This article explores the development of international relations (IR) in Indonesia with special focus on the changing trends in its theoretical perspectives. It argues that the academic works examined reflect the ways in which Indonesia's IR scholars perceive and theorize the nature of the dynamics of external political environments and their connections to the state's foreign relations. The argument is elaborated in two related parts. The first section discusses the theoretical perspectives that developed during the Cold War period, which focuses on the propensity toward historical realism and regionalism. The second part of the discussion examines recent developments in which Cold War perspectives have been reconsidered, and in many respects modified into three new categories of theoretical thinking, namely reform, resistance, and eclecticism. The changing theoretical trends reveal that Indonesia's IR scholarship is open and innovative. The conclusion comments on the development of the Indonesia's IR.
The IFRS can be applied in the multi national company (MNC) and listing firms across the country but it does not mean it can replace the national accounting standards that have been owned by respective countries. The accounting standardization is not an easy job because each country has different political, social, and economic background. This study is to reveal the reason and who is behind IFRS adoption in Indonesia. This qualitative research is a case study based on cases representing institutions in Indonesia: DSAK, DPN IAI, BAPEPAM-LK, the finance ministry and the ministry of state own enterprises (BUMN). Data were collected by interviews and using readily available documents and processed with thematic analysis. The result shows the adoption of IFRS decisions is driven by international interests. Indonesia's membership in several international organizations, such as IFAC (International Federation on Accountant), IOSCO, and the G-20, has resulted in the approval of global accounting standards in Indonesia. Each organization has done a variety ways to ensure that its members adopt IFRS. IFRS should be based more on Indonesia accounting needs and should not be only based on a desire particularly coercion from others. In-depth analysis based on the reality of each particular business should be conducted before a decision to adopt IFRS is taken.
This study considers the political aspects of the Joko Widodo government's megaproject to build an integrated marine logistic system known as the tol laut. Expanding the existing literature which gives details about the contextual obstacles faced by and the prospects for the Indonesian government to pursue its infrastructure ambitions, the study argues that notwithstanding the relevance of the tol laut for advancing the Indonesian economy, it is inevitably entangled with dynamic internal and external environments which can unfavourably distort the construction processes. This is the way of understanding the political economy of Indonesia's development issues which allows for the juxtaposition of domestic political and international relations factors as its framework of analysis. The discussion is divided into four sections. Section one explains the conceptual and methodological foundation of the study. Section two outlines the importance of the tol laut to Indonesian national economic development. Section three looks at how the current domestic political settings pose structural hurdles to Widodo's tol laut, and section four observes the effect of international relations of powerful regional actors and Jakarta's diplomatic capacity to the on-going tol laut. The concluding section summarizes the findings of the study.
The IFRS can be applied in the multi national company (MNC) and listing firms across the country but it does not mean it can replace the national accounting standards that have been owned by respective countries. The accounting standardization is not an easy job because each country has different political, social, and economic background. This study is to reveal the reason and who is behind IFRS adoption in Indonesia. This qualitative research is a case study based on cases representing institutions in Indonesia: DSAK, DPN IAI, BAPEPAM-LK, the finance ministry and the ministry of state own enterprises (BUMN). Data were collected by interviews and using readily available documents and processed with thematic analysis. The result shows the adoption of IFRS decisions is driven by international interests. Indonesia's membership in several international organizations, such as IFAC (International Federation on Accountant), IOSCO, and the G-20, has resulted in the approval of global accounting standards in Indonesia. Each organization has done a variety ways to ensure that its members adopt IFRS. IFRS should be based more on Indonesia accounting needs and should not be only based on a desire particularly coercion from others. In-depth analysis based on the reality of each particular business should be conducted before a decision to adopt IFRS is taken.
Realism has been the dominant conceptual approach to studying Indonesian foreign policy. This article, however, considers realist analyses to be insucient since their emphasis on the struggle for power and security in the system of states has led to the neglect of the importance of perspectives which focus on order. To ll the gap it then intends to apply the English School perspective which focuses on the concept of international society to trace the nature and function of Indonesian foreign policy. Two cases are examined, including the Asian African Conference and Association of South East Asian Nations, to demonstrate the relevance of international society for policy ideas and action. The central argument is that the Indonesian elite worldview indicates that the creation and maintenance of order in international societies are ones which are prominent objectives legitimizing the conduct of Indonesia's external relations.
