Suchergebnisse

Protectionism is a system of measures used for the purpose of protecting domestic manufacturers from foreign competition. It has emerged simultaneously with the international exchange of goods. The contemporary protectionist policy and practice imposes the necessity of studying this phenomenon in the light of the current situation and conditions. Agricultural protectionism seems to be a particularly significant issue in the international exchange of commodities. ; Protekcionizam označava sustav mjera ekonomske države sa ciljem zaštite domaće proizvodnje u odnosu na konkurenciju inozemnih proizvođača. Javlja se nakon pojave međunarodne razmjene. Međutim, suvremena protekcionistička politika i praksa obavezuje da se istražuje fenomen protekcionizma u suvremenim uvjetima. Posebno je u suvremenoj teoriji za međunarodnu razmjenu značajan agrarni protekcionizam.

Der Band enthält die Ergebnisse eines internationalen Workshops der ARL mit dem internationalen Beirat zur Inselentwicklung am Ökonomischen Institut der Universität Zagreb und mit dem Inselentwicklungszentrum Mali Losinj im Mai 1994 auf der kroatischen Insel Cres. Fachleute aus Kroatien stellen die Ergebnisse einer aktuellen Entwicklungsstudie für die kroatischen Adria-Inseln vor. Es geht dabei um touristische, ökologische, wirtschaftliche, kulturlandschaftliche und allgemein raumplanerische Fragen. Darüber hinaus wird über Erfahrungen aus den Regionen der deutschen Nord- und Ostseeküste, d.h. zur Entwicklung der Inseln in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, Niedersachsen und Schleswig-Holstein berichtet. Die Beiträge dieses Bandes sind jeweils in deutscher und kroatischer Sprache abgedruckt.

The author describes the political situation & the relations among the victorious powers following WWII as well as their intention to create such an international organization for protecting peace & security, which would avoid the shortcomings of its predecessor, the League of Nations. Though this goal has been only partly achieved, the Organization of the United Nations has significantly contributed in preventing many political crises to escalate into wider conflicts. Adapted from the source document.

Shaping national interests is of strategic & political significance for a state. In this process, economic, ideological, military, cultural, & other variable & invariable factors are intertwined. Their realization brings states into contact with other states. When one or several interests of one state run counter to the interests & objectives of another state, conflicts arise. This makes the protection of interests vital. States organize the protection of interests by means of a system of national security. National interests are values & objectives directed toward the development of a national community, while national security is an activity organized for their protection. A rational & realistic definition of national interests & the mechanisms of their protection are important elements of the stability of states & the international community. Adapted from the source document.

Für die ostmitteleuropäischen Länder war die Befreiung von der sowjetischen Oberherrschaft und vom aufgezwungenen sozialistischen System 1989/90 gleichbedeutend mit einer "Rückkehr nach Europa", an der sie bis dahin gewaltsam gehindert worden waren. Die logische Konsequenz dieser Sicht ist ihr ausgeprägter Wille, den zwischenstaatlichen Gemeinschaften ebenfalls anzugehören, in denen sich die Westeuropäer zusammengefunden haben. Bezüglich der internationalen Sicherheit ist die NATO der Adressat dieser Wünsche. Im folgenden Beitrag wird im einzelnen dargestellt, wie sich die USA als Führungsmacht des atlantischen Bündnisses zu diesem Wunsch verhalten und welche Aussichten sich daraus für die beitrittssuchenden Länder ergeben. (Aussenpolitik / DGAP)

In its 45 years of existence, NATO has evolved dramatically. This has occurred due to the changes happening within the alliance itself (increased number of member countries, changes within the countries, & in the relations among them) & to the influence of outside factors ensuing from the developments in international relations in general & within the adversarial bloc in particular. The cessation of the Cold War & the disintegration of the Warsaw Pact in the early 1990s confronted NATO with new challenges, particularly in relation to the countries of Eastern & Southeastern Europe & Russia. The fact that the document "Partnership for Peace" was adopted at the start of 1994 (representing a platform for the relations with the countries of "new democracy") & that it was signed by 26 countries meant the overall acceptance of the conceptual document of European security on the threshold of the 21st century. This document provides democratic countries outside NATO with the possibility of cooperating with its political & military bodies & paves the way for their full membership. If regular criteria were applied, Croatia & Bosnia & Herzegovina could count on joining "Partnership for Peace" only after they have resolved internal conflicts & frictions with their neighbors by political means. Nevertheless, depending on further developments in the region, it is possible that Croatia might jump the queue & be accepted in "Partnership for Peace" before its turn. 2 Tables, 32 References. Adapted from the source document.

Kant's concept of "perpetual peace" is the cornerstone of the rational human right that, in the form of international law, bears upon all states. However, the prerequisite for enduring international legal security & peace is that the internal affairs of states are based on constitutional & republican principles. Although Kant is clearly aware of the antinomies & paradoxes of a world league of states, he nevertheless postulates the ideal of a world league of republican states, since it corresponds to the general striving of nature & moral consciousness; such a league would guarantee a relatively peaceful coexistence among the states, based on international legal precepts. Hegel has often (& wrongfully) been accused of being an apologist of war; in fact, he only realized (having in mind the realities of sovereign national states) the inevitability of multilateral conflicts -- including military ones. His disproval of Kant's ideal of a league of states is based on his disbelief in the feasibility of supranational law, which should be superior to the absolute sovereignty of the state & keep an eye on & contain its partial interests. Adapted from the source document.

Recent historical developments in the relationship between Croats & Serbs are discussed, referring to an article by V. Vujacic (Theory & Society, No. 6, 1996). The idea of an Illyrian & later a Yugoslav commonwealth of all South Slavs, originating in Croatia in the 19th century, had its legitimating psychological foundation in a "illusion of centrality," developed at the time by a part of the Croatian political & intellectual elite, a view of the preeminent position of Croatia & the Croats among all the Slav ethnic groups in the region &, therefore, of a natural central role of Croatia in the future commonwealth. In a similar way, the armed struggle of the Serbs for independence from the Ottoman empire in the 19th century & for the expansion of the Serbian State in the 19th & 20th century has generated a Serbian belief in the dominant role of Serbia & the Serbs in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, & Slovenes established in 1918, later Kingdom of Yugoslavia. These incompatible illusions are believed to be the roots of a number of political positions & decisions taken by both Croats & Serbs in the 20th century. The views of Max Weber on nationality & nationalism are discussed in relation to the problem of cooperation & conflict between Croats & Serbs in the 20th century. 6 References. Adapted from the source document.

Mediterranean cooperation is addressed in the context of the creation of the Euromediterranean zone. The European Union has been developing various modes of cooperation with non-member Mediterranean countries by signing association agreements or cooperation agreements. The new European states, created after the disintegration of former socialist federations, demonstrate an interest in Mediterranean cooperation, though they tend to have different attitudes toward it. Their interest is based solely on the fact that Mediterranean cooperation has not been standardized & that it has a poorly developed institutional framework. This enables these countries to join in from time to time, when it suits their purposes. Regarding the role of the new states, the author distinguishes between two types of cooperation: (1) autonomous regional cooperation, which is not beneficial for the new states (eg, the Balkan states); & (2) occasional, specialized, dispersed cooperation, which might attract the countries of Central & Eastern Europe. Adapted from the source document.

Commenting on the article by R. Badinter (1996, this issue), the author contends that experts in international law are not broad-minded regarding the establishment of a state. Most legal experts take for granted the statements of the international judiciary on the existence of certain rules of general international law & consider them validated & indisputable. This fiction has been given support by states, since they uphold only those legal statements that suit their interests. The author analyses the Opinions of the Arbitration Committee on the process of the disintegration & the Criteria for the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia as well as the criteria for the creation of the new states. He considers this precedent as central for international judiciary law. Adapted from the source document.

After the collapse of the bipolar world, multilateral initiatives & organizations entered a state of crisis, but at the same time, their importance increased. The author analyzes one form of multilateral involvement, the UN peacekeeping operations. In the last five years, their number has significantly increased, with the most important one in the territory of former Yugoslavia. Although many aspects of that operation are negative, in the future, they might prove useful for the reform of the concept of peacekeeping operations. The author particularly emphasizes the necessity for these peacekeeping operations to make a shift from the prevention of hostilities toward the imposition of peace, as well as the need to separate this aim from humanitarian activities, which should be assigned to specialized international organizations. The peacekeeping operations should evolve into a sort of multilateral interventionism that, while undoubtedly restricting individual states' sovereignty, strives to establish order. They could be supplemented with other means of pressure at the UN's disposal: sanctions, diplomatic isolation, or arms control. Adapted from the source document.