiów autorstwa polskich i zagranicznych językoznawców poświęcony zmianom we współczesnych językach słowiańskich, szczególnie widocznym w słownictwie i słowotwórstwie. Uwzględnienie aspektu stylowo-funkcjonalnego w rozwoju leksyki pozwala lepiej zrozumieć dynamikę zmian językowych i skuteczność działań komunikacyjnych. Celowościowy i pragmatyczny charakter zachowań komunikacyjnych ujawnia się szeroko w uwzględnionych przez Autorów kontekstach społecznych, politycznych i kulturowych. Prace zostały pogrupowane w trzy działy tematyczne: - Zjawiska, procesy i tendencje rozwojowe w słownictwie specjalistycznym (terminologii); - Dynamika mechanizmów słowotwórczych i leksykalnych; - Zmiany leksykalne we współczesnej komunikacji językowej i dyskursie. Wyodrębnione działy pomagają uporządkować przedstawioną w tomie problematykę, wskazując na dominantę tematyczną w poszczególnych tekstach. Zakresy tych grup nie są jednak ostre, złożona i wielowarstwowa problematyka tendencji i zmian we współczesnym słownictwie słowiańskim jest omawiana w różnym stopniu w każdym z wydzielonych działów. W większości prac zastosowano podejście konfrontatywne, pozostałe stanowią podstawę do takiego ujęcia. Do badań wykorzystany został bogaty materiał języków słowiańskich: polskiego, czeskiego, słowackiego, białoruskiego, rosyjskiego, ukraińskiego, bułgarskiego, słoweńskiego, a także innych języków, jak np. nowogreckiego. ; This volume of studies by Polish and international linguists is devoted to changes in modern Slavic languages, which are especially noticeable in the spheres of vocabulary and word formation. Taking into consideration the stylistic and functional aspect of lexis development allows for a better understanding of the dynamics of language change and the efficacy of communicational acts. The purposeful and pragmatic character of communicational behaviour manifests itself widely in the social, political and cultural contexts considered by the Authors. The works comprising the volume are divided into three thematic sections: - Phenomena, processes and tendencies in the development of specialist lexis (terminology); - Word formation and lexical mechanisms dynamics; - Lexical change in modern language communication and discourse. The sections help organize the volume by highlighting the dominant theme in particular texts. The scopes of the sections are, nevertheless, not sharply delineated – each section is to an equal extent devoted to the complex and multifaceted subject-matter of the tendencies and changes in modern Slavic vocabulary. Most of the works comprised in the volume adopt a contrastive approach, the remaining ones can serve as bases for contrastive studies. The text analyse the rich material of the Slavic languages – Polish, Czech, Slovak, Belarusian, Russian, Ukrainian, Bulgarian and Slovene – as well as of other languages, like Modern Greek. ; Publikacja finansowana ze środków Instytutu Slawistyki Polskiej Akademii Nauk

Athena Syriatou, Duty and Instinct: History in Schools in Post-war Britain 1945-1995 This article deals with the moral role of history in post-war British education, by examining the relationship between the expectations of educationalists and intellectuals from history teaching at schools, and the actual changes which did occur in the classroom on the subject of history as a result of general changes in society and education. It argues that despite the intentions of the educationalists who saw history teaching as a means of promoting ideas which were considered necessary for the moral upbringing of the nation, these ideas very often never reached the classroom or they were considerably altered, demonstrating different ideological dynamics in British society. It initially focuses on the immediate post-war decade when international is educationalists were arguing for the need of history teaching which leads to a world citizenship. The idea of an internationalist approach on history contradicted the conservative, Britocentric, Whiggish history which was finally taught at schools during that period, since there were very few new books published, while civil servants from the Ministry of Education were concerned with the more urgent problems of schools which were affected by enemy action rather than new views on history teaching. The second period which is examined is the decade of mid sixties until mid seventies. Great changes were initiated then, to cover the disparity between the two tier system of education, with the introduction of comprehensive