The first part of the paper describes the internal incoherencies of the International Monetary Fund and its consistent ignoring of empirical evidence. The second part offers possible explanations for this nonchalance. A Kuhnian perspective can explain it in terms of anomaly accumulation necessary for a paradigm shift. Richard Peets' explanation forwards a joining of Foucaults' concept of dominant discourse with a Gramscian hegemony. Alternatively, ignoring of evidence by the IMF may well be interpreted as part of a neo-imperialist ploy directed at exploitation of developing countries. Finally, a concept of anti-utilitarian nature of absolutely implemented ideology derived from the writings of Hannah Arendt can explain the functioning of IMF beyond the bounds of purpose. Taking into account these explanations, the possibilities of change of harmful behavior for an institution such as IMF are suggested. Adapted from the source document.
The international community, with the implementation of a well-thought out strategy, has established in Bosnia & Herzegovina a pluralist & independent media sphere that has enabled the public discourse with objective information-providing & promotion of a plethora of different opinions. Such pluralist media scene contributes to the full freedom of expression, promotes the culture of dialogue & civil society, & represents a corrective to the state & the political structures. The article analyzes the media scene in Bosnia & Herzegovina since the 1980s (the then socialist BiH) until now. In stages, the plurality of the media in Bosnia & Herzegovina before the war, during the war, & after the signing of the Dayton Accord is analyzed. The author also lists the statistical data which serve for the quantitative analysis of the development of the media in BiH & as the measure of the diversity of its media scene. 12 Tables, 22 References. Adapted from the source document.
The circumstances of the emergence & evolution of Christian democratic parties in Europe are outlined, & the principles of Christian social & political creed (on which they are based) are analyzed. The most salient among these principles are respect for the dignity of men as individuals, solidarity, subsidiarity, participation, general allotment of goods, & the duty of public authorities to look after the common good. A review of major programmatic documents of the international association of Christian democratic parties, as well as those of the two German Christian democratic parties, is offered. In closing, the author looks into the policies of the two Croatian parties that aspire to be Christian democratic -- the Croatian Christian Democratic Union & the Croatian Democratic Union -- & concludes that in Croatia, there are no social & political prerequisites for a true articulation of Christian democratic parties. Adapted from the source document.
Predmet je diplomskog rada poslovno pregovaranje u afričkim zemljama. Poslovno pregovaranje složen je i dugotrajan proces u kojem dvije pregovaračke strane nastoje postići određeni poslovni sporazum. Međunarodno poslovno pregovaranje složenije je od poslovnog pregovaranja koje se vodi unutar državnih granica jer na taj proces utječu različiti čimbenici, koje treba uzeti u obzir kako bi poslovno pregovaranje završilo uspješno. U procesu poslovnog pregovaranja kulture se razlikuju prema tome koji im je cilj pregovaranja, prema pregovaračkom stavu, stilu pregovaranja, verbalnoj i neverbalnoj komunikaciji, vremenskoj dimenziji pregovaranja, korištenju emocija, obliku ugovora i njegovim elementima, donošenju odluke u pregovaračkom timu te u preuzimanju rizika. U radu se daje komparativni prikaz kulturoloških razlika u međunarodnom poslovnom pregovaranju u zemljama Sjeverne Afrike (Alžir, Egipat i Maroko) te zemljama Subsaharske Afrike (Nigerija, Južnoafrička Republika i Kenija) prema komunikacijskim i kulturološkim razlikama. Na temelju komparacije načina poslovnog pregovaranja u tim afričkim zemljama može se zaključiti da postoje razlike između zemalja Sjeverne Afrike i zemalja Subsaharske Afrike, ali i među afričkim državama pojedinačno. Poslovni pregovarači trebaju poznavati komunikacijske i kulturološke razlike jer u suprotnom poslovni pregovori mogu biti prekinuti te se može narušiti poslovni ugled pregovarača i organizacije koju zastupa. ; The subjects of this paper is business negotiation in African countries. Business negotiation is a complex and lengthy process in which two negotiating parties are trying to achieve certain business agreement. International business negotiation is more complex process than business negotiation which is lead within national borders because it is influenced by various factors that should be taken into account so that business negotiation can be completed successfully. In the process of negotiating, cultural differences are visible with regard to the aim of negotiating, ...
