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As a motivational factor of action, political efficacy is an important predictor of political behaviour. The term was invented to capture the extent to which people feel that they can effectively participate in politics and shape political processes. Today, we have a comprehensive knowledge of the individual-level factors (socio-demographic variables, political preferences etc.) that shape the level of internal and external dimensions of political efficacy. However, while it is widely demonstrated that media consumption influences the level of political efficacy, the country-level media context factors affecting it have rarely been studied. This paper reports the findings of extensive research on how two crucial features of the media context, the political significance of the media and the level of political parallelism in the media system, shape the level of external and internal political efficacy. The investigation draws upon the dataset of the seventh round (2014 – 2015) of the European Social Survey (ESS) and includes more than twenty-two thousand respondents from nineteen European democracies. The research hypothesizes that in countries where the media play a more important role, people have lower levels of external and higher levels of internal political efficacy. Political parallelism, which shows the extent to which media outlets are driven by distinct political orientations and interests within a particular media system, is expected to directly increase both external and internal political efficacy. Its indirect effect is also hypothesized, arguing that partisan media amplifies the winner-loser gap in political efficacy as a kind of "echo chamber". The findings show that in countries where the media play a major role in shaping political discourse, people have lower levels of external political efficacy, while the political parallelism of the media system indirectly affects the external dimensions of political efficacy. Internal political efficacy is, however, not related to these context-level factors.

زمینه و هدف: کمبود مواد غذایی، تغییرات اقلیمی و دیگر عوامل سبب شده تا تولید گیاهان تغییر شکل‌یافته ژنتیکی (محصولات تراریخته) از دهه 90 میلادی مورد توجه قرار گیرد. تولید این گیاهان همان‌گونه که موجب امیدواری در رفع گرسنگی بود، به دلیل تأثیر احتمالی بر محیط زیست موج نگرانی را نیز برانگیخت. هدف از این تحقیق، بررسی تعهدات زیست‌محیطی دولت‌ها در حوزه محصولات تراریخته در پرتو اصول حقوق بین‌الملل محیط زیست، اتحادیه اروپا و ایران است. مواد و روش‌ها: نوشتار حاضر به شیوه توصیفی ـ تحلیلی ابتدا اصول پیش‌گفته حاکم در حقوق بین‌الملل محیط زیست را بررسی می‌کند تا دریابد تعهدات زیست‌محیطی دولت‌ها درباره محصولات تراریخته از نظر اصول حقوق بین‌الملل چگونه است و سپس رویکرد اختصاصی اتحادیه اروپا را بررسی و تطبیق داده و بالاخره گذرا این وضعیت را در ایران مرور می‌کند. یافته‌ها: اتحادیه اروپا برخلاف ایالات متحده دیدگاهی احتیاط‌آمیز توأم با سخت‌گیری در حمایت از مصرف‌کننده و محیط زیست پیش گرفته که ریشه در اصول کلی حقوق بین‌الملل محیط زیست دارد. اصولی مانند توسعه پایدار، اقدام احتیاطی، ارزیابی و اطلاع‌رسانی که به جمع رعایت مصالح دولت‌ها در دستیابی به توسعه و پیشرفت و حفظ محیط زیست می‌انجامد، در حالی که در ایران از سویی قوانین حمایتی از محیط زیست به صورت کارآمد تصویب نشده است و یا این‌که در برخی موارد محیط زیست و حمایت از آن مغفول مانده است. ملاحظات اخلاقی: در تمام مراحل نگارش پژوهش حاضر، ضمن رعایت اصالت متون، صداقت و امانتداری، رعایت شده است. نتیجه‌گیری: نتایج این جستار نشان می‌دهد که دولت‌ها در خصوص محصولات تراریخته متعهد به رعایت اصول کلی یا عرفی توسعه پایدار، اقدام احتیاطی، ارزیابی و اطلاع‌رسانی بوده و رعایت اصول مزبور بهترین راهکار جهت صیانت از حقوق مصرف‌کننده و حمایت از محیط زیست است. ; Background and Aim: Food scarcity, climate change and other factors have led to the production of genetically modified crops (transgenic crops) since the 1990s. The production of these plants, as they had hoped to eliminate hunger, also raised concerns about the potential impact on the environment. The purpose of this study is to examine the Governments' Environmental Obligations on Genetically Modified Organism (GMO) in the light of the International Environmetal Law, European Union and Iran. Materials and Methods: The present paper is descriptive-analytical paper and firstly examines the aforementioned principles of international environmental law in order to understand what is the environmental commitment and obligation of governments in the process of cultivation and supply for transgenic products from the perspective of international law. Then, it examines and applies the EU-specific approach and finally reviews this situation in Iran. Findings: The European Union, unlike United States, has taken a cautious approach to consumer and environmental protection. This approach is rooted in the general principles of international environmental law. Principles such as sustainable development, precautionary principle and the principle of notification that bring together the interests of governments in achieving development, improvement and environmental protection, while in Iran,It has not been enacted environmental laws effectively on the GMO or in some cases the environment and its protection have been neglected. Ethical Considerations: In order to organize this research, while observing the authenticity of the texts, honesty and fidelity have been observed. Conclusion: The results show that governments are committed to adhering to the general or customary principles of sustainable development, precautionary principle and the principle of notification in the process of cultivating and supplying for Genetically Modified Organism (GMO), and adhering to these principles is the best way to safeguard consumer rights. Cite this article as: Pouresmaeili A, keykhosravi M, Vaezi Kakhki MR. The Studying of Governments' Environmental Obligations on Genetically Modified Organism (GMO) in the light of the International Environmetal Law, European Union and Iran. Bioethics Journal 2020; 10(35): e16.