Dinamis komitmen Masyarakat Internasional dalam isu kontrol atas pemanasan global telah dikembangkan sejak tahun 1919 sampai sekarang. Dari daftar perjanjian - perjanjian internasional yang ada, dapat dilihat seberapa kuat komitmen komunitas global dalam isu-isu lingkungan, pemanasan global serta perubahan iklim. Sayangnya, dapat disimpulkan, bahwa perjanjian-perjanjian internasional begitu terfragmentasi dan oleh karena itu, sulit untuk dilaksanakan membandingkan dengan instrumen hukum lingkungan internasional pada umumnya. Namun, kemauan politik dari negara nasional adalah inti untuk membuat agenda internasional. Hal ini dikarenakan niat yang baik dari suatu pemerintahan dapat membawa hal yang baik bagi negara maupun rakyatnya, khususnya lagi dalam pengendalian global warming.Sehingga dalam hal ini negara juga mempunyai peranan dalam mewujudkan kelestarian lingkungan bagi rakyatnya, hal ini juga secara tidak langsung merupakan bagian dari kewajiban negara untuk menjaga stabilitas dan kelangsungan hidup rakyat dan kelestarian sumber daya alam yang di kandung negara tersebut, demi kesejahteraan dan kemakmuran seluruh rakyat.
The study aims to uncover the actor and political interests behind the adoption of International Financial Reporting Standard (IFRS) in Indonesia. Using the accounting ecology framework developed by Gernon and Wallace (1995), this study examines the reason of why Indonesia adopts IFRS. The study finds that the adoption of IFRS in Indonesia is driven by international interests. Indonesia's membership in IFAC, IOSCO, and the G-20 has resulted in Indonesia approved the use of global accounting standards.
The study aims to uncover the actor and political interests behind the adoption of International Financial Reporting Standard (IFRS) in Indonesia. Using the accounting ecology framework developed by Gernon and Wallace (1995), this study examines the reason of why Indonesia adopts IFRS. The study finds that the adoption of IFRS in Indonesia is driven by international interests. Indonesia's membership in IFAC, IOSCO, and the G-20 has resulted in Indonesia approved the use of global accounting standards.
This paper analyses the important of regional investment agreements for promoting international trade in ASEAN countries. To visualize the above idea, this work will explain the roles of regional investment agreements to serve investment, trade facilitation and to protect regional investment interests. It is argued that regional investment agreements can serve as a vehicle for dialogue, coordination on and to response regional issues including regulatory harmonization, infrastructure development, and collaboration among members to facilitate investment. The paper shows how regional agreements will commit to eliminate barriers on substantially trade and investment, create positive welfare gains, the productivity and stimulus to growth in the region. This paper also analyses the effect of the establishment of an ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) by 2015 to the regional investment policies. AEC aiming at transforming ASEAN into a single market and production base with a highly competitive economic region, equitable economic development, free movement of goods, services, investment, skilled labor, and freer flow of capital, will likely accelerate regional integration and cooperation in the investment sectors fully integrated into the international trade. Then, this work demonstrates the implementation of regional investment cooperation into the formal instruments/agreements of investment policy architecture promoting and protecting cross border investment among nationals of ASEAN member states, such as ASEAN Investment Guarantee Agreement (IGA), the ASEAN Investment Area (AIA) and ASEAN Comprehensive Investment Agreement (ACIA). However, it is realized that the ASEAN members may resist and protest against the regional investment agreements because of conflicting their national interest. The paper proposed that the regional inv stment agreements need to be strengthened by harmonization and structural adjustment due to the member's resistance and protest. This idea may spark challenge because each member has fundamental differences on the nature and character of legal and economic systems reflecting different political systems, economic and social cultures in accordance with the philosophy of life values and national interests of each country. To overcome the challenge, this paper argues that ASEAN member countries need to unilaterally and collectively come up with structuring trade and investment policy harmonization to move ahead and reap the benefits from regional investment agreement as a common tool for contesting their interest in international trade. In addition, pre agreed flexibilities to accommodate the interests of all ASEAN countries may eliminate the problem.
