The article analyzes how the 16+1 Cooperation promotes the Chinese new type of international relations from four perspectives: firstly, the "16+1 Cooperation" insists on not rejecting third parties and promotes the idea of open and inclusive international cooperation; Secondly, the cooperation framework adheres to the principle of mutually-beneficial and win-win cooperation, and proposes to wisely handle differences and divergences; Thirdly, this framework never engages in zero-sum games, instead, it fully respects and closely watches the core interests and major concerns of the relevant parties; Fourthly, it is committed to creating a cooperative platform through consultation, to meet the interests of all. The article also makes an analysis of the challenges facing 16+1 Cooperation and gives some suggestions. ; The article analyzes how the 16+1 Cooperation promotes the Chinese new type of international relations from four perspectives: firstly, the "16+1 Cooperation" insists on not rejecting third parties and promotes the idea of open and inclusive international cooperation; Secondly, the cooperation framework adheres to the principle of mutually-beneficial and win-win cooperation, and proposes to wisely handle differences and divergences; Thirdly, this framework never engages in zero-sum games, instead, it fully respects and closely watches the core interests and major concerns of the relevant parties; Fourthly, it is committed to creating a cooperative platform through consultation, to meet the interests of all. The article also makes an analysis of the challenges facing 16+1 Cooperation and gives some suggestions.
Autorica istražuje mogućnost da se pesimizam etablira kao relevantan pravac unutar teorije realizma međunarodnih odnosa u objašnjavanju kako prošlih, tako i budućih događaja u međunarodnoj politici. U radu se koristi metateorijska interpretativna metoda kako bi se iznijele neke od temeljnih niti vodilja misli pesimizma, pri čemu je fokus samo na klasičnom realizmu unutar realističke teorije, budući da su njezine postavke ujedno i temeljna izvorišta pesimizma. U prvom dijelu rada iznosi se temeljne odrednice i biti realizma i pesimizma, drugi dio se fokusira na intelektualnu pozadinu pesimistične misli u radovima Schopenhauera, Nietzschea i Freuda, a posljednji dio iznosi kritiku optimizma i temeljne opreke u poimanju koncepta vremena između pesimizma i optimizma, kao i implikacije koje pesimizam ima za međunarodne odnose. Pesimizam kao pravac unutar teorije realizma međunarodnih odnosa ima filozofsku snagu i jaku teorijsku pozadinu te može imati svoje mjesto unutar realističke teorije međunarodnih odnosa. ; The author evaluates the possibility of the concept of pessimism establishing itself as a relevant factor within the theory of realism in international relations, that is, for explaining past and future events in international politics. The approach applies the meta theoric interpretative method in order to expose some of the tenets of the leading pessimistic theories where the focus is on classical realism within the realistic theory, since its origins are also the fundamental origins of pessimism. The first part exposes the fundamental postulates and essence of realism and pessimism, while the second part focuses on the intellectual background of the pessimism thought found in the works of Schopenhauer, Nietzsche and Freud. The last part expose a criticism of optimism as well as the fundamental contradictions in understanding the concept of time between pessimism and optimism, as well as the implications of pessimism on international relations. Pessimism, as a part of the theory of realism in international ...
