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Abstract COVID – 19 is an unprecedented occasion that forces every state to adapt to the current changes in the dynamics of international relations. The impacts that are given by the Pandemic are not only on the health aspects, but also give the spillover effects to some aspects, such as economy and social, as the result of the closed-border policy and the restrictions policy on trading. By that means, the holistic and comprehensive approaches are needed to tackle the pandemic. Furthermore, Global Health Diplomacy is considered as one of the instruments or means to tackle the impacts of it. Notwithstanding, there are some states which implement the Me First Policy, especially at the beginning of the Pandemic. This paper examines Indonesia Foreign Policy through Global Health Diplomacy during COVID – 19 and to analyses the characteristics of the policy, either cooperative or competitive. This paper uses the concept of Global Health Diplomacy by Kickbusch and Told on 21st Century Health Diplomacy: A New Relationship between Foreign Policy and Health, Global Health Diplomacy: The Need for New Perspectives, Strategic Approaches and Skills in Global Health, by Kickbusch, Ilona; Silberschmidt, Gaudenz; Buss, Paulo and the concept of Global Health Diplomacy by Khazatzadeh-Mahani, A., Ruckert, A., & LabontÉ, R Through its Global Health Diplomacy, Indonesia is aiming to implement the policy which are based on the solidarity and cooperativeness. Keywords: COVID – 19, Global Health Diplomacy, Indonesia, Cooperative, Competitive

This paper looks at how Indonesia contributes to the creation of a relatively peaceful and stable Southeast Asian region after the Cold War. It examines Jakarta's diplomacy in the South China Sea, and explains its implications for the making of the regional order. The argument is that Indonesia's impact on regional security has been apparent in its attention to the improvement of rule-based interaction among states in the region. However, recent developments have demonstrated that Indonesia's initiatives, formulated in the Indo-Pacific Cooperation Concept, are unsuccessful due to the lack of support from other ASEAN states. This paper shows that great powers politics in the troubled waters has hindered the advancement of Indonesian's orderdriven policy.

The era of trade liberalisation for the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) began in December 2015 and brought about economic liberalisation in the Southeast Asian region. This era is competitive and the ASEAN member states (AMSs) almost do not have full power of sovereignty to govern their own economic national matters. In this globalised dependence era, the majority of states in the world have to adjust and adopt as well as adapt their national laws to internationalised rules of law. This trade liberation era also has forced companies and other business entities, including Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) and Cooperatives in Indonesia to compete with each other in order to tap the benefits of international trade liberalisation. In this context, SMEs and Cooperatives in Indonesia need some kind of protection from the government that does not oppose international regulations on trade. While the number of SMEs and Cooperatives is 98 per cent, their contribution to Indonesian export is small, at only 19 per cent. They are weak in terms of capacity building and access to capital, information technology, global markets as well as integration with regional and global market chains. This research paper evaluates SMEs and Cooperatives in Indonesia in terms of facing AEC trade liberalisation, i.e., what has done and should be done by the authority is to give proper protection to the SMEs in Indonesia by focusing on the manufacturing SMEs as this sector has the best chance of boosting SMEs' export capacity and building the competitiveness of Indonesian SMEs in order to be equal with other SMEs in the ASEAN region.

The background of this article is the existence of a global pandemic COVID-19 which has an impact in various fields. This article seeks to explore the impact of the COVID-19 global pandemic on information and communications technology (ICT) in the form of digital diplomacy. Exploration is carried out by investigating the case of Indonesian diplomacy at the United Nations (UN) in March, April, and May 2020. The main concept in this article is digital diplomacy. This concept illustrates the use of ICT as a means of diplomacy for state actors and changes at the policy and institutional levels. This article found various digital diplomacy activities from the Permanent Mission of the Republic of Indonesia to the United Nations in New York, United States during the global pandemic COVID-19. These activities include: 1) coordination with Indonesia's Embassy and Consulate General in the United States to protect Indonesian citizens; 2) participation in UN Security Council virtual meeting to discuss international peace and security issues; and 3) participation in other UN bodies virtual meetings to discuss international development issues. This article argues that the impact of the COVID-19 global pandemic in the field of ICT is reflected in Indonesia's digital diplomacy at the United Nations. The global pandemic COVID-19 changed the means and tools used by Indonesian diplomats to gather information, negotiations, and responses on international issues. Even so, Indonesian diplomacy at the UN continues to run optimally.

Russia's engagement in Eurasian integration highlights the challenges that Russia faces in Asia. Russia needs to re-establish political and economic influence in the region to maintain her eastward-focused integration drive, including building a southeastwards bridge to China and Asia Pacific. In this context, the cooperative nature of Russian policies is the conditio sine qua non for the establishment of the Eurasian Economic Union in 2015. This article examines Russia's integration policy in relation to Central Asia and beyond, towards Asia as a continent. Regional integration is very much a popular idea, with the potential for economic benefits and increased international influence. Significant steps were taken towards the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union. However, to implement its regional initiatives and to become a more visible player in the regional multilateral institutions, Russia will have to overcome both domestic and international limitations it faces. Russia's current alienation from the West and its growing dependency on China may push the country to actively seek better ways to accomplish this mission. ; Russia's engagement in Eurasian integration highlights the challenges that Russia faces in Asia. Russia needs to re-establish political and economic influence in the region to maintain her eastward-focused integration drive, including building a southeastwards bridge to China and Asia Pacific. In this context, the cooperative nature of Russian policies is the conditio sine qua non for the establishment of the Eurasian Economic Union in 2015. This article examines Russia's integration policy in relation to Central Asia and beyond, towards Asia as a continent. Regional integration is very much a popular idea, with the potential for economic benefits and increased international influence. Significant steps were taken towards the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union. However, to implement its regional initiatives and to become a more visible player in the regional multilateral institutions, Russia will have to overcome both domestic and international limitations it faces. Russia's current alienation from the West and its growing dependency on China may push the country to actively seek better ways to accomplish this mission.

