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In international relations, international security combines that set of international relations that ensures global stability. In other words, international security is a state in which states are not threatened by war or by any breach of their sovereignty or independent development by other states. In accordance with the UN Charter, the Security Council currently has the main task of ensuring world peace, also having the sole right to impose sanctions against aggressors. The idea of international security, its realization in practice is determined by historical, economic, political, social conditions, as well as other factors. The problem of international security arose with the formation of the state institution, being always close to the problem of war and peace. Over time, there has been a change in the ability to analyze and report security issues. Along with these, both the policies and the security strategies of contemporary societies have undergone a process of metamorphosis.

As a sovereign and independent state, the Republic of Moldova has been going, for more than two decades, through a long process of asserting the country globally, certifying the status of the Republic of Moldova as a member of the international community and subject to international law. An important role in this sense is also the membership of our state in various regional and international organizations, and of increased interest are those specialized in combating all forms of organized crime. Taking into account its geographical position, but also the socio-human factor, we can not neglect the strategic role played for this purpose by the organizations from the Community of Independent States, those from the Black Sea Basin, or the Western Balkans. Thus, this article aims to review the most important regional and international organizations fighting cross-border organized crime of which our country is a member, with the presentation of the activity and role of the Republic of Moldova within them

Law, Wai Hin. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 98-109). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract ; Table of Content ; List of Abbreviation ; Preface ; Chapter Chapter One --- Introduction ; Chapter 1.1 --- Aim of Study ; Chapter 1.2 --- Theoretical approach ; Chapter 1.3 --- Methodology ; Chapter 1.4 --- Significance ; Chapter Chapter Two --- Theory ; Chapter 2.1 --- International Political Economy (IPE) ; Chapter 2.1.1 --- Mainstream IPE ; Chapter 2.1.2 --- New IPE ; Chapter 2.2 --- About theorizing change of the Greater Pearl River Delta ; Chapter 2.3 --- Region ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Globalization ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- Regional integration ; Chapter 2.3.3 --- Regional integration in East Asia ; Chapter 2.3.4 --- Sub-regional integration in East Asia ; Chapter 2.4 --- National and sub-national Politics and centre-local relation: China ; Chapter 2.5 --- Summary ; Chapter Chapter Three --- Substantive Focus: the integration of the GPRD from the early 1980s to2004 ; Chapter 3.1 --- The integration of Hong Kong/Macau and the Pearl River Delta before ; Chapter 3.2 --- A period of break between 1997-2001 ; Chapter 3.3 --- A new phase of development starting from 2002 ; Chapter Chapter Four --- Evaluation of New International Political Economy ; Chapter Chapter Five --- Conclusion

Corruption manifests at an international, regional and national level, it can be considered a phenomenon of society that has a negative impact on the political, juridical, and economic system and the public services of a state. As a response to this phenomenon, the state develops anti-corruption instruments, which are: laws, normative acts, standards, political commitments, mandates for the creation of institutions and mechanisms, measures and actions against corruption. In this article are investigated anti-corruption instruments at international, regional, national, and local levels and institutional anti-corruption instruments. Moreover, it is analyzed the efficiency of anti-corruption instruments used by the National Anticorruption Center, an anti-corruption specialized institute. In conclusion, it is emphasized the importance of the realization of anti-corruption measures in Moldova, making use of international experience and developing national instruments, that correspond to the local specifics and conditions.