Vanjska trgovima ima veliki značaj u gospodarstvu svake zemlje kroz multiplikativni efekt koji se ogleda ne samo kroz ekonomske komponente već i kroz sociokulturni razvoj. Cilj rada bio je identificirati Tursku u europskom kontekstu međunarodnih odnosa, odnosno ukazati na komparativnu i konkurentsku ulogu Turske u vanjskotrgovinskom poslovanju. Čimbenici odnosa Turske u europskom kontekstu su: demografski aspekti, sociološke i kulturološke razlike, pristupni kriteriji, ekonomski aspekti i politički izazovi. U posljednja dva desetljeća carinska unija Europske unije (EU) i Turske bila je okosnica razvoja u okviru bilateralne trgovine. U tom razdoblju Turska je postala petim glavnim trgovinskim partnerom s EU na globalnoj razini s vrijednošću bilateralne trgovine od 140 milijardi eura (2017). Slično tome, EU je najvažniji trgovinski partner Turske, koja predstavlja 41% turske globalne trgovine. Istraživanje u radu temeljeno je na analizi sekundarnih izvora podataka, a metode sinteze i deskripcije primijenjene su u interpretaciji dobivenih rezultata i formiranja zaključaka. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju kako je integracija Turske u Europsku uniju određena kako "tvrdim" ekonomskim čimbenicima korisnosti, tako i "mekanim" čimbenicima kao što su osjećaj identiteta, religije ili stavovima prema imigrantima. Iako Turska pokazuje pozitivne ekonomske trendove u europskom kontekstu, "mekani" čimbenici ipak predstavljaju osnovnu barijeru integracije. ; Foreign trade has great significance in the economy of each country through a multiplier effect reflected not only through economic components but also through socio-cultural development. The aim of the paper was to identify Turkey in the European context of international relations, that is, to highlight Turkey's comparative and competitive role in foreign trade. Factors of the relationship between the Republic of Turkey and the European Union are: demographic aspects, sociological and cultural differences, access to critique, economic aspects and political challanges. In the last two decades, the EU and Turkey customs union was the cornerstone of bilateral trade. At that time, Turkey became the world's fifth largest trade with the EU on a global scale worth EUR 140 billion in 2017. Similarly, the EU is Turkey's most important trading partner, representing 41% of Turkey's global trade. The research in this paper is based on the analysis of secondary data sources, and synthesis and descriptive methods have been applied in the interpretation of the obtained results and the formation of conclusions. The results of the study show that Turkey's integration into the European Union is determined by both "hard" economic utility factors and "soft" factors such as a sense of identity, religion or attitudes towards immigrants. Although Turkey shows positive economic trends in the European context, "soft" factors still represent the primary barrier to integration. The great migration crizis that began in 2015, and continues today, has again put Turkey at the center of geopolitical interest, but also emphasized the interdependence of Turkey and the EU and the conceptualization of a new model of mutual relations.
U Sozopolu je održana od 18. do 23. lipnja 2018. sedma međunarodna konferencija o kartografiji i GIS-u. Organizatori te konferencije bili su Bugarsko kartografsko društvo, Međunarodno kartografskoj društvo i Sveučilište za arhitekturu, građevinarstvo i geodeziju iz Sofije, a suorganizatori Vojna geografska služba i Crveni križ. Na čelu Međunarodnog organizacijskog odbora bio je prof. Milan Konečny, bivši predsjednik ICA-e, a na čelu Lokalnog organizacijskog odbora bila je prof. Temenoujka Bandrova, predsjednica Bugarskoga kartografskog društva. ; The 7th International Conference on Cartography and GIS was held in Sozopol, 18-23 June 2018. The conference was organized by the Bulgarian Cartographic Society, the International Cartographic Association (ICA) and the University of Architecture, Civil Engineering and Geodesy from Sofia, while the co-organizers were the Military Geographic Service and the Red Cross. Chair of the International Organizational Committee was Prof. Milan Konečný, former president of ICA, and the chair of the Local Organizing Committee was Prof. Temenoujka Bandrova, President of the Bulgarian Cartographic Association.
The 7th International Conference on Cartography and GIS was held in Sozopol, 18-23 June 2018. The conference was organized by the Bulgarian Cartographic Society, the International Cartographic Association (ICA) and the University of Architecture, Civil Engineering and Geodesy from Sofia, while the co-organizers were the Military Geographic Service and the Red Cross. Chair of the International Organizational Committee was Prof. Milan Konečný, former president of ICA, and the chair of the Local Organizing Committee was Prof. Temenoujka Bandrova, President of the Bulgarian Cartographic Association. ; U Sozopolu je održana od 18. do 23. lipnja 2018. sedma međunarodna konferencija o kartografiji i GIS-u. Organizatori te konferencije bili su Bugarsko kartografsko društvo, Međunarodno kartografskoj društvo i Sveučilište za arhitekturu, građevinarstvo i geodeziju iz Sofije, a suorganizatori Vojna geografska služba i Crveni križ. Na čelu Međunarodnog organizacijskog odbora bio je prof. Milan Konečny, bivši predsjednik ICA-e, a na čelu Lokalnog organizacijskog odbora bila je prof. Temenoujka Bandrova, predsjednica Bugarskoga kartografskog društva.
