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This study analyzes the success of the Indonesian Farmers Union (SPI) in the peasant rights struggle during 2001 - 2016. This study uses the social movement integration aprproach which is an attempt to synthesize three dimensions / approaches: the structure of political opportunity; structure of social mobilization; and cultural framing. This study uses qualitative research methods with study case approach. The research data is sourced from interviews and documents and literature related to this study. The analysis indicates that the success of SPI in peasant rights struggles in 2001 - 2018 can be seen from the ratification of 'Declaration Peasant Rights and Other People Working in Rural Area' or UNDROP at the International level. This success can't be separated from the role of each dimension / approach, namely a combination of factors of political openness in Indonesia, the success of the SPI in networking alliances at various levels (local-international), and the construction of ideas on the rights of farmers that can be accepted universal.

Nowadays, criticism of the UN is related to excessive bureaucracy, to the parallelism in the functions of many of its structures. In addition, the UN is accused of reacting more to crises than preventing them. The selective interest of the United Nations in conflicts in different regions of the world gives reasons to assert the presence in its activity of double standards. Especially, the UN authority has been greatly undermined by such events as the United States's actions in Iraq and Yugoslavia, after which many have questioned international law in general and United Nations, in particular. Thereat, there are a lot of statements that the United Nations is in the deepest crisis and there is a set of proposals and views on the content and essence of the need for UN reform. In this article, the author argues the opportunity of UN reform, elucidating some current gaps in the work of this international organization and coming up with concrete recommendations to remedy them.

Russia's engagement in Eurasian integration highlights the challenges that Russia faces in Asia. Russia need to re-establish political and economic influence in the region to maintain her eastward-focused integration drive, including building a southeastwards bridge to China and Asia Pacific. In this context, the cooperative nature of Russian policies is the conditio sine qua non for the establishment of the Eurasian Economic Union in 2015. This article examines Russia's integration policy in relation to Central Asia and beyond, towards Asia as continent. Regional integration is very much a popular idea, with the potential for economic benefits and increased international influence. Significant steps have been taken towards the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union. However, to implement its regional initiatives and to become a more visible player in the regional multilateral institutions, Russia will have to overcome both the domestic and international limitations it faces. Russia's current alienation from the West and its growing dependency on China may well finally push it into more actively finding better ways of fullfilling this mission.

This paper tries to discuss diplomatic governance study on Indonesian decision-making and implementing foreign policy. Diplomatic governance is a concept that is adopted from democratic study on how to manage transparent and accountable decison-making policy. The discourse on diplomatic governance is expected to improve effectivity and efficiency of Indonesian foreign policy in achieving its national interests. Foreign policy that will be the focus of this paper is Indonesiaan foreign policy of administrative–based economy. In the last 10 years, this policy have been constractedserious problems such as corruption, lack of protection of Indonesian citizen abroad and crisis on law-politics issues such as dispute resolution in International Court of Justice in the case of Sipadan and Ligitan Islands.This paper considers that the lacks of effective and efficient of Indonesian foreign policy in articulating Indonesia"s national interests in international fora are closely related to the low governance negotiation discourse in the formulation and implementation of Indonesia's foreign policy.

since 2007 ASEAN has moved towards an ASEAN Economic community(AEC) as an economi integration of member states based on four economic pillars. One of AEC economic pillar the single market and Production base, means,the region as a whole must become a single market and production base to produce and commercialize good and services anywhere in ASEAN. The establishment of AEC is offering opprtunities in the from of a huge market of US$ 2.6 Trillion and over 622 million people. Of this number, around 40 per cent or 245 million people live in Indonesia. Numerous officials and othes have their doubts and worried that Indonesia will mainly be the market for the AEC and Indonesia's progress in developing its human capital will be negatively impected compettition from other ASEAN nations. The crucial futher step of the AEC is to implement the free movement of skilled labors as one of five core principles of single market and production base pillar, as it will boost economic integration in the region levels. In practice however, progress towords freer mobility has been slow and uneven. In practice however, progress towards freer mobility has been slow and uneven, due to rigid national immigration policies, inequalities in professional education and licensing regimes, public ambivalence toward the AEC, and the vast income gap that many countries fear will contribute to brain drain. This article examines impediment of free movement of skilled labors as a result of weak political and public support to drive the process forward as well as the myriad policy and procedural obstacles of free movement of skilled labor of selected categories of professions associated mainly with trade in service and invesment, this article also reviews the AMSs' policies in these areas