Predmet je diplomskog rada poslovno pregovaranje u afričkim zemljama. Poslovno pregovaranje složen je i dugotrajan proces u kojem dvije pregovaračke strane nastoje postići određeni poslovni sporazum. Međunarodno poslovno pregovaranje složenije je od poslovnog pregovaranja koje se vodi unutar državnih granica jer na taj proces utječu različiti čimbenici, koje treba uzeti u obzir kako bi poslovno pregovaranje završilo uspješno. U procesu poslovnog pregovaranja kulture se razlikuju prema tome koji im je cilj pregovaranja, prema pregovaračkom stavu, stilu pregovaranja, verbalnoj i neverbalnoj komunikaciji, vremenskoj dimenziji pregovaranja, korištenju emocija, obliku ugovora i njegovim elementima, donošenju odluke u pregovaračkom timu te u preuzimanju rizika. U radu se daje komparativni prikaz kulturoloških razlika u međunarodnom poslovnom pregovaranju u zemljama Sjeverne Afrike (Alžir, Egipat i Maroko) te zemljama Subsaharske Afrike (Nigerija, Južnoafrička Republika i Kenija) prema komunikacijskim i kulturološkim razlikama. Na temelju komparacije načina poslovnog pregovaranja u tim afričkim zemljama može se zaključiti da postoje razlike između zemalja Sjeverne Afrike i zemalja Subsaharske Afrike, ali i među afričkim državama pojedinačno. Poslovni pregovarači trebaju poznavati komunikacijske i kulturološke razlike jer u suprotnom poslovni pregovori mogu biti prekinuti te se može narušiti poslovni ugled pregovarača i organizacije koju zastupa. ; The subjects of this paper is business negotiation in African countries. Business negotiation is a complex and lengthy process in which two negotiating parties are trying to achieve certain business agreement. International business negotiation is more complex process than business negotiation which is lead within national borders because it is influenced by various factors that should be taken into account so that business negotiation can be completed successfully. In the process of negotiating, cultural differences are visible with regard to the aim of negotiating, ...
U radu autori analiziraju korijene, donošenje i neposredne učinke prvog posredničkog napora Europske zajednice u jugoslavenskoj krizi, odnosno Zajedničke deklaracije o mirnom rješavanju jugoslavenske krize, usvojenoj na Brijunima 7. srpnja 1991. Autori utvrđuju kako je djelovanje posredničke misije Europske zajednice, ministarske trojke, oformljene kao posebna ad hoc interventna skupina, bilo obilježeno brojnim nedosljednostima i drugim postupcima koji nisu bili u skladu s nužnom nepristranošću međunarodnog posredništva. ; The authors analyze the roots, enactment and immediate effects of the first mediation efforts by the European Community in the crisis of the former Yugoslavia, i.e., the Joint Declaration on seeking a peaceful solution to the Yugoslav crisis, signed on the Brioni Islands on July 7, 1991. The authors have determined that the intermediary mission of the European Community, the Ministerial Troika, formed as a special ad hoc intervention group, was marred by numerous inconsistencies and other behavior incompatible with the necessary impartiality of international mediation.
By applying the analytical model derived by Deegan-Krause, the paper analyzes social cleavages underpinning the party preferences in the elections for the Croatian Parliament in 2003. The results of the research carried out on a sample of 2,000 adult Croatian citizens by phone interviews two days before the elections indicate that this model has identified relatively shallow social cleavages underlying the voting behavior in the analyzed elections. Namely, out of thirteen analyzed attitudes only three significantly explain a part of the variance in party preferences, the most significant being the attitude concerning the cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in the Hague & the attitude concerning abortion. The results also show there is a significant link among certain socio-demographic characteristics, the attitudes about the political issues in question & the party preferences. This means that there might be a social cleavage at work here. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.