Plant variety protection is a relatively new concept for many Indonesians. It was developed because of the patent regime's failure to provide appropriate protection for new plant varieties. This new sui generis legislation for the protection of plant varieties was enacted in response to Article 27.3(b) of the TRIPS Agreement, which requires WTO Members to provide an effective sui generis law for the protection of new plant varieties. This paper analyses the current state of plant variety protection in Indonesia. It covers the threshold of protection, the subject, scope, right and obligation of breeders, exceptions to infringement, farmers' rights and local varieties. It also analyses the current policy to revise the Plant Variety Protection Act and the underlying reasons for this, including Indonesia's national interest and its international and bilateral commitments. The main focus of the paper explores why such policy is not broadly compatible with the Indonesian agricultural tradition of seed sharing. Accordingly, this paper explores the tradition of seed sharing in Indonesian culture known as adat. In addition, it explores the likely implication of such protection for national agricultural innovation.
The existence of ASEAN trully did not comes apart from concerns about the South East Asian Nations which has conflicted, for example like the confrontation between Indonesia and Malaysia, territorial demand between Phillipine and Malaysia on Sabah, also the separation of Singapore from the Malaysian Federation. From those backgrounds, the South East Asian Nations especially Indonesia and Malaysia which recently conflicted, realizes the needs to form a cooperation to reduce tension, to construct confidence building and pushing regional cooperation growth which felt have no progress after each nations receive its independence. 8 August 1967 is the first ASEAN formation spearheaded by five Ministers of Foreign Affair from Indonesia, Phillipine, Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand, which resulted in the signation of ASEAN Declaration or known as The Bangkok Declaration and it also means ASEAN is formally created. One of the ASEAN's aim is "to accelerate economic growth, social progress and cultural growth in South East Asia Nations." Nevertheless, in actualizing ASEAN's growth it is not as easy as turning the palm of a hand, various national interest affected ASEAN's policy. Resulted to outdraw the main aim that have been agreed by the Nations, informal or formal conflict always happened in the middle of goverments effort in reducing conflict. For example, the arrest of KPLP Indonesian Officer by the Malaysian Royal Police, the accusation of Thailand to Malaysia in helping separatism of South Thailand, the dispute of Angkor Temple between Cambodia and Vietnam constituted on how the implementation of ASEAN's agreements are hard to happened. Although, the interesting parts are eventhough conflicts still exist between each Nations but open war which can cause many victims never happens. One of the secret why ASEAN Nations stays solid is the tolerance and togetherness underlied the brotherhood of South East Asia Nations. Which nowadays had been used as a strong reason to build trush building between each member for the advancement of ASEAN nations in the future. Social and cultural approaches through public diplomation, reconsiliation and bridging of kinship always be a reference in problem solutions, relativeness in ASEAN's history had always be an important point for ASEAN's progress until nowadays. Keywords : Cooperation, Kinship And Prospective
Paradiplomacy is still relatively a new phenomenon for government activity in Indonesia. Paradiplomacy refers to the behavior and capacity to engage in foreign relations with foreign parties carried out by 'sub-state' entities, or regional governments / local governments, in the context of their specific interests. The term 'paradiplomacy' was first launched in an academic debate by Basque scientists, Panayotis Soldatos in the 1980s as a combination of the term 'parallel diplomacy' into 'paradiplomacy', which refers to the meaning of 'the foreign policy of non-central governments', according to Aldecoa , Keating and Boyer. Another term that was put forward by Ivo Duchacek (New York, 1990) for this concept is 'micro-diplomacy'. In this work, author explain the paradiplomacy into ten section such as: (1) Introduction; (2) Interaction Transnational and Paradiplomacy; (3) Paradiplomacy in the Indonesian Law Context; (4) Paradiplomacy in the International Law Context; (5) Diplomacy by Local Government; (6) Technical Regulation on the Implementation of Paradiplomacy in Indonesia; (7) International Cooperation by the Special Regional Province of Yogyakarta, Indonesia; (8) The Chronology of International Cooperation by the Local Government in Indonesia; (9) Inputs for the Revision of Indonesian Law on International Cooperation and (10) Epilog.
