The question of the legal nature of the European Union (hereafter: the EU) has been left unanswered to date. Determining the legal nature is important for predicting the consequences, limits and ways of action of any organization, including the EU. Today, the EU is most often defined as a sui generis organization. Given the limited analytical value of the term sui generis, it is important to determine its content. For this purpose, it is necessary to analyze, along with the political aspect of the community, the formal and legal ones, which includes the analysis of federal, international and other elements contained in the legal and political system of the EU. Also, a comparison between the formal and political elements of the EU and a typical federal society such as the United States of America will be made, with the aim of determining the specific features of the EU which prevent it from being called "the United States of Europe". The most prominent definitions of the EU offered by prominent theorists will be briefly addressed in this article.
Hrvatski izvornik: Senker, Boris (2019): S obiju strana rampe: Ogledi o hrvatskoj drami i kazalištu. Zagreb, Leykam international, str. 169–176; 223–235. Njemački izvornik: Laitko, Hubert: Die Etablierung der Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. Akademiehistorische Weichenstellung in der Frühphase des Kalten Krieges. U: Feichtinger Johannes i Heidemarie Uhl (2018): Die Akademien der Wissenschaften in Zentraleuropa im Kalten Krieg: Transformationsprozesse im Spanngsfeld von Abgrenzung und Annäherung. Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, str. 341–364. ; Kroatischer Ausgangstext: Senker, Boris (2019): S obiju strana rampe: Ogledi o hrvatskoj drami i kazalištu. Zagreb, Leykam international, S. 169–176; 223–235. Deutscher Ausgangstext: Laitko, Hubert: Die Etablierung der Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. Akademiehistorische Weichenstellung in der Frühphase des Kalten Krieges. In: Feichtinger Johannes i Heidemarie Uhl (2018): Die Akademien der Wissenschaften in Zentraleuropa im Kalten Krieg: Transformationsprozesse im Spanngsfeld von Abgrenzung und Annäherung. Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, S. 341–364.
Završetkom Hladnog rata otvorio se prostor za razvoj odnosa u međunarodnoj zajednici koji pogoduju stvaranju globalnog partnerstva. Iako članak 5. ostaje brand Saveza, nužno je moderniziranje odnosa na relaciji SAD – EU, kao i s ostalim važnim čimbenicima međunarodnih odnosa poput UN-a, OESS-a, Rusije, ali i Kine. Kako su se mijenjali međunarodni odnosi, tako je i Sjevernoatlantski savez tijekom desetljeća svog postojanja prošao različite faze razvoja – od Hladnog rata do pokušaja stvaranja globalnog partnerstva. Djelujući globalno, nameće se potreba za jasnijim definiranjem legitimnosti operacija izvan prostora država članica sukladno međunarodnom pravu. U tom smislu članci 4. i 7. Ugovora dobivaju posebno značenje. Zapravo, imajući u vidu jedinu preostalu misiju tzv. tradicionalnog Saveza u Europi, Lisabonski samit predstavlja velik korak u pravcu završetka NATO-ove vlastite posthladnoratovske tranzicije, ali i doprinos daljnjem procesu izgradnje mira i povjerenja u Jugoistočnoj Europi. ; The end of the Cold War opened the space for developing new relationships in the international community that are conducive to creating global partnerships. Although Article 5 remains the brand of NATO, it is necessary to modernize the relationship between the U.S. and the EU as well as with other important actors in international relations such as the UN, OSCE, Russia and China. With changed international relations through past sixty years, the North Atlantic Alliance has changed itself simultaneously over decades. The Alliance passed through different stages of its own development – from the Cold War era to attempting to create a global partnership. Acting globally, there is a need for defining the legitimate operations outside the territory of Member States under International law. In this sense, Articles 4 and 7 have a special meaning. In fact, bearing in mind the mission of "old" and traditional NATO, the Lisbon Summit represents a major step toward completion of NATO's post-Cold War transition, but also contributes to the process of building long-lasting peace and confidence in Southeast Europe.