By applying the analytical model derived by Deegan-Krause, the paper analyzes social cleavages underpinning the party preferences in the elections for the Croatian Parliament in 2003. The results of the research carried out on a sample of 2,000 adult Croatian citizens by phone interviews two days before the elections indicate that this model has identified relatively shallow social cleavages underlying the voting behavior in the analyzed elections. Namely, out of thirteen analyzed attitudes only three significantly explain a part of the variance in party preferences, the most significant being the attitude concerning the cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in the Hague & the attitude concerning abortion. The results also show there is a significant link among certain socio-demographic characteristics, the attitudes about the political issues in question & the party preferences. This means that there might be a social cleavage at work here. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.
The inauguration of a half-Indian, Alejandro Toledo, as the Peruvian president attracted international attention & renewed interest in the indigenous peoples in Latin America. That day (29 July 2001), presidents of the member-countries of the Andes community adopted the Machu Picchu Declaration on democracy, the rights of indigenous peoples, & the war on poverty. Regarding the rights of indigenous peoples, the member-countries of the Andes community plan to incorporate native Indians into their countries of residence, but at the same time preserve their identity. Within the AC, there are three groups of countries, depending on the size of their Indian population, &, consequently, the size of the territories on which the native Indian culture has a big chance of survival: Peru & Bolivia in which indigenous Indians make up 45%-55% of the total population; Ecuador with 25%; & Venezuela & Columbia with 1%-2%. 1 Appendix, 25 References. Adapted from the source document.
The inauguration of a half-Indian, Alejandro Toledo, as the Peruvian president attracted international attention & renewed interest in the indigenous peoples in Latin America. That day (29 July 2001), presidents of the member-countries of the Andes community adopted the Machu Picchu Declaration on democracy, the rights of indigenous peoples, & the war on poverty. Regarding the rights of indigenous peoples, the member-countries of the Andes community plan to incorporate native Indians into their countries of residence, but at the same time preserve their identity. Within the AC, there are three groups of countries, depending on the size of their Indian population, &, consequently, the size of the territories on which the native Indian culture has a big chance of survival: Peru & Bolivia in which indigenous Indians make up 45%-55% of the total population; Ecuador with 25%; & Venezuela & Columbia with 1%-2%. 1 Appendix, 25 References. Adapted from the source document.
After WWII, new countries emerged in three waves: the first immediately after the war was a result of the activities of the allied coalition; the second wave was the result of decolonization; & the third, newest wave was the result of the fall of communist federations. The author analyzes the consequences of greater numbers of countries for diplomacy. Bilateral diplomacy & organization of diplomatic services in individual countries have been faced with a series of problems: an increase in employees in ministries of foreign affairs; the need to expand the network of diplomatic missions & selection of countries in which missions are to be set up; & the difficulties of financing diplomacy services & the need for greater specialization & employment of regional experts. In international diplomacy, the work of the UN, its membership, & its security council are all hampered. For this reason, regional associations & ad hoc groups formed by countries concerned with specific problems are gaining importance. Adapted from the source document.