The existing literature on Indonesia's foreign policy has excluded the state from the category of an agent which shapes the country's external affairs. This trend certainly ignores the notion that foreign policy is a unique state activity taking place in the interface between domestic and international politics. To fill the gap, this article explores the idea about the family state and looks at its influence on the conduct of Indonesia's international relations. The argument is that the family state pursues order in international society in which sovereignty can be maintained. Indonesia plays the role of an order-maker in Southeast Asia through the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). The order-oriented actions are displayed by Jakarta's diplomacy to resolve border disputes with neighbouring countries in the region
Global surveys indicate that massive disillusionment with economic globalisation, upheld by the liberal order, which is ignored by governments in European, Asian and Latin American countries, has paved the way for the ascent of nationalist forces. This trend is also visible in Indonesia. President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) has consolidated power against opponents who exploit nationalist, populist and religious causes. On the international front, Jakarta has been actively engaged within a variety of multilateral organisations where liberal institutionalist agendas are enforced. Therefore, it is worthwhile considering the influence of internal and external environments on Jokowi's economic policy which is getting increasingly nationalistic. This article argues that nationalist economic practices have emerged as the Jokowi government's response to domestic and international challenges which can have an impact on its perceived legitimacy. The discussion proceeds in five steps. To begin, this article presents a comparative perspective to understand the position of Indonesia in the developing international political economic context. This is followed by an overview of the definition of economic nationalism and its connections to domestic politics and foreign relations. The third section is about the Indonesian government's efforts to put economic nationalism into effect. The next two parts investigate how the inside and outside dynamics generate Jokowi's inward-looking policies. The conclusion emphasises what can be learnt from the Indonesian case.
Revolusi Iran tahun 1979 menjadi sebuah titik balik terhadap dinamika politik, budaya, dan sosial yang ada di Iran. Pemimpin revolusi, Khomeini, ingin Iran menjadi negara mandiri secara militer, salah satunya adalah membentuk milisi yang disebut Basij e-Mustafasin. Basij adalah milisi yang loyal terhadap Ayatollah yang terdiri dari masyarakat sipil. Basij telah begitu aktif terlibat dalam berbagai macam konflik yang melibatkan kepentingan Iran, seperti perang Irak-Iran 1980, perang Lebanon 2006, hingga perang sipil Suriah 2011. Menurut Paul Bucala (2017), penggunaan milisi Basij Iran dalam Perang Sipil Suriah yang terjadi dinilai tidak efektif, menghabiskan dana dan memunculkan korban yang cukup banyak, selain itu terdapat sebuah anomali dimana milisi yang seharusnya digunakan untuk bertahan di dalam teritorial negara (Calder, 1910). Namun hal ini tidak membuat Ali Khameini sebagai pemimpin agung untuk meminimalisir penggunaan milisi Basij pada Perang Sipil Suriah. Penelitian ini membuktikan bahwa terdapat konsistensi serta peningkatan dalam penggunaan milisi Basij dikarenakan budaya strategis yang mengakar dalam kultur militer Iran yaitu exporting sectarianism dan ideological army mobilization yang di sebutkan oleh Kamran Taremi (2014). Melalui hal tersebut peneliti akan menggunakan kerangka pemikiran Ole Waever tentang konstruksi sejarah sebagai identitas utama dari budaya strategis. Peneliti juga menggunakan kerangka beprikir militerisasi sipil oleh Julian Schofield (2007) untuk melihat fenomena milisi yang ada di Iran. Laporan penelitian ini kemudian menunjukkan bahwa adanya sebuah penyerapan pemahaman kolektif budaya strategis dalam perumusan kebijakan luar negeri Iran khususnya dalam bidang militer.