Geneza i razvoj specijalne policije u Republici Hrvatskoj nerazdvojan je i paralelan proces sa stvaranjem, izgradnjom, razvojem i djelovanjem hrvatske države, koji svoje izvorište ima u Domovinskom ratu. Hrvatska je već dokazala odlučnost u borbi protiv terorizma, što možemo identificirati kroz nekoliko ključnih faza razvoja međunarodnih odnosa i koalicija: aktivno uključivanje u antiterorističku međunarodnu koaliciju, odnosno ulazak u Vijeće sigurnosti Ujedinjenih naroda i suradnja u okviru Europske unije, te integracija u NATO i pristupanje organizaciji Atlas, mreži specijalnih policijskih postrojbi Europske unije. Takav pristup međunarodnoj suradnji možemo promatrati u kontekstu jačanja unutarnjeg sigurnosnog sustava Republike Hrvatske, a uključivanje specijalne policije u organizaciju Atlas kao jasnu poruku integriranja Hrvatske u međunarodnu antiterorističku koaliciju. ; The genesis and development of special police units in the Republic of Croatia is an inseparable and parallel process with the creation, development and activity of the Croatian state with its origins in the Croatian War of Independence. The Republic of Croatia has already demonstrated its determination in the fight against terrorism. It can be identified through several key phases of the development of international relations and coalitions: the active participation in the anti-terrorist international coalition, i.e. the involvement in the United Nations Security Council and the cooperation within the frameworks of the European Union, the integration into NATO alliance and the accession to the Atlas Network. This approach to international cooperation can be viewed in the context of strengthening internal security system of the Republic of Croatia, while the involvement of special police units in the Atlas Network can be seen as a clear message of the integration of the Republic of Croatia in the international anti-terrorist coalition.
U radu se analizira djelovanje dviju temeljnih međunarodnih organizacija - Europske zajednice i Ujedinjenih naroda - uključenih u razdoblje Domovinskog rata, tj. razdoblje stvaranja samostalne hrvatske države (1991.-1995.). Djelovanje tih organizacija analizira se u dvostrukom smislu - u širem kontekstu te na primjeru konkretne regije (zapadna Slavonija). Rad predstavlja prvu znanstvenu analizu djelovanja Europske zajednice i Ujedinjenih naroda u Hrvatskoj 1991.-1995. (s posebnim naglaskom na provedbu koncepta mirovne operacije Ujedinjenih naroda). ; The paper analyzes the effects of two fundamental international organizations - the European Community and United Nations - involved in the war period, ie the creation of an independent Croatian state (1991.-1995.). Effect of the above organizations is analyzed in a double sense - in a broader context and the specific example of the region (Western Slavonia). The work represents the first scientific analysis action of the European Community and the United Nations in Croatia, 1991.-1995. (with special emphasis on the implementation of the concept of peacekeeping operations of the United Nations).
Globalizacija i povećana međunarodna međuovisnost pridonose tomu da se ponovno povećava interes utjecaja strukture međunarodnog sustava na međunarodne odnose. Međunarodni sustav od kraja Hladnog rata neprestano proživljava promjene. One se najviše odlikuju u političkim i sigurnosnim novitetima. U takvim je uvjetima struktura sustava postala glavnom odrednicom ponašanja država koje se, promatrajući ih kroz perspektivu strukturalnog realizma ili neorealizma, ponašaju isključivo u skladu s vlastitim interesima, u uvjetima anarhičnog sustava. S obzirom na geopolitički položaj te veličinu Hrvatskoj je izrazito bitno čvrsto članstvo unutar NATO-saveza i Europske Unije. Kontekst razvoja sigurnosti i obrane time postaje više usmjeren na činjenicu da se zemlje članice saveza obvezuju pomagati jedna drugoj u slučaju pojave ugroze, te se time jača stabilnost nacionalne sigurnosti potrebne da se omoguće dugoročni mir i stabilnost u zemlji, ali i u susjedstvu. Kao središnji i konstantan fenomen u proučavanju međunarodnih odnosa, savezi nastaju jer su vlade svih razvijenih država svjesne da su dio jednog većeg entiteta u međunarodnoj politici u kojoj, prema postavkama neorealističke škole među-narodnih odnosa, postoje prijetnje koje su uzroci stvaranja saveza. ; Globalisation and increased international interdependence have contributed to the fact that once again the interest of the impact on the structure of the international system to international relations is increased. The international system, since the end of the Cold War, is constantly going through changes. They are the most distinguished in political and security innovations. In such circumstances, the structure of the system has become the main determinant of behaviour of states that, looking through the perspective of structural realism or neorealism, act solely pursuing their own interest, in terms of an anarchic system. Given the geopolitical position and size of the country, it is extremely important for Croatia to have a firm membership within the NATO and the European Union. The context of development of security and defence thus becomes more focused on the fact that the member states of the alliance commit to assist each other in case of threats, so the stability of national security needed to enable long-term peace and stability in the country, but also the neighbourhood, is strengthened. As a central and constant phenomenon in the study of international relations, alliances are formed because the governments of all developed countries are aware that they are part of a larger entity in international politics, in which, according to the neorealist school of international relations, there are threats that cause creating alliances.