Ovaj članak prvo izlaže teorije koje zagovaraju koncentraciju moći. Na području političke filozofije to je Hobbesova teorija koja zagovara koncentraciju moći u rukama monarha, zasnovanu na pravu, kako bi se spriječio povratak u prirodno stanje. Na području teorija o međunarodnim odnosima to je teorija nadmoći koja tvrdi da nadmoć jedne države smanjuje vjerojatnost izbijanja ratova. Obje teorije, de facto, idu u prilog američkoj hegemoniji jer iz njih proizlazi to da ta hegemonija nije samo u interesu SAD-a, nego i u interesu svjetskog mira. Međutim ovaj članak tvrdi da je sustav ravnoteže i kontrole (checks and balances) važan ne samo unutar države nego i u međunarodnim odnosima. ; This article first presents theories that justify the concentration of power. In the field of political philosophy, Hobbes's theory argues in favor of the concentration of power in the hand of a monarch in order to prevent the state of nature. In the field of theories of international relations, power preponderance theory argues that power preponderance of one country prevents international wars. Consequently, both theories justify American hegemony, arguing that hegemony does not only serve the best interest of the USA, but also the interest of world peace. However, this article claims that checks and balances are important not just in domestic politics but in international relations as well.
Hrvatska je na putu prema Europskoj uniji morala udovoljiti nizu zahtjeva. Unija je uvjete propisala na sastanku Europskog vijeća u Kopenhagenu 1993. godine, a prva skupina tih uvjeta uključivala je i zaštitu ljudskih prava i osobito prava manjina. Zaštita manjina bila je posebno važna u kontekstu oružanog sukoba koji se vodio na području bivše Jugoslavije. Tijekom devedesetih Hrvatska je postala strankom međunarodnih ugovora Vijeća Europe koji su se odnosili na zaštitu manjina: Okvirne konvencije za zaštitu nacionalnih manjina i Europske povelje za zaštitu regionalnih i manjinskih jezika. Prihvaćanjem ugovora Hrvatska se podvrgnula i međunarodnom nadzoru primjene i poštivanja svojih međunarodnih obveza. Prikazom i analizom izvještaja nadzornih tijela može se pratiti i u kolikoj je mjeri Hrvatska uspjela u tome. ; On its path to the European Union, Croatia had to fulfill a number of requirements. The EU defined the accession requirements at the meeting of the European Council in Copenhagen in 1993. The first group of requirements included the protection of human rights, especially minority rights. The protection of minorities was especially important in the context of armed conflict in the former Yugoslavia. In the 1990's Croatia became party to the international agreements of the Council of Europe related to the protection of minorities: Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities and the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages. By ratifying these agreements Croatia has become subject to international monitoring of the application of its international obligations. The analyses of reports of monitoring bodies can show to what extent Croatia has succeeded in the implementation of these agreements.
Šport je oduvijek bio u svezi s međunarodnom politikom i diplomacijom te s kulturom i nacionalnim identitetom. Informacijski i tehnološki napredak potaknuli su promjene u međunarodnim političkim i ekonomskim odnosima. Svjedoci smo ubrzanih promjena društvenih formacija u nacionalnome i globalnom okruženju. U kontekstu navedenih zbivanja, šport i športska diplomacija značajan su čimbenik preraspodjele političke i ekonomske moći. U radu se objašnjava kako države preko uspjeha i prepoznatljivosti u športu učinkovito šire svoj međunarodni utjecaj. Unatoč važnosti športa, posebno športske diplomacije u suvremenim međunarodnim odnosima, u hrvatskim su akademskim krugovima znanstvena istraživanja športske diplomacije još uvijek u začecima, čemu svjedoči veoma oskudan broj radova i knjiga. Zbog toga, vodeći se primjerima drugih država i shvaćajući ispremreženost športa i diplomacije u globalnome svijetu, u ovome se radu analizira šport kao fenomen meke moći te potencijali i mogućnosti hrvatske športske diplomacije. Također se promišljaju preduvjeti i specifičnosti daljnjega razvoja športa u Hrvatskoj kao važnoga izvora meke moći. ; Sport has always been associated with international politics and diplomacy, as well as with culture and national identity. Information and technological advances have spurred changes in international political and economic relations. We are witnessing accelerated changes in social formations in the national and global environment. In the context of these developments, sport and sports diplomacy are a significant factor in the redistribution of political and economic power. The paper explains how countries effectively expand their international influence through success and recognition in sports. Despite the importance of sports, especially sports diplomacy in contemporary international relations, scientific research in sports diplomacy is still in its infancy in Croatian academic circles, as evidenced by the very scarce number of papers and books. Therefore, following the examples of other countries and understanding the intertwining of sports and diplomacy in the global world, this paper analyzes sport as a phenomenon of soft power and the potentials and possibilities of Croatian sports diplomacy. The preconditions and specifics of the further development of sport in Croatia as an important source of soft power are also considered.