secondary schools, which at the time were considered to contribute to further démocratisation of the welfare state. The spirit of a more tolerant, affluent and democratic society led some educationalists to propose the expulsion of history from schools and its replacement with other humanities such as sociology and behavioural studies. However, history did remain at schools during that period and in many ways it incorporated the new ideas, creating the so called 'new history' with the efforts of the progressive, non traditionalist, and often leftist historians. Problems of implementation of the new history' appeared during the following years as a result of the difference of academic standards at schools which at this period comprehensive education could not eliminate. The final period which is examined is the decade of mid eighties until mid nineties when the New Right ideology was dominant in the political scene, while a National Curriculum for all schools was deemed necessary. Educational planners of the Conservative Party argued that history should teach again traditional values, which were, according to them, intrinsic to the British nation. However, the National Curriculum for History which was drafted by educationalists coming various convictions,(nevertheless appointed by the Conservative government), was closer to the beliefs of the new history' creators, rather than the beliefs and national values that the Conservatives initially wanted to promote. ; Athena Syriatou, Duty and Instinct: History in Schools in Post-war Britain 1945-1995 This article deals with the moral role of history in post-war British education, by examining the relationship between the expectations of educationalists and intellectuals from history teaching at schools, and the actual changes which did occur in the classroom on the subject of history as a result of general changes in society and education. It argues that despite the intentions of the educationalists who saw history teaching as a means of promoting ideas which were considered necessary for the moral upbringing of the nation, these ideas very often never reached the classroom or they were considerably altered, demonstrating different ideological dynamics in British society. It initially focuses on the immediate post-war decade when international is educationalists were arguing for the need of history teaching which leads to a world citizenship. The idea of an internationalist approach on history contradicted the conservative, Britocentric, Whiggish history which was finally taught at schools during that period, since there were very few new books published, while civil servants from the Ministry of Education were concerned with the more urgent problems of schools which were affected by enemy action rather than new views on history teaching. The second period which is examined is the decade of mid sixties until mid seventies. Great changes were initiated then, to cover the disparity between the two tier system of education, with the introduction of comprehensive secondary schools, which at the time were considered to contribute to further démocratisation of the welfare state. The spirit of a more tolerant, affluent and democratic society led some educationalists to propose the expulsion of history from schools and its replacement with other humanities such as sociology and behavioural studies. However, history did remain at schools during that period and in many ways it incorporated the new ideas, creating the so called 'new history' with the efforts of the progressive, non traditionalist, and often leftist historians. Problems of implementation of the new history' appeared during the following years as a result of the difference of academic standards at schools which at this period comprehensive education could not eliminate. The final period which is examined is the decade of mid eighties until mid nineties when the New Right ideology was dominant in the political scene, while a National Curriculum for all schools was deemed necessary. Educational planners of the Conservative Party argued that history should teach again traditional values, which were, according to them, intrinsic to the British nation. However, the National Curriculum for History which was drafted by educationalists coming various convictions,(nevertheless appointed by the Conservative government), was closer to the beliefs of the new history' creators, rather than the beliefs and national values that the Conservatives initially wanted to promote.