Hans J. Morgenthau, utemeljitelj realističke teorije međunarodne politike četrdesetih godina 20. stoljeća, donedavno se smatrao pozitivističkim teoretičarom "tvrde" politike moći u međunarodnoj politici. No sve veći akademski interes za njegovo djelo posljednjih godina pokazao je kako je riječ o kompleksnom misliocu koji je ponajprije teoretičar politike. U ovome rada autor prikazuje Morgenthauovu političku teoriju i njezine temeljne pojmove u trima razdobljima njihova razvoja: do Drugoga svjetskog rata, od kraja rata do šezdesetih godina i poslije šezdesetih. Posebno se osvrćući na glavne studije iz svakoga od tih razdoblja, autor nastoji dokazati da je svrha Morgenthauove teorije međunarodne politike bio pokušaj da se politika i političko konstituiraju kao odgovor na duboku društvenu i političku krizu modernog Zapada. Njegova realistička teorija međunarodne politike nije samo akademski pothvat nego i svojevrstan politički projekt. ; Hans J. Morgenthau, who founded realist theory of international politics in the 1940s, has until recently been considered a positivist theorist of crude power politics in international relations. However, in recent years, with rising academic interest for his works, Morgenthau has been seen as a complex thinker and primarily a political theorist. This article aims to show Morgenthau's political theory and its fundamental concepts that run through the three periods of his writing: up to the Second World War, during the post-war period, and in the 1960s. With a special overview of the pivotal studies from each of the above periods, this article will show that the purpose of Morgenthau's theory of international politics is an attempt at constructing politics and the political as an answer to the deep social and political crisis of the modern West. His realist theory of international politics is not just an academic endeavor but also a political project of sorts.
Članak je usredotočen na djelovanje međunarodnih organizacija u postkonfliktnim i nestabilnim državama s posebnim prikazom njihove uloge u BiH. Od sredine 1990-ih međunarodne organizacije – kao što su UN, NATO, EU i OESS – angažirane su u BiH u procesu izgradnje države i transformiranja podijeljenoga društva u gospodarski i politički održivu državu. Iako su, uz podršku svih istaknutijih europskih država i SAD-a, međunarodne organizacije postale važan činitelj u slaboj i nefunkcionalnoj državi, njihovo uplitanje nije proizvelo očekivane rezultate. ; The paper is focused on activities of international organizations in postconflict and unstable countries with a special overview of their role in BiH. Since 1990 international organizations – such as UN, NATO, EU and OESS – have been engaged in BiH in the process of building the country and transforming a divided society into economically and politically sustainable country. Although international organizations became an important factor in the weak and non-functional country with the support of all eminent European countries and the USA, their interference has not produced expected results.
Odgovornost međunarodnih organizacija za međunarodno protupravne čine privukla je veliku pozornost doktrine i prakse posljednjih godina, otkad je Komisija za međunarodno pravo UN-a izradila Nacrt članaka o toj materiji. U radu razmatramo osnovna rješenja Nacrta, a posebnu pozornost posvećujemo slučajevima višestruke pripisivosti te odgovornosti država za međunarodno protupravne čine međunarodne organizacije. ; The responsibility of international organizations attracted special attention in theory and practice of international law after the International Law Commission began its work on the topic in 2002. The Commission ended its work in 2011 by adopting the Draft Articles on the Responsibility of International Organization. In this contribution we give an overall review of the Draft articles with special a emphasis on the cases of multiple attribution and responsibility of states for internationally wrongful acts of international organizations. Analyzing the critical remarks raised in regard to the Draft, we concluded that they cannot diminish the successful outcome of the work of the Commission, which is, a coherent and consistent system of rules devoted to the responsibility of international organizations.