After the collapse of the bipolar international order, NATO has been focused on its desire to eradicate Cold War divisions and to build good relations with Russia. However, the security environment, especially in Europe, is still dramatically changing. The NATO Warsaw Summit was focused especially on NATO's deteriorated relations with Russia that affect Europe's security. At the same time, it looked at bolstering deterrence and defence due to many concerns coming from eastern European allies about Russia's new attitude in international relations. The Allies agreed that a dialogue with Russia rebuilding mutual trust needs to start. In the times when Europe faces major crisis from its southern and south-eastern neighbourhood - Western Balkan countries, Syria, Libya and Iraq - and other threats, such as terrorism, coming from the so-called Islamic State, causing migration crises, it is necessary to calm down relations with Russia. The article brings out the main purpose of NATO in a transformed world, with the accent on Europe, that is constantly developing new security conditions while tackling new challenges and threats. ; After the collapse of the bipolar international order, NATO has been focused on its desire to eradicate Cold War divisions and to build good relations with Russia. However, the security environment, especially in Europe, is still dramatically changing. The NATO Warsaw Summit was focused especially on NATO's deteriorated relations with Russia that affect Europe's security. At the same time, it looked at bolstering deterrence and defence due to many concerns coming from eastern European allies about Russia's new attitude in international relations. The Allies agreed that a dialogue with Russia rebuilding mutual trust needs to start. In the times when Europe faces major crisis from its southern and south-eastern neighbourhood - Western Balkan countries, Syria, Libya and Iraq - and other threats, such as terrorism, coming from the so-called Islamic State, causing migration crises, it is necessary to calm down relations with Russia. The article brings out the main purpose of NATO in a transformed world, with the accent on Europe, that is constantly developing new security conditions while tackling new challenges and threats.
Predmet rada je analiza granica dopuštenosti državne upotrebe oružane sile kao reakcije na terorističke napade koje počine terorističke skupine kao nedržavni akteri. Poseban naglasak stavljen je na međunarodnopravni okvir koji određuje pretpostavke za upotrebu oružane sile u ostvarivanju prava na samoobranu, čije tumačenje u posljednjih nekoliko godina u teoriji i praksi podliježe modifikacijama kojima se želi opravdati upotreba oružane sile u samoobrani protiv nedržavnih aktera, dakle, preko granica određenih međunarodnim pravom. Autorica se u radu kritički osvrće na spomenuto proširivanje tumačenja prava na samoobranu i predlaže primjenu drugih, u međunarodnom pravu utemeljenih mjera kojima države, predvođene Vijećem sigurnosti Ujedinjenih naroda, mogu odgovoriti na terorističke napade. ; The subject of this paper is an analysis of the limitations of the legality of the use of armed force by States as a response to terrorist attacks committed by terrorist groups as non-State actors. A special emphasis is placed on the international legal framework which prescribes prerequisites for the use of armed force in the implementation of the right to self-defence. Modifications in the interpretation of the right to self-defence, initiated by a rising number of terrorist attacks, tend to justify the use of armed force in self-defence against non-State actors, which is not in accordance with international law. The author critically examines the expanded interpretation of the right to self-defence and proposes that other instruments be applied in accordance with the international legal framework, which States led by the UN Security Council can use in response to terrorist attacks.
Autor se ovim radom fokusirao na dvije od mnogih izlagačkih aktivnosti u Rijeci u razdoblju između dvaju ratova, u vrijeme talijanske vlasti u čijoj su interpretaciji uključene aktualne regionalne, talijanske državne i šire europske političke prilike. Iznesen pregled ovih bijenalnih izložbi uveliko progovara o izoliranim, nepatvorenim umjetničkim trenucima unutar precizno određenoga vremena i prostora. Analizom prvih bijenalnih izložbi u Rijeci održanih 1925. i 1927. godine koje su raznovrsnošću obuhvaćenih iskaza umjetničkoga opusa iznimno širokoga i raznolikoga broja stvaralaca određene društveno-političkim okolnostima, potiče se na promišljanje o općoj zanemarenosti u sveopćem prihvaćanju Rijeke kao grada u stagnaciji po dolasku talijanske vlasti u njezinu međuratnom razdoblju. ; The paper focuses on two of the many exhibiting activities in Rijeka during the Italian rule in the interwar period, interpreted in the context of current regional, Italian state and wider European political circumstances. The presented overview of these biennial exhibitions largely speaks of isolated, authentic artistic moments within well-defined temporal and spatial framework. The analysis of the first biennial exhibitions in Rijeka held in 1925 and 1927, determined by socio-political circumstances through the variety of artistic expressions of an extremely broad and diverse number of artists, prompts a reflection on the general neglect of Rijeka as a city in stagnation in the period that followed the arrival of the Italian authorities.