Wong, Wai Man Natalie. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 120-128). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Notes --- p.vii ; Lists of Figures and Tables --- p.viii ; Chapter CHAPTER 1 --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Background of the Study - Transboundary movement of electronic waste (e-waste) --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Definition of Structure of NGOs Networks --- p.8 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Transnational Advocacy Networks (TANs) --- p.11 ; Chapter 1.3.1 --- Variables in TANs --- p.12 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Organization of this Study --- p.18 ; Chapter 1.5 --- Methodology --- p.18 ; Chapter CHAPTER 2 --- REVIEWING TRANSNATIONAL ADVOCACY NETWORKS IN TRANSNATIONAL ACTIVISM --- p.20 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Overview: Expansion of INGOs --- p.20 ; Chapter 2.1.1 --- Debates: State-centric vs. Non State-centric in World Politics --- p.22 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Transnational Activism in World Politics --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Networks in Transnational Activisms --- p.28 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Linkages in Transnational Activism between the North and the South --- p.30 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- NGOs Networking: Two Levels Analysis --- p.32 ; Chapter 2.4 --- TANs in Transnational Activisms --- p.34 ; Chapter 2.5 --- Transnational Activism in Asia --- p.43 ; Chapter CHAPTER 3 --- WHAT HAS THE GREENPEACE DONE IN ANTI TOXIC E-WASTE CAMPAGINS IN CHINA AND THE PHILIPPINES? --- p.49 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Problems of e-waste --- p.49 ; Chapter 3.2 --- The Greenpeace China in Anti-toxic e-waste Campaign --- p.54 ; Chapter 3.3 --- The Greenpeace Philippines in Anti-toxic e-waste Campaign --- p.64 ; Chapter CHAPTER 4 --- COMPARISON OF THE STRUCTURE OF GREENPEACE NETWORKS IN CHINA AND THE PHILIPPINES --- p.76 ; Chapter 4.1 --- History of INGOs in China and the Philippines --- p.76 ; Chapter 4.1.1 --- History of INGOs in China --- p.76 ; Chapter 4.1.2 --- History of INGOs in the Philippines --- p.79 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Greenpeace - National Government Relationship --- p.92 ; Chapter 4.3 --- ...

胡錦濤在二○一一年訪問美國是極其重要的中美外交事件,作為世界上兩個最大的經濟體,尤其在國際社會的共同命運和國家和國際經濟動盪的時刻,中美關係發揮顯著作用。 ; 本論文特別側重說明美國政府和新聞媒介如何建構胡錦濤訪問美國,並塑造為一個慶祝國際政治媒介事件,說明政府在建構新聞語霸權,且取得美國新聞媒體的合作。它最終引發了媒體社會學的問題,媒體民主問題和人文與經濟價值之間的鬥爭。 ; 這兩個國家之間日益增長的戰略和務實的關係,是突顯社會的政治背景,導致胡錦濤訪問美國作為一個媒介事件,形成一個變贏的和平競賽,以及慶祝和友好熱惰的表現。 ; 胡錦濤訪問美國以及美國電視新聞作為本研究的主要焦點,說明媒體往往採取在媒介事件中互相尊重,雙羸 ,和平和樂觀的態度。美國的電視新聞媒體會在臨鍵的時刻偏向政府。 ; Hu Jin Tao's U.S. visit in 2011 is an extremely important diplomatic event in U.S.-China relations in the past thirty years or so, which calls for bilateral and international attention, as the relations between the world's two biggest economies play a significant role in the common fate of the global community, at a time of national and international economic turmoil. ; This thesis specifically focusing on explicating the journalistic construction of Hu's U.S. visit as a historical and celebrative international political media event, a news discourse constructed out of hegemonic governmental influences and the cooperation of U.S. news media. It eventually raised media sociological questions upon the professionalism of U.S. news media in relations to U.S. foreign policy, media democracy and humanistic question over the struggle between economic pragmatism and individual freedom, especially in international integration. ; The growing strategic and pragmatic relationship between the two nations is the foregrounding social-political context that leads to the journalistic framing of the visit as a media event, a win-win peaceful contest, and an celebrative and friendly welcoming performance. And that the American TV news media tend to pay more reverence towards the government during critical historic political moment, in this case the U.S. visit by Hu. The U.S news media, with TV news as the main focus in this study, tend to adopt the ritualistic media event script in framing the visit in an respectful, peaceful and optimistic manner. There is a discursive news storyline of Hu's state visit as a win-win media event starts from the tension between the two states and then a ...

Yu Hongyuan. ; "January 2004." ; Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. ; Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. ; Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. ; Mode of access: World Wide Web. ; Abstracts in English and Chinese.