There are two functions of the state liability principle. The first is to secure individual rights (including economic rights) from a wrongful act conducted by a government, and the second is to compensate for damage caused by the infringement of individual right. Economic right is inherently allowing an individual to pursue economic interest both domestically or globally. In order to accommodate this right, a government is obliged to provide trade rules and mechanisms for every individual to conduct their global economic activities by participating in the WTO. The objective of the WTO significantly corresponds to the individual's right in order to obtain trade benefits. Hence, when a government infringes trade rules and mechanisms underlined in WTO Law, it will directly restrict individuals from gaining trade benefits under the WTO or, moreover, it will restrain individuals from enjoying their inviolable economic rights. When the right is violated, and the damage occurs, it thus leads to the obligation for the government to compensate the damage according to the state liability principle. This article discusses the nexus between the state liability principle and WTO Law, in order to encourage national courts to exercise the function of state liability by referring to the infringement of economic rights caused by the violation of WTO Law.

AbstractThis article argues that MIKTA (Mexico, Indonesia, South Korea, Turkey, and Australia) are middle, regional, and constructive powers that can serve as providers of global governance in the international system. It argues that in order for MIKTA countries to serve as middle, regional, and constructive powers, they need to consolidate the support of all relevant State and non-State actors in their countries, allowing MIKTA to become a relevant mechanism to promote and generate public goods in the international system, specially global governance. Mexico is the second largest economy in Latin America. Mexico is today an actor with global responsibility and obligatory reference. A country with that weight must play in new boards and MIKTA, constituting and innovative alliance with key non-traditional partners, is a strategic space to expand the scope of Mexican foreign policy. Keywords : MIKTA, middle powers, foreign policy, Mexico

Burundi is one of the poorest countries in the world that suffered from prolonged ethnic conflict. Conflict between Hutu and Tutsi has brought this country into genocide on 1972 and 1993 that led into 12 years of civil war. Peacemaking effort to end violent conflict in Burundi has gone through three main phases involving regional and international organisations. As result of this peace process, the parties have signed Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement on 28 August 2000. This agreement directly addressed the issue of ethnicity in Burundi and devised a power- sharing arrangement. However, peace is a fragile thing so it's important to build strong foundation for ensuring its sustainability. Peacebuilding efforts are necessary to bring post-conflict recovery and prevent the outbreak of civil war in the future. The role of international community is also needed to support post-conflict peace-building in Burundi.

Recently the impact of climate change has been an increasingly important policy issue to the Indonesian government. It makes serious programs to support the global climate change mitigation action. This article is aimed at analyzing the application of Indonesia's climate change policy. The focus is on crucial problems that constrain its effectiveness both at international and domestic levels. The discussions indicate that Indonesia's multilateral diplomacy to protect the environment is affected by the rise of global power politics as the consequence of the contestation between China and the United States. Meanwhile, internal actions are hindered by the complex social, economic, and cultural barriers. The efficacy of the policy is considerably weakened. To conclude, however, this author tries to offer some potential solutions for strategic planning and policy improvement.

The development of the microfinance as well as islamic microfinance Indonesia has been remarkable. It gains many attention by policy makers as well as academicians in many occasions. Topic that was discussed ranged from the past performance, current obstacle as wes as the problem, solution and the opportunity in the future (Hamad 2010, Bank Indonesia 2009,2010). The role of this microfinance gain more important during the recent financial crisis. The subprime mortgage occured in 2008 has affected many countries in the worlds. In Indonesia the effect can be seen from the stock market. Jakarta Composite Index (JCI) shows 2721.25 in January 2008 while it plunged to 1241.54 in October 2008. Companies which the operations is exposing themselves to the exchange rate were obviously got affected since the plunge of the stock market induce investors not to continue their investments in Indonesia. As a result ''fligh to quality" happened and this create fluctuation of the exchange rate. However, other sector such as microfinance does not seem to be affected.

This study analyzes the success of the Indonesian Farmers Union (SPI) in the peasant rights struggle during 2001 - 2016. This study uses the social movement integration aprproach which is an attempt to synthesize three dimensions / approaches: the structure of political opportunity; structure of social mobilization; and cultural framing. This study uses qualitative research methods with study case approach. The research data is sourced from interviews and documents and literature related to this study. The analysis indicates that the success of SPI in peasant rights struggles in 2001 - 2018 can be seen from the ratification of 'Declaration Peasant Rights and Other People Working in Rural Area' or UNDROP at the International level. This success can't be separated from the role of each dimension / approach, namely a combination of factors of political openness in Indonesia, the success of the SPI in networking alliances at various levels (local-international), and the construction of ideas on the rights of farmers that can be accepted universal.