The protracted conflict in Kosovo has led to the European Union's special concern on the issue, specifically its special activities in the entire area of the Western Balkans with the aim of fully Europeanizing the area and bringing it closer to European integration. The period from the 1980s was a kind of turning point for Kosovo, given that the changed constitutional possibilities in the then state gave the opportunity for independence and the establishment of the state of Kosovo. The understanding of the entire Kosovo issue needs to be observed from the historical aspect and the role of the international community. In general, the state of Kosovo was created mainly based on international action, which laid the foundations for the establishment of a modern European state. In this process, the Ahtisaari Plan and Resolution 1244 from 1999, from which the European Union derives its activities, played a particularly important role. Until now, Kosovo has gone through three periods – that of political unrest until the 1990s, the intensive actions of the international community until the 2000s, and the period of the European Union, which is still ongoing, more precisely, only beginning since Kosovo has signed the Stabilization and Association Agreement. The European Union has a significant impact on the further development of the state of Kosovo in terms of the rule of law, the establishment of democratic standards, and the strengthening of transparent government. Profiling itself as an important global factor in peace and stability, the European Union in Kosovo has achieved the results that are visible through the EULEX mission and the actions of the High Representative of the European Union in Kosovo, as well as all other European Union institutions. At the end of the second decade of this century, the influence of the United States of America in Kosovo, which has never lost interest in establishing peace and stability in this area, is growing again. That is the reason why joint action by the United States of ...
Ovaj rad bavi se političkom simbolikom zastave kao sastavnim dijelom političkih rituala i političke mitologije te posebice desakralizacijom (profanacijom) zastave kao fenomenom izrazitog političkog simbolizma. U prvom dijelu rada iznosi se povijesni pregled desakralizacije zastave, nacionalne i državne, dok u drugom dijelu autor razmatra fenomen desakralizacije zastave među-narodnih organizacija. Zatim se analizira slučaj desakralizacije zastave Europske Unije u Hrvatskoj 2011. godine u kontekstu kaznenog progona počinitelja i u kontekstu interpretacije kaznenih sankcija, pri čemu autor tvrdi da se odredba članka 186. Kaznenog zakona ne može odnositi na zastavu Europske Unije jer je Lisabonskim ugovorom, koji je stupio na snagu 1. prosinca 2009., dotadašnja zastava EU-a prestala biti službenom. S druge strane EU nije klasična međunarodna organizacija, već politička asocijacija zemalja članica sui generis, pa tako izmiče definiciji međunarodne organizacije, što je potvrđeno i Rezolucijom Opće skupštine UN-a od 3. svibnja 2011. U takvom kontekstu promašen je kazneni progon palitelja zastave EU-a u Hrvatskoj, kao što je neprimjerena i kaznena odredba sa zapriječenom kaznom koja na simboliku paljenja zastave odgovara simbolikom represije. U zaključku autor iznosi da je za politologiju od posebne važnosti izučavanje političke simbolike, što obrazlaže svojom analizom na primjeru desakralizacije zastave Europske Unije. ; This article deals with the political symbolism of the flag as a constituent part of political rituals and political mythology, and special attention is given to the desecration of the flag as a phenomenon of exceptional political symbolism. The author reviews cases of flag desecration, national and international, while in the second part of the article deals with the desecration of international organizations' flags highlighting the desecration of the EU flag. Then the article analyses the desecration of the EU flag in Croatia in 2011 within the context of criminal proceedings initiated against the perpetrators. In doing so, the author finds that Art. 186 of the Croatian Penal Code cannot apply to the desecration of the EU flag as a symbol of an international organization, because the EU is not a classical international organization, but an association of states sui generis, as the German Federal Constitutional court ruled in 1993. Moreover, the flag of Europe is not the official flag of the EU any more since the provisions on EU symbols were cancelled in the Lisbon Treaty entering into force on December 1, 2009. Therefore flag burners or flag rippers cannot be prosecuted under the provisions of this article, because no one can be indicted for a non-existing symbol. However, the study of political symbols is very important in contemporary political science and this should be dealt with in analysis and research.