Published in print by Universitätsverlag der TU Berlin, ISBN 978-3-7983-2906-5 ; Thanks to its vitality, the art scene in Athens, faced with the economic and political crisis, is met with an increased attention by media and specialist publishers. The Catalogue and the accompanying exhibition in Berlin and Athens – running parallel to documenta 2017 in Kassel and Athens – pose crucial questions regarding the relation of economic crisis, art production and new forms of political art. A social research undertaken in 2016, interviewed and photographed Greek and international artists working in Athens in various art forms, ranging from street art, painting, sculpture and installations to photographic art. The seriousness and passion, with which the artists follow their visions under adverse life conditions, is impressive. The biographical photographic portraits of 14 artists reflect their artistic and political positions, and are in dialogue with the presented works, which results in a vivid insight into the relation of art, biography, and political crisis. The accompanying essays discuss the sociological and aesthetic conception of the "artists' exhibition", the social impact of the economic crisis in Greece, contemporary art and crisis, the importance of street art in Athens, and the art scene in the crisis. The appendix gives a description of ATLAS.ti, a software developed at Technische Universität Berlin, and its use by professionals in the field of culture. ; Die Athener Kunstszene erfährt durch ihre Lebendigkeit angesichts der ökonomischen und politischen Krise Griechenlands gegenwärtig in Medien und Fachpresse eine gesteigerte Aufmerksamkeit. Der Katalog und das begleitende Ausstellungsprojekt in Berlin und Athen stellen - begleitend zur documenta 2017 in Athen und Kassel - aktuelle Fragen zum Zusammenhang zwischen ökonomischer Krise, künstlerischer Produktion und neuen Formen politischer Kunst in Griechenland. In einer sozialwissenschaftlichen Recherche im Jahr 2016 wurden in Athen tätige Künstlerinnen und Künstler interviewt und fotografiert, von der Street Art über Malerei, Bildhauerei, Installationen bis zur Fotokunst. Beeindruckend ist die Ernsthaftigkeit und Leidenschaft, mit der die Kunstschaffenden, zum Teil unter großen Entbehrungen, ihre Visionen verfolgen. 14 biografisch-fotografische Künstlerporträts reflektieren die jeweilige künstlerisch-politische Position und treten in einen Dialog mit den ausgestellten Werken, so dass sich ein lebendiger Einblick in das Verhältnis von Kunst, Biografie und politischer Krise ergibt. In den begleitenden Essays werden die sozialwissenschaftlich-ästhetische Konzeption der "Künstler-Ausstellung", die sozialen Folgen der Krise in Griechenland, die griechische Gegenwartskunst und die besondere Bedeutung der Street Art in Athen diskutiert. Im Anhang wird ATLAS.ti, eine an der TU Berlin entwickelte Software, in ihrer Bedeutung für Kulturschaffende vorgestellt. ; Χάρις στη ζωτικότητά της, η καλλιτεχνική σκηνή στην Αθήνα, εν καιρώ οικονομικής και πολιτικής κρίσης, κινεί το ενδιαφέρον τόσο των ΜΜΕ όσο και των εκδοτών του είδους. Ο Κατάλογος μαζί με την συνοδευτική έκθεση σε Αθήνα και Βερολίνο -η οποία θα γίνει παράλληλα με την έκθεση "documenta 2017", που θα παρουσιαστεί στο Κάσσελ της Γερμανίας και στην Αθήνα- εγείρουν κρίσιμα ερωτήματα γύρω από τη σχέση οικονομικής κρίσης, καλλιτεχνικής παραγωγής και νέων μορφών πολιτικής τέχνης. Μια κοινωνιολογική έρευνα, που πραγματοποιήθηκε το 2016, φωτογράφησε και πήρε συνεντεύξεις από διάφορους καλλιτέχνες, Έλληνες και μη, που δουλεύουν στην Αθήνα με ποικίλες μορφές τέχνης, από street art, εικαστικά, γλυπτική και εγκαταστάσεις μέχρι και φωτογραφία. Η σοβαρότητα και το πάθος με τα οποία οι καλλιτέχνες ακολουθούν το όραμά τους υπό αντίξοες συνθήκες, προκαλεί αίσθηση. Τα φωτογραφικά πορτρέτα των 14 καλλιτεχνών αντανακλούν τις καλλιτεχνικές και πολιτικές αντιλήψεις τους, ενώ ταυτόχρονα συνδιαλέγονται με τα παρουσιαζόμενα έργα, προσφέροντας έτσι μια διεισδυτική ματιά στη σχέση τέχνης, βιογραφίας και πολιτική κρίσης. Τα συνοδευτικά άρθρα, πραγματεύονται την κοινωνιολογική και αισθητική σύλληψη της "έκθεσης των καλλιτεχνών", τις κοινωνικές επιδράσεις της οικονομικής κρίσης στην Ελλάδα, τη σχέση σύγχρονης τέχνης και κρίσης, τη σημασία της τέχνης του δρόμου στην Αθήνα και την καλλιτεχνική σκηνή εν καιρώ κρίσης. Στο παράρτημα παρουσιάζεται το λογισμικό "ATLAS.ti", που δημιουργήθηκε στο Technische Universität του Βερολίνου, καθώς και η χρήση του από επαγγελματίες στον χώρο του πολιτισμού.