Raspravljajući o porijeklu hrvatske nacije, autor u prvom dijelu odbacuje tvrdnju da se ona razvijala kao tzv. "jezična nacija". Također osporava gledište da je u tome bitnu ulogu imalo jugoslavenstvo. Zatim pokazuje da je hrvatska nacija nastala u procesu međusobnih interakcija socijalnih i povijesnih vrijednosti, koje su napokon odredile njezinu individualnost spram svake druge zajednice na cjelokupnom prostoru Srednje i Jugoistočne Europe. Sve je to autor dokazao u drugom dijelu rasprave, gdje analizira hrvatski nacionalno-politički program, koji je nastao za revolucije 1848/49. godine. U njemu su hrvatski liberali i demokrati jasno odredili individualnost hrvatske nacije i hrvatske države (ujedinjene Trojedne Kraljevine Hrvatske), i to kao jedinstvene, samostalne i autonomne moderne države u sklopu konfederalnog političkoga i društvenog sustava Srednje Europe (austrijske konfederacije). ; In the present paper the author deals with the origin and development of Croatian nation, and creation of the modern Croatian state (Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia) in the first half of the 19th century, especially during the 1848/49 revolution, at several levels: idea about nation, ideology, political and social programmes, political actions, institutions, and political community. If considered from the point of view of new socio-political processes, when transformation of a people into a modern national-political community takes place, we can see that Slavic peoples in the middle and south-eastern Europe formed multinational states, but followed some quite clear courses: formation of individual ethnic and national communities within a plural social system. Being aware of these historical processes, at the time of formation of their own national communities, these Slavic peoples (according to the level of their social and political organizations), especially in 1848, asked for a change of traditional societies and reorganization of the existing empires, not only by the language national principle, but also by the principle of sovereignty, policy of federalism and confederalism and the principles of international law and international agreement. All this should have made possible formation of essentially new political communities: individual national states within equal and democratic multinational communities, but within a new middle-class society. However, considered from the point of view of formation of the identity and individuality of Croatian nation, which is the subject of this paper, it is indisputable that Croatian national political programme and programme of confederalism as well as legal principles compatible with them (like natural and national laws, Croatian historical and constitutional laws, international law and international agreements), which were the values Croatian politicians based their national policy on since 1848, had the essential influence on the explicit quality of Croatian national-political individuality, and thus, looking historically, on the integration of Croatian nation and creation of Croatian political and state community (the united State of Croatia). The subject and vey complex structure of that political programme had an impact onto clear definition of Croatian national-political community (the united Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia) in relation to other political communities in such a multinational state as it was the Habsburg Monarchy. And that state, in their eyes should have been formed (within the new middle-class society, and a democratic and parliamentary system) on confederal basis, by means of international agreements between quite equal ethnic/national states: within the middle European Austrian confederation. In any case, Croatian nation (if we consider its national integrative processes in terms of events, in terms of idea and ideology and/or in terms of ethnic identity) was not formed nor developed as solely the so-called "language nation", as historiography would like it. For, neither is ethnos (not even ethnic community, or people, or nation, or ethnic identity) only a language-cultural category, nor the Croatian politicians and reformers took only language and culture to determine Croatian people and nation. On the contrary, Croatian nation was formed in the process of interactions of social and historical values which defined its individuality in relation to any other community on the whole area of middle and south-eastern Europe. Also, Croatian nation was not formed only as a natural community (determined by natural conditions of work and society and genealogic structure, i. e. determined by undefined Slavic union and/or undefined Slavic ethnic identity), but, in the course of processes of modernization, it was formed first of all as a historical community, based on group institutions of its own historical community. In other words, Croatian nation was formed on its own cultural, political, state and public-law traditions. It is quite clear that in this process neither Slavism, nor Illyrism, nor Yugoslavism had any role more important that the secondary one, not even for the definition of any particular ethnic identity. Illyrism and Yugoslavism had declarative ideological meaning, expressed through the idea of still non-existing community. On the contrary, Croatianism (as a national principle, as a community and as a legal, state and political system) was an expression of existence of Croatian community as reality. Thus, if we want to discuss the integration of Croatian nation and formation of Croatian political community, i. e. the united State of Croatia, we should realize that these processes were influenced by numerous values and structures, especially spiritual-cultural, political, economic, legal and social. However, the importance of political system and all its substructures – political action, political organization of the community, political programme and formation of a modern national state — should also be noted. Formation of Croatian political and state community, which was clearly stated in the Croatian national and political programme of 1848/49, assumed: 1) associating the segments of Croatian people into one political people, within one integral Croatian political community; 2) uniting of all Croatian provinces into one united Croatian state (Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia, Dreieiniges Koenigreich Kroatien). And these were the most important determinants which led to the political homogeneity and formation of Croatian nation and Croatian modern state.