Global mapping is an international collaborative initiative through voluntary participation of national mapping organizations of the world, aiming to develop a globally homogeneous geographic data set at the ground resolution of 1 km, and to establish concrete partnership among governments, NGOs, private sectors, data providers and users to share information and knowledge for sound decision-making. The primary objective of Global Map project is to contribute to the sustainable development through the provision of base framework geographic dataset, which is necessary to understand the current situation and changes of environment of the world. The purpose of the Global Map is to accurately describe the present status of the global environment in international cooperation with respective National Mapping Organizations (NMOs) of the world. International Steering Committee for Global Mapping (ISCGM) has been playing a central role in the development of the Global Map data sets. It was established in February 13th 1996 in Tsukuba Japan by the participants of the Preparatory Meeting of the ISCGM, and its First Meeting was held on February 14th, 1996. The Global Map data sets produced by converting existing geographic information into Global Map Specifications and country-specific data sets for 22 countries developed by respective NMOs are currently distributed to the public through the internet web site www.iscgm.org. The Global Map data of Macedonia as a first European country was published at the web page of the International Steering Committee for Global Mapping on March 8th 2006. This data is open for all governmental institutions, private sector and other users, only for non-commercial uses. ; Global Mapping je međunarodna inicijativa suradnje kroz dobrovoljno sudjelovanje nacionalnih kartografskih organizacija iz cijeloga svijeta u svrhu razvoja globalnoga homogenoga skupa geopodataka s razlučivošću od 1 km na Zemljinoj površini i osnivanja konkretnih partnerstava između vlada, nevladinih organizacija, privatnoga sektora, dobavljača podataka i korisnika kako bi razmijenili informacije i znanje za dobro donošenje odluka. Glavni je cilj projekta Global Map pridonijeti održivom razvoju stvaranjem osnovne mreže skupa geopodataka, koja je nužna za razumijevanje trenutačne situacije i promjena okoliša u svijetu. Svrha je Global Mapa točno opisivanje trenutačnoga stanja globalnog okoliša u međunarodnoj suradnji s odgovarajućim nacionalnim kartografskim organizacijama (National Mapping Organizations - NMOs) iz svijeta. Međunarodno nadzorno povjerenstvo za globalnu kartografiju (International Steering Committee for Global Mapping - ISCGM) igralo je središnju ulogu u razvoju skupova podataka Global Mapa. Osnovali su ga 13. veljače 1996. u Tsukubi (Japan) sudionici Pripremnog sastanka ISCGM-a (Preparatory Meeting of the ISCGM), a prvi je sastanak održan 14. veljače 1996. Skupovi podataka Global Mapa proizvedeni su pretvaranjem postojećih geoinformacija prema tehničkim uputama Global Mapa (Global Map Specifications) iz skupova podataka, specifičnih za određenu zemlju, za 22 zemlje. Ti podaci, što su ih proizvele odgovarajuće nacionalne kartografske ogranizacije, javno se objavljuju putem interneta, na adresi www.iscgm.org. Dana 8. ožujka 2006. na web stranici ISCGM-a objavljeni su podaci Global Mapa za Makedoniju kao prvu europsku zemlju. Ti su podaci dostupni svim vladinim institucijama, privatnom sektoru i drugim korisnicima za nekomercijalnu upotrebu.