In recent years, studies in the fields of both foreign policy analysis and international relations theory on China's domestic level have increased. However, these increases in studies have not been well received. Our research reviewed the related classical literature and the published literature over the past decade, seeking to find correlations among the various domestic factors and explore the progress of the operationalization of several variables. Our findings reveal that regime type and beliefs are the two variables which have been well studied in both of the fields of foreign policy analysis and international relations theory; that variables related to actors have been studied in the field of foreign policy analysis; and that new academic achievements inboth the studies have been adopted into the paradigms of international relations theory. These new developments have generally stimulated multilevel analysis in international relations. ; 近年来,国内政治层次在对外政策分析和国际关系理论两个领域的共同推动下,形成了一个要素庞多、交互复杂的知识网络体系,但却很少有研究兼顾宏观与微观双视角下去探究、梳理、整合这个知识体系。通过考察相关经典文献与近十年的研究成果,本文对国际关系研究中的国内政治解释进行类型化的分析,从宏观上寻找各要素之间的相关性,从微观上探索各变量的操作化进展。各变量在对外政策分析与国际关系理论两个领域的发展状况和深入程度存在差异,其中政体、观念等是两个领域的交互关系较深的变量,而行为体相关变量主要由对外政策分析领域推动,一些国际关系理论范式直接套用了这些研究成果。两个领域间相互推动发展的这种关系,不仅使国际关系研究不再只强调单方向、单层次的分析方法,而且互动与跨层次分析的成果也越来越丰富。

Cui, Yan. ; Thesis Ph.D. Chinese University of Hong Kong 2015. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 236-251). ; Abstracts also in Chinese. ; Title from PDF title page (viewed on 15, September, 2016).

As a motivational factor of action, political efficacy is an important predictor of political behaviour. The term was invented to capture the extent to which people feel that they can effectively participate in politics and shape political processes. Today, we have a comprehensive knowledge of the individual-level factors (socio-demographic variables, political preferences etc.) that shape the level of internal and external dimensions of political efficacy. However, while it is widely demonstrated that media consumption influences the level of political efficacy, the country-level media context factors affecting it have rarely been studied. This paper reports the findings of extensive research on how two crucial features of the media context, the political significance of the media and the level of political parallelism in the media system, shape the level of external and internal political efficacy. The investigation draws upon the dataset of the seventh round (2014 – 2015) of the European Social Survey (ESS) and includes more than twenty-two thousand respondents from nineteen European democracies. The research hypothesizes that in countries where the media play a more important role, people have lower levels of external and higher levels of internal political efficacy. Political parallelism, which shows the extent to which media outlets are driven by distinct political orientations and interests within a particular media system, is expected to directly increase both external and internal political efficacy. Its indirect effect is also hypothesized, arguing that partisan media amplifies the winner-loser gap in political efficacy as a kind of "echo chamber". The findings show that in countries where the media play a major role in shaping political discourse, people have lower levels of external political efficacy, while the political parallelism of the media system indirectly affects the external dimensions of political efficacy. Internal political efficacy is, however, not related to these context-level factors.

In its nature, world history is an evolutionary cycle of non-rules, non-order to rules and order. The Peace of Westphalia began the international order aiming to resolve disputes through multinational meetings. However, the fragile world order and the code of international relations failed to prevent World War Ⅰ. Although a new system of multinational mechanisms, formed after World War I, reformed the international community, it did not stop World War Ⅱ from breaking out. After World War Ⅱ, a new system of international organizations represented by the United Nations and new norms of international relations centered on the Charter of the United Nations were established. Despite its undeniable role in the world order and the norms of international relations, the so-called Yalta System, still has its flaws. After the end of the Cold War, the necessity of a new world political, economic and security order is rising. The theory and practice of global governance is in need of upgrading. However, due to complicated historical and realistic reasons, the process of building up a new order based on new rules would be long and tortuous. Key Words: International Order, Power Relations, Charter of the United Nations, Global Governance ; 世界历史归根到底,就是从无规则无秩序到有规则有秩序,再到建立新规则新秩序无限发展历程。威斯特伐利亚条约的诞生,标志着以多边会议为争端解决机制的国际秩序开始形成,但粗陋而孱弱的世界秩序和国际关系准则并没能阻止第一次世界大战的爆发。一战后形成的一系列新型多边合作机制曾使国际社会欢欣鼓舞,但这套体制和规则仍未能阻止二战的爆发。国际社会于二战结束之际,建立起以联合国为代表的新的国际组织体系和联合国宪章为核心的新型国际关系准则。这套名为雅尔塔体系的世界秩序和国际关系规则虽然发挥了不可否认的历史作用,但许多方面仍不尽如人意。冷战结束后,世界呼唤新的政治经济秩序、安全格局,全球治理从理论到实践都亟待更新。但由于极其复杂的历史和现实原因,建立基于新规则的新秩序,将是一个漫长而曲折的历史过程。 【关键词】国际秩序,大国关系,联合国宪章,全球治理