What we today call the international system was created by the West from early modern age. This term is often used in political theory, but less focused on how to classify integrative forces within the international system. In the context of this study, we are attempting to lay down some conceptual basis. How do we understand the linking and unifying factors within the international system? Initially, the emergence of the international system was largely attributed to political factors in theory, but we can also refer to other explanatory principles: one considers economic factors and civilizational factors are taken into consideration as essential aspects of the international structures. According to our viewpoint, inter-civilization dialogue seems to be a "third way" that goes beyond the expansive one-sidedness of Western universalism and the world-level confrontation of hostile civilizations. This "civilizational approach" incorporates the two previous aspects - economic and political - and this is what gives its importance. In our view, inter-civilization dialogue is the only viable way to create global ethos, and only the resulting "intellectual revolution" can make national and supranational economic and political institutions to operate in effective way under the conditions of globalization.

This paper explores how Britain's and Colombia's privileged relations with the United States (U.S.) influenced their journey through the European Community (EC) and the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR). The Anglo–American Special Relationship (AASR) was compatible with British participation in the European Single Market, but not with adherence to creating the EC's common currency, nor with leadership in building a European defence structure autonomous from NATO. Thus, since the start of the Iraq war, Britain played a rather obstructive role in what later was called European Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The US–Colombia Partnership (USCP), based on a longstanding military association reinforced under Plan Colombia, naturally discouraged any meaningful Colombian participation in UNASUR's South American Security Council (CDS), a regional cooperative security project, promoted by Brazil. Cherished projects of the liberal CAP – such as triangular cooperation (to export Colombian security expertise to Central America with U.S. co-financing and oversight) and NATO partnership – also distracted Colombia's interest from UNASUR, diminishing the latter's relevance collaterally. A role for UNASUR – alongside the Organization of American States (OAS) – in South American security management was compatible with the liberal CAP, but not with the neoconservative CAP. Even a lopsided complementation – such as the one between NATO and the CSDP – proved unviable between the OAS and UNASUR.

Tanulmányunk a nemzetközi rendszer átalakulásával foglalkozik, azt Polányi kettős mozgásának a nemzetközi politikai gazdaságtan három vizsgálati szintjére (rendszer szintje, nemzetállam szintje, ideák szintje) való kiterjesztésével mutatja be. A cél annak az ingamozgásnak a bemutatása, mely az önszabályozó piac és a Bretton Woodsi "beágyazott liberalizmus" között írható le. Bemutatjuk azt is, hogy a populista pártok napjainkban megfigyelhető növekvő népszerűsége a piacosító folyamatokkal szembeni ellenmozgásként értelmezhető. = Our paper examines the transformation of the international economic system. We examine the process of Polanyi's double movement on the three levels of analysis of the international political economy: systemic, domestic and cognitive. Our aim is to show that during the development of the international system a certain pendulum is present which swings between the idea of the self-regulating market and 'the embedded liberalism' of the Bretton Woods System. We will also show, that the increasing popularity of populist political parties might be also understood as a countermovement against forces of marketization.