Indonesia has been present and is still able to maintain itself as a democracy icon that should be followed by other countries. As one of the largest democracies in the world, Indonesia in more than ten years is continue growing and transforming with its diversity in society, the dynamics and diversity issues. Indonesia was still able to maintain its identity as a democracy. Through these facts, this paper tried to describe the political situation in Indonesia in the 2014 Presidential Election, as well as reflect further on the response and the effect of foreign parties to the democratic mechanism. What happens in the electoral process in recent months and how Indonesia continues to become an example of the success stories of various identity democracies as diverse as a multicultural country, developing countries, as well as the country with the largest Muslim adherents in the world. This paper sees the problem through the concept of elections and democracy based on the analysis of identity. Where the author tried to look outside the box of the electoral process in the domestic political analysis that has been done before. Probe Indonesia based on its identity in the international sphere as a democratic state becomes interesting when its identity was assessed by comparing it with other identities such as identity and role as a developing country and collective identity as the Southeast Asian country. The papers argue that the election process in Indonesia is not only shaped by domestic factors. Indonesia democratization maturity today can't be separated from the support of international and Indonesian efforts in playing a role and maintain its identity as a democratic country in the international sphere. Keywords: democracy, election, identity

The government has been working synergistically lately to encourage tax revenue from the MSME sector by issuing various tax regulations that are pro to MSME needs, including by issuing PP number 23 of 2018. This PP is a revision of the previous PP issuance namely PP number 46 of 2013 with an original tariff of 1% of the value. The research aims to reveal tax compliance with the changes in government regulations conducted by the SMEs in the City of Depok, which is a ZAF International-guided SMEs. The research method uses a survey of MSMEs in Depok City. The sampling technique in this study uses purposive sampling for the UMKM Depok region and is under the auspices of ZAF International. The data analysis method uses FGD with a qualitative approach, the results of this study indicate that the level of compliance of ZAF-assisted MSMEs before and after the enactment of PP 23 of 2018 is getting better and increasing because it is driven by a socialization program carried out by the government.

The occupation of the city of Marawi in the southern Philippines and a series of terrorist attacks in Indonesia which followed it demonstrate that terrorism is a persistent and enduring threat to Southeast Asian security, despite the governments' concerted efforts on countering terrorism since 9/11 and the Bali Bombings in 2002 and 2005. Security specialists and defence officials in the region believe that ASEAN has to intensify its cooperation to address the challenge of terrorism through the use of military forces. This article, however, claims that the militarised counterterrorism has no institutional, normative and practical basis within ASEAN's main security structure, the APSC. This is followed by dual implications for the broader security agendas, affecting democratisation and sharpening mistrust among ASEAN states which challenges ASEAN centrality in regional security affairs.

The global war on terror has raised debates between liberals and realists on the position of ethics in intelligence operations. On the one hand, liberal ethicists insist that the conduct of intelligence gathering to counter terrorism must not violate the security rights of citizens. On the other hand, proponents of realism consider national security to be of greater importance than ethical principles governing individual freedom. This article tries to present an alternative point of view by examining the consequence of ethical criticisms of intelligence activities on the Indonesian government's counterterrorism measures. It proposes two approaches to understanding the connection between ethics and intelligence: examining the nature of the terror threat, and looking at the sociopolitical situations which affect the role of the state's security agencies. Arguably, securitizing intelligence by enforcing an ethical reconceptualization of intelligence roles increases the challenges facing Indonesia's intelligence operatives and damages the effectiveness of the government's counterterrorism policy.

Poverty reduction has been the top priority of the Indonesian government's developmental projects. At the age of climate change, however, the implementation of the policy faces greater challenges. Empirical observation gives rise to a question as to why do the climate change mitigation programs fail to bring about favorable effect to poverty reduction? The paper employs an intermestic approach to critically explaining the underlying problems concerning climate change and poverty reduction in Indonesia. The argument is that the political economy of climate change accelerates the existing structural factors which alienate the government from the poor people, and annihilates the moral relationships between the ruler and the ruled. To clarify this position, the discussion proceeds in two main parts. The first section outlines the significant use of the intermestic approach to analyzing the disconnection between climate change and the Indonesian government's economic policy to reduce poverty. The second section goes on to discern the structural factors which exacerbate the circumstances under which poverty reduction becomes a trivial issue in the ostensibly development policy directed to achieve economic progress. The concluding section reflects what can be learnt from the ongoing situation; on how to bring the state back into the right direction.