This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM).

by Li Hang-tsang, Steven. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 133-138). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; List of Tables --- p.i ; List of Charts --- p.iii ; List of Diagrams --- p.iii ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Global Interaction and Economic Development --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Sociological Perspectives of Economic Development --- p.3 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Network Perspective of Global Interaction --- p.7 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Objectives and research Design --- p.9 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review --- p.11 ; Chapter 2.1 --- World System Perspective and Global Interaction --- p.11 ; Chapter 2.1.1 --- Classification Scheme of World System Perspective --- p.12 ; Chapter 2.1.2 --- Global Interaction and the Operation of Capitalism --- p.13 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Global Interaction and Economic Development --- p.19 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- Economic Business Cycle and Economic Development --- p.20 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- Global Factors and Economic Development --- p.22 ; Chapter 2.2.3 --- Local Factors and Economic Development --- p.24 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Critiques and Limitations of World System Perspective --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- The Limitation of Theory Testing --- p.26 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- Insufficient Study of Global Interaction --- p.27 ; Chapter (1) --- Interaction Among Core Countries --- p.29 ; Chapter (2) --- Interaction Between Core Country and Semi-Peripheral Country --- p.30 ; Chapter (3) --- Interaction Among Peripheral Countries --- p.31 ; Chapter (4) --- Other Unspecified Interaction --- p.31 ; Chapter 2.3.3 --- The Ignored Facets of Global Interaction --- p.32 ; Chapter (1) --- Interaction Partner --- p.32 ; Chapter (2) --- Interaction Intensity --- p.32 ; Chapter (3) --- The Combined Effect of Interaction Partner and Interaction Intensity --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.4 --- The Network Perspective and New Conception to Global Interaction --- p.35 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Conceptual Framework and Hypotheses --- p.39 ...

What we today call the international system was created by the West from early modern age. This term is often used in political theory, but less focused on how to classify integrative forces within the international system. In the context of this study, we are attempting to lay down some conceptual basis. How do we understand the linking and unifying factors within the international system? Initially, the emergence of the international system was largely attributed to political factors in theory, but we can also refer to other explanatory principles: one considers economic factors and civilizational factors are taken into consideration as essential aspects of the international structures. According to our viewpoint, inter-civilization dialogue seems to be a "third way" that goes beyond the expansive one-sidedness of Western universalism and the world-level confrontation of hostile civilizations. This "civilizational approach" incorporates the two previous aspects - economic and political - and this is what gives its importance. In our view, inter-civilization dialogue is the only viable way to create global ethos, and only the resulting "intellectual revolution" can make national and supranational economic and political institutions to operate in effective way under the conditions of globalization.

This paper explores how Britain's and Colombia's privileged relations with the United States (U.S.) influenced their journey through the European Community (EC) and the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR). The Anglo–American Special Relationship (AASR) was compatible with British participation in the European Single Market, but not with adherence to creating the EC's common currency, nor with leadership in building a European defence structure autonomous from NATO. Thus, since the start of the Iraq war, Britain played a rather obstructive role in what later was called European Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The US–Colombia Partnership (USCP), based on a longstanding military association reinforced under Plan Colombia, naturally discouraged any meaningful Colombian participation in UNASUR's South American Security Council (CDS), a regional cooperative security project, promoted by Brazil. Cherished projects of the liberal CAP – such as triangular cooperation (to export Colombian security expertise to Central America with U.S. co-financing and oversight) and NATO partnership – also distracted Colombia's interest from UNASUR, diminishing the latter's relevance collaterally. A role for UNASUR – alongside the Organization of American States (OAS) – in South American security management was compatible with the liberal CAP, but not with the neoconservative CAP. Even a lopsided complementation – such as the one between NATO and the CSDP – proved unviable between the OAS and UNASUR.