Liga naroda prva je moderna međunarodna organizacija koja je počivala na ideji kolektivne sigurnosti na globalnoj razini. Imajući to u vidu, u radu se nastoji na sustavan način razmotriti kolektivnu sigurnost i njezine mehanizme sadržane u Paktu Lige naroda. U tom cilju, nakon uvodnih razmatranja i kraćeg osvrta na pojmovno određenje, pretpostavke, korijene i kritike kolektivne sigurnosti, u radu se pobliže razmatraju njezini mehanizmi u Paktu Lige naroda kako bi se istražilo, prvo, u kojim su odredbama bili sadržani ti mehanizmi i u čemu su se oni sastojali; drugo, zašto ti mehanizmi nisu uspjeli ostvariti svoju svrhu. Iz tog razloga, zaključci u radu temeljeni su na normativnoj analizi Pakta Lige naroda, ali i na pojedinim primjerima iz povijesti međunarodnih odnosa u tom razdoblju. ; Although the idea of collective security has long existed in the history of international relations, the League of Nations was the first modern international organisation based on the idea of collective security at the global level. In this context, the author aims at giving a systematic review of collective security and its mechanisms comprised in the Covenant of the League of Nations. To this end, after introductory considerations and a short review of the conceptual definition, postulates, roots, and critiques of collective security, the paper discusses its mechanisms in the Covenant of the League of Nations in order to examine, firstly, which provisions encompassed these mechanisms and what they were composed of and secondly, why these mechanisms failed to achieve their purpose. For this reason, the conclusions in this paper rely on a normative analysis of the Covenant of the League of Nations, as well as on the specific examples from the history of international relations during the period considered.
Although the idea of collective security has long existed in the history of international relations, the League of Nations was the first modern international organisation based on the idea of collective security at the global level. In this context, the author aims at giving a systematic review of collective security and its mechanisms comprised in the Covenant of the League of Nations. To this end, after introductory considerations and a short review of the conceptual definition, postulates, roots, and critiques of collective security, the paper discusses its mechanisms in the Covenant of the League of Nations in order to examine, firstly, which provisions encompassed these mechanisms and what they were composed of and secondly, why these mechanisms failed to achieve their purpose. For this reason, the conclusions in this paper rely on a normative analysis of the Covenant of the League of Nations, as well as on the specific examples from the history of international relations during the period considered. ; Liga naroda prva je moderna međunarodna organizacija koja je počivala na ideji kolektivne sigurnosti na globalnoj razini. Imajući to u vidu, u radu se nastoji na sustavan način razmotriti kolektivnu sigurnost i njezine mehanizme sadržane u Paktu Lige naroda. U tom cilju, nakon uvodnih razmatranja i kraćeg osvrta na pojmovno određenje, pretpostavke, korijene i kritike kolektivne sigurnosti, u radu se pobliže razmatraju njezini mehanizmi u Paktu Lige naroda kako bi se istražilo, prvo, u kojim su odredbama bili sadržani ti mehanizmi i u čemu su se oni sastojali; drugo, zašto ti mehanizmi nisu uspjeli ostvariti svoju svrhu. Iz tog razloga, zaključci u radu temeljeni su na normativnoj analizi Pakta Lige naroda, ali i na pojedinim primjerima iz povijesti međunarodnih odnosa u tom razdoblju.
The paper is analysing the influence of international institutions on social policy creation in Bosnia and Herzegovina since the beginning of the economic crisis in 2008. The first section gives an overview of the relevant literature, followed by a presentation of socio – economic factors that led to international credit agreement, reform agenda and actual implementation of social protection reforms. Through the analysis of proclaimed social protection objectives and their implementation by local institutions in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, an assessment of the achieved results is done in the light of realised savings and better targeting of social transfers. The paper sheds some light on inconsistent policy of both international institutions and government actors in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Hence, despite the proclaimed reform objectives, the system of social protection based on status rights which is fiscally unsustainable, and poorly targeted towards the poor still remains largely unchanged. ; Rad se bavi analizom utjecaja međunarodnih institucija na socijalnu politiku u Bosni i Hercegovini od početka ekonomske krize 2008. godine. U prvom se dijelu rada daje pregled relevantne literature, zatim se prezentiraju socio-ekonomski čimbenici koji su doveli do sklapanja međunarodnog kreditnog aranžmana, reformski ciljevi i način implementacije reformi sustava socijalne zaštite. Kroz analizu proklamiranih ciljeva reforme socijalne zaštite te njihovu implementaciju od strane lokalnih institucija u Federaciji Bosne i Hercegovine analiziraju se stvarni učinci s aspekta ostvarenih ušteda i bolje ciljanosti socijalnih transfera. Rad ukazuje na nedosljednost politike kako međunarodnih institucija u Bosni i Hercegovini tako i vladinih aktera. Unatoč proklamiranim ciljevima reforme, sustav socijalne zaštite temeljen na statusnim pravima fiskalno je neodrživ te loše ciljan prema siromašnima, ali i dalje ostaje nepromijenjen.