Nowadays, criticism of the UN is related to excessive bureaucracy, to the parallelism in the functions of many of its structures. In addition, the UN is accused of reacting more to crises than preventing them. The selective interest of the United Nations in conflicts in different regions of the world gives reasons to assert the presence in its activity of double standards. Especially, the UN authority has been greatly undermined by such events as the United States's actions in Iraq and Yugoslavia, after which many have questioned international law in general and United Nations, in particular. Thereat, there are a lot of statements that the United Nations is in the deepest crisis and there is a set of proposals and views on the content and essence of the need for UN reform. In this article, the author argues the opportunity of UN reform, elucidating some current gaps in the work of this international organization and coming up with concrete recommendations to remedy them. ; Țarălungă, Victoria. Reforma organizației națiunilor unite – un imperativ al secolului XXI / Victoria Țarălungă // Conferinţa naţională cu participare internaţională "Ştiinţa în Nordul Republicii Moldova: realizări, probleme, perspective", ed. a 3-a, 21-22 iun. 2019. – Bălţi, 2019. – P. 465-473.

Nowadays, criticism of the UN is related to excessive bureaucracy, to the parallelism in the functions of many of its structures. In addition, the UN is accused of reacting more to crises than preventing them. The selective interest of the United Nations in conflicts in different regions of the world gives reasons to assert the presence in its activity of double standards. Especially, the UN authority has been greatly undermined by such events as the United States's actions in Iraq and Yugoslavia, after which many have questioned international law in general and United Nations, in particular. Thereat, there are a lot of statements that the United Nations is in the deepest crisis and there is a set of proposals and views on the content and essence of the need for UN reform. In this article, the author argues the opportunity of UN reform, elucidating some current gaps in the work of this international organization and coming up with concrete recommendations to remedy them. ; Țarălungă, Victoria. Reforma organizației națiunilor unite – un imperativ al secolului XXI / Victoria Țarălungă // Conferinţa naţională cu participare internaţională "Ştiinţa în Nordul Republicii Moldova: realizări, probleme, perspective", ed. a 3-a, 21-22 iun. 2019. – Bălţi, 2019. – P. 465-473.

The 2007 Indonesian investment law granted national treatment for foreign investors, establishing a transparent 'negative list' for out-of-bonds investment sectors, and has been considired as a reformative regulation in Indonesia's economic strategy. However, decentralized systems give autonomy to local governments to manage their projects and infrastructure themselves. This leads into increasiig investment burdens through their opaque measures that are creating perceptions of risk for foreign investors. As a result, lack of legal certainty, inconsistent regulations and judiciary system would hamter investments. This article argues that law 25/2007 should be supported by a comprehensive investment policy to attract more foreign investors into Indonesia. A key element in establishing a competitive region is a free and open investment regime, This article addresses policy impediment to private investment in Indonesia as well as in the ASEAN region. Indonesia and ASEAN should have non-discriminatory treatment extended to foreign investors including ASEAN-based inveitors, as the establishment of ASEAN Economic community (AEC) will cornmence in 2015. Legal certainty of international business transaction by private investors is fostering investments by both direct investment and indirect investment (portfolio). Parties to investment agreements include individuals, small, medium and large multinational corporations, and countries. In this centralized global atmosphere, the Indonesian agovemment has to provide guarantees to leverage private investments.

This study aims to determine the background of Indonesia and Ethiopia conducting trade cooperation which has implications on diplomatic relations between Indonesia and Ethiopia. This study used a qualitative approach, which uses secondary and primary data, where the method of analysis is descriptive analysis. This study uses an analytical framework based on the concept: international trade, national interests and economic diplomacy, and international political economy.The results of this study indicate that the relationship between the political economy of Indonesia and Ethiopia is very closely where this is done through an economic diplomacy. The Economic Diplomacy of Indonesia and Ethiopia is very influential on the development of trade between Indonesia and Ethiopia. In fact, Politics between Indonesia and Ethiopia are only as a political representative, because the driving force of politics between Indonesia and Ethiopia is the economic diplomacy. The motor is the one who makes us move and makes the relationship between Indonesia and Ethiopia are dynamic and increasingly tight.Through economic diplomacy Indonesia and Ethiopia endeavor to establish and improve the bilateral relations that already exist more clearly, planned, systematic and focused to stabilize the diplomatic relations between the two countries and enhancing cooperation in the conducive situation that will produce the pattern and structure of regional security that is based on the economic motives together.

This article examines the influence of the soft power on the process of ensuring the national interests of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Moldova. The author determines soft power as an important mean of securing national interests, an essential component of the process of realizing relations between states, deducting that soft power contributes to the foundation and promotion of national interests, the consolidation of stability, of order and peace and the creation of a positive image of the state on the international arena. Taking into consideration that the concept of soft power has developed, gaining a legal foundation in the Russian Federation quite recently, the importance of research on the subject is growing to follow how this concept has been defined and how its own action plan is developed and materialized without adapting the Western templates to Russian realities. The research of the soft power role in promoting the national interests of the Republic of Moldova stems from the fact that our state requires a clarification of the foreign policy objectives and their means of realization, a determination of the role of soft power, its specificity and its efficiency in the transmission of values by a democratic and modern state to other actors of the international process.