Pranje novca, kao jedan od najsofisticiranijih i najtežih oblika organizovanog kriminaliteta, je i međunarodni fenomen jer se odvija i prisutan je, kako u nacionalnim tako i međunarodnim razmjerama. Međunarodni karakter odvijanja pranja novca je jedan od efikasnijih metoda da se prikrije nezakonito porijeklo novca ili bilo kojeg oblika imovine koja je proistekla izvršenjem, uglavnom, teških krivičnih djela.Problematika pranja novca je prisutna u nacionalnim i međunarodnim razmjerama i značajno je izražena u onim društvima gdje perači novca nastoje da legaliziraju kriminalom zarađenu dobit i da tu dobit infiltriraju u privredu i finansijske tokove, s ciljem da kontrolišu određene ekonomske i političke procese. Pranje novca predstavlja međunarodni zločin, zbog čega je međunarodna zajednica odlučila uspostaviti međunarodne standarde, sa zahtjevom da te standarde prihvati što veći broj zemalja svijeta. S obzirom na velike probleme i razne poteškoće na koje nailazi u borbi protiv svih oblika organizovanog kriminaliteta, kroz akcije usmjerene na same izvršioce ovih krivičnih djela, međunarodna zajednica je odlučila da svoju pažnju usmjeri na drugi moment ove borbe: novac, tj. prihod koji nastaje izvršenjem krivičnih djela organizovanog kriminaliteta. Shodno tome, međunarodna zajednica je odlučila da pokuša da udari tamo gdje će kriminalcima nanijeti najveće posljedice, tako što je preduzela velike akcije protiv pranja novca.U borbi protiv pranja novca stvoreni su čitavi institucionalni aparati; zbog njega se pišu nove i nove konvencije, direktive, preporuke; zbog njega se mora često mijenjati krivično zakonodavstvo; zbog pranja novca prestala je postojati tajnost računa I podataka banaka. Ponekad se, u toj borbi žrtvuju i osnovna ljudska prava, jer se praktično vodi rat protiv pranja novca. Obim intervencija, strategija i međunarodnih sporazuma, razrađenih da bi se prekinuli lanci pranja novca, širokog su raspona i veoma usavršeni. Pranje novca je veoma veliki biznis, koji nije lako kontrolisati putem međunarodnih sporazuma. Naravno, sve je to potrebno i neophodno, a drugo je pitanje da li sve te mjere daju uvijek očekivane rezultate tj. da li to ima za rezultat adekvatan broj pravosnažno osuđujućih presuda i adekvatan iznos oduzete imovinske koristi.U tom smislu, u radu sam istražio i dao pregled samo najvažnijih i najrelevantnijih međunarodnih organizacija i institucija u borbi protiv pranja novca kao što su: Organizacija ujedinjenih nacija, Vijeće Evrope, Financial Action Task Force – FATF, Grupa Egmont, Evropska unija, Bazelski komitet za bankarske propise i kontrolu, Međunarodni monetarni fond i Svjetska banka, s napomenom da ću šire obraditi samo neke od njih koje smatram bitnim. --- Money laundering, as one of the most sophisticated and severe forms of organized crime, has a strong international component because it occurs not only within national borders, but goes far beyond. The transnational aspect of money laundering makes it easier to prevent the true source of funds and other property derived from serious criminal activity.Therefore, the problem of money laundering is both, a national as well as an international problem. It is very common in the countries where money launderers attempt to legalize the illegal proceeds and then transfer it into the stream of commerce and finance in order to control certain economic and political processes. Money laundering is an international crime leading the international community to establish common standards that countries around the world should adopt. Having in mind the great difficulties in fighting against organized crime using the traditional methods focused upon the perpetrators, the international community decided to shift its focus towards the other important component of money laundering – the proceeds derived from criminal activity. In that sense, the international community decided to strike where the consequences for money launderers are the most prominent – the money.The prevention of money laundering lead to creation of the whole new set of institutional apparatus; many conventions have been organized, and many articles, directives, recommendations, guidelines were created. The prevention of money laundering has lead to changes in criminal code legislation and dissolution of bank information secrecy. Sometimes, however, this war on money laundering sacrifices some basic human rights. The range of strategies, interventions and international agreements developed to prevent money laundering is broad and very sophisticated. Money laundering is a large business which is not easy to regulate by way of international agreements. Of course, while these agreements and strategies are necessary, the question about their effectiveness, however, still lingers in the background, especially considering the number of final criminal convictions and the amount of illegal proceeds forfeited.In that sense, I provided an overview of the most relevant and the most important international institutions whose job is the prevention of money laundering, namely the UN, Council of Europe, Financial Action Task Force –FATF, Egmont Group, European Union, The Basel Committee on Banking Supervision, The International Monetary Fund and World Bank. I would like to mention that I will cover in more detail only those organizations I find the most relevant.
