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This research attempts to shed light on the role of the international Court of Justice (ICJ) and the significance of its adjudicatory and advisory functions. The theme of this research will initially project a brief introduction of the topic in question, keeping in view the historical and contemporary perspectives of the ICJ. This research also focuses on the organizational structure of the United Nations, keeping in view the position and role of the ICJ within the organization. With practical examples of case laws, the ambit of judicial review in the context of judicial and advisory function of ICJ will also be taken into account. It will also present brief analysis on the intra-organizational relationship between the ICJ and other organs of the UN. ; This research attempts to shed light on the role of the international Court of Justice (ICJ) and the significance of its adjudicatory and advisory functions. The theme of this paper will initially project a brief introduction of the topic in question, keeping in view the historical and contemporary perspectives of the ICJ . This research also focuses on the organizational structure of the United Nations, keeping in view the position and role of the ICJ within the organization. With practical examples of case laws, the ambit of judicial review in the context of judicial and advisory function of ICJ will also be taken into account. It will also present brief analysis on the intra-organizational relationship between the ICJ and other organs of the UN.

The Global Nutrition Report (GNR) provides a global profile and country profiles on nutrition for each of the United Nations' 193 member states, and includes specific progress for each country. It will be a centerpiece of the Second International Conference on Nutrition (ICN2) in Rome on 19-21 November, organized by the UN Food and Agriculture Organization and the World Health Organization. ; Supplementary Online Materials ix Acknowledgments x Abbreviations xii Executive summary xiii Chapter 1 ntroduction 2 Chapter 2 Nutrition Is Central to Sustainable Development 7 Chapter 3 Progress toward the World Health Assembly Nutrition Targets Is Too Slow1 5 Chapter 4 The Coexistence of Different Forms of Malnutrition Is the "New Normal" 22 Chapter 5 The Coverage of Nutrition-Specific Interventions Needs to Improve 29 Chapter 6 Interventions Addressing the Underlying Determinants of Nutrition Status Are Important, but They Need to Be More Nutrition sensitive 38 Chapter 7 The Enabling Environment Is Improving, but Not Quickly Enough 47 Chapter 8 The Need to Strengthen Accountability in Nutrition 56 Chapter 9 What Are the Priorities for Investment in Improved Nutrition Data? 67 Chapter 10 Key Messages and Recommendations 71 Appendix 1 The Nutrition Country Profile: A Tool for Action 75 Appendix 2 Which Countries Are on Course to Meet Several WHA Targets? 77 Appendix 3 Which Countries Are on Course for Which WHA Targets? 79 Appendix 4 Donor Spending on Nutrition-Specific and Nutrition-Sensitive Interventions and Programs 84 Appendix 5 How Accountable Is the Global Nutrition Report? 86 Appendix 6 Availability of Data for Nutrition Country Profile Indicators 88 Notes 91 References 95 PANELS Panel 11 Types of Nutrition Investment, Lawrence Haddad 4 Panel 21 Nutrition and the Sustainable Development Goals—No Room for Complacency, Michael Anderson 11 Panel 22 Some New Data from India: What If?, Lawrence Haddad, Komal Bhatia, and Kamilla Eriksen 12 Panