Suchergebnisse

Međunarodni kazneni sud novo je međunarodno tijelo kojem je glavni cilj istraga i suđenje slučajeva genocida, ratnih zločina, te zločina protiv čovječnosti u zemljama članicama. Iako su Sjedinjene Američke Države u 2000. potpisale Rimski statut, međunarodnu povelju iz 1998. koja predstavlja osnovicu Međunarodnog kaznenog suda, Busheva vlada napravila je velik zaokret godinu dana kasnije, potpuno se ograđujući od svake ideje o suđenju Amerikancima izvan zemlje. Tekst analizira glavne argumente američke vanjske politike povezane s Međunarodnim kaznenim sudom, od navodne pristranosti Suda, te odnosa između Suda i Ujedinjenih naroda, pa sve do pitanja američkog suvereniteta. Također, ponuđena je i međunarodnopravna politička kritika nedavnih poteza američke vlade, koji štete i američkim nacionalnim interesima, i međunarodnoj sigurnosti. ; The International Criminal Court is a new international body constituted with the aim of prosecuting and trying cases of genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. Although in 2000 the United States signed the 1998 Rome Statute, which is the foundation of the International Criminal Court, the Bush Administration took a radically different position the following year, protecting itself from any idea of trying American citizens abroad. This text analyses the main U.S. foreign policy arguments pertaining to the ICC, from the alleged impartiality of the Court and the relationship between the Court and the United Nations, to the question of American sovereignty. In addition, the text offers an international legal and political critique of the recent U.S. policy actions, which harmed both American national interests, as well as international security.

In the first part of the paper the author deals with some general aspects of the very complex process of trade negotiations. He explains that trade negotiations, bilateral or multilateral, are the basis for establishment of the international trade regime. In order to understand multilateral trade negotiations one should be familiar with its basis, which is composed of rules & procedures. Also, it is necessary to take into consideration the fact that these rules & procedures have not emerged at once but have been introduced in the process of adjustment to the needs of negotiators. In the second part of the paper the author considers the procedures in multilateral trade negotiations within the GATT/WTO international trade system. References. Adapted from the source document.

In the whole history of modern times India-USA relations were not much developed. It was a relationship of distant worlds & civilizations. After analyzing the basic features of the socio-political & economic situation in the present India, & its international position, the author indicates that from the end of the last century the relations between India & USA are characterized by a specific discovering of each other, approaching to each other & a significant development of mutual cooperation. Within the newly created post-Cold World constellation & a new vision of international relations, both countries have found good reasons & substantial basis for potentially productive mutuality. Adapted from the source document.

As an expression of China's eagerness to modernize its foreign policy in line with the modified global conditions at the start of the 21st century, a new official Chinese foreign policy doctrine has emerged -- the theory of "peaceful rise." After the top echelon of the Chinese leadership have adopted this doctrine, now it is being peddled to the international public. The fundamental tenet of the theory of "peaceful rise" is that a vigorous long-term growth of Chinese economy & China's affirmation in the arena of international relations does not represent a regional or global threat; on the contrary, China's rise may be good for its neighbors (by bringing economic opportunity & strengthening their security) & the global community in general. After the successful resolution in the 1990s of the border disputes with Russia, Kazakhstan & Tajikistan, & the settlement of the issue of the land border with Vietnam, China has directed its efforts to the resolution of the remaining territorial disputes with Japan & India. China joined the ASEAN in October 2003, a sign of the continued improvement of China's relations with the countries in this region. China has also been very keen on improving its -- primarily economic -- relations with Russia & Japan that will bring economic benefits to all the parties. It is interesting that most China's neighbors, unlike the countries of the EU & the US, have a trade surplus with China. China's most important bilateral relation, that with the US, has been marked with the strategic rapprochement of those two great powers after "September 11" concerning the fight against international terrorism, but is nevertheless still burdened with an array of troublesome issues: Taiwan, criticisms of China due to its violation of human rights & intellectual property, the huge American trade deficit with China. The main challenges to the process of China's "peaceful rise" are the following: the imbalance of its economic growth, particularly its overdependence on exports, the deteriorated relationships with Taiwan after President Chen Shui-bian, a strong advocate of Taiwan's independence, won the 2000 elections. The author concludes that the Chinese foreign policy doctrine of "peaceful rise" is a welcome effort to allay the fears that have been fueled by China's prominence & to explain its new role in international relations. 12 References. Adapted from the source document.

The article deals with international legal regulation of protection & sustainable use of watercourses with special reference to the Sava River Basin. This regulation is considerably developed on universal, regional & sub regional international levels by a substantial number of declaratory, treaty & other acts dealing with the subject. In case of the river Sava the basic frame for regulation is on the European level: the documents concerning the Danube River as a whole, & particularly the Framework Agreement on the Sava River Basin. The author stresses that adoption & ratification of this document is probably one of the biggest step forward in co-operation between Slovenia, Croatia, B&H, & Serbia & Montenegro. References. Adapted from the source document.

The author illustrates the key issues of processes of the FR Yugoslavia (Serbia & Montenegro) before the International Court of Justice in The Hague (ICJ). Focused on explanations for the ICJ determination of the legal foundations for jurisdiction in accordance with international law, he gives legal remarks on reasons why the ICJ was able to consider them in the case of the Bosnia & Herzegovina vs. FR Yugoslavia (Serbia & Montenegro) & why it decided to lack jurisdiction in the cases against NATO. Examinations of the legal facts of the state responsibility do not prejudge questions of the jurisdiction of the ICJ that should be open in the case between Croatia & Serbia & Montenegro. The author's remarks follow the preliminary procedure of the ICJ & help consider the real state of all instituted proceedings. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

The author deals with the new cycle of multilateral trade negotiations that started in Doha in 2001. Since then, the main question has remained to be how to overcome the radically different priorities of developed & developing countries. ED insists on expanding the WTO regulation system. Developing countries were against broadening of the negotiations, especially not to development that is not directly related to the trade dimension. The clash appeared in the form of a crisis of the multilateral system but also in the form of a crisis of confidence in WTO. The general agreement signed by the members of WTO in July 2004 was of great importance for the future of multilateralism. It remains to be seen if that will be confirmed at the conclusion of the Doha cycle envisaged for the end of 2006. References. Adapted from the source document.

The main task of the Swiss security policy up to the collapse of the bipolar system was the country's military defense. The content of its defense doctrine was elaborated on & further expanded as total defense in the non-military direction. The end of the cold war marked a departure from the classical defense doctrine & also relativized the mythological character of permanent neutrality, forcing Switzerland to redefine its security policy in the altered European security setting. The expansion of the concept of security went hand in hand with an increased interest in international peace efforts & international cooperation. In the meantime, Switzerland's instruments & activities have multiplied in both fields. In certain aspects, eg, the control of the policy of disarmament & armament, Switzerland has excelled. Concerning the new forms of threats & intimidation it has shown willingness for across-the-border cooperation, while the traditional formula security through neutrality & independence increasingly gives way to the new motto: Security through cooperation -- a shift from its time-honored foreign- & security/political course of restrictive & detached attitude towards a more intensive cooperation. Although conceptually the development of Swiss security policy & consequently its shift towards some peace policy has not been even remotely supported by a satisfactory redistribution of financial & personal resources, the Swiss military reform -- introduced in early 2004 -- is de facto a conceptual accommodation of the Swiss military force to the new plan on European security. Switzerland has become a member of the PfP although, due to its policy of neutrality, it is not planning to join the NATO. Nevertheless, Switzerland is vacillating between the EU membership & a more substantial rapprochement with the NATO, at the same time putting all its hopes into the development of global management under the direction of the United Nations & the joint security system. 2 Tables, 3 Figures, 19 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author explores the genesis & ranges of interstate cooperation within the scope of the Adriatic Charter of Partnership, signed in Tirana on May 2, 2003 by Republic of Albania, Republic of Croatia & FYR of Macedonia, & the United States of America. First three member states of the Adriatic Charter Group have been united in their common objective to become an integral part of the NATO. USA gives strong impetus to member states of the Group to implement all the criteria for the membership in NATO promoting the "Open Door" policy. The author analyses Charter of Partnership & evaluates results of the meetings of the Partnership Commission & other mechanisms for interstate co-operation. References. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the problem of the sovereignty of the nation-state in the era of globalization. States have lost a number of their attributes & are no longer particularly efficient. Although states are still the primary actors in international relations, they have lost some of their sovereignty, functions & powers. International institutions now usurp the right to appraise & restrict what states do on their own territory. Despite this, in the near future the state is to remain the dominant political form in international relations. It still maintains an army, conducts diplomacy, negotiates agreements, wages wars, supervises international organizations & influences production & trade. The author points out that states are capable of adjusting to the imperatives of international political economy & claims that the state in the 2lst century will probably perform indispensable political social-economic functions since no other organization has emerged as its genuine rival able to replace it. 1 Table, 18 References. Adapted from the source document.

The turmoils in international relations following the fall of the Berlin wall represented a serious challenge for the overall concept of European political unity. In its first international assignment outside the context of the Cold war, traditional national interests & animosities surfaced, & they demonstrated rather precisely all the complexity of the project promulgated by the Maastricht Agreement. At the time there was no common European approach to the solution of the crisis on the territory of the former Yugoslavia & no consent regarding the key issues, such as the recognition of the former Yugoslav republics as sovereign entities i.e. defining the criteria for their recognition. The paper focuses on this very specificity of the new approach to this problem, since it has increasingly been a subject of discretionary political decisions rather than the issue of international law in the traditional sense of meeting certain criteria for state recognition. & finally, concerning the degree of encroaching upon national sovereignty, there is a marked difference between the nature of the process of shaping a common foreign & security policy & shaping policies in other areas (e.g. transport, science & education, & so on). Also, the importance of developing an awareness of this difference as the main precondition for the realization of the project of the EU political integration is pointed out. References. Adapted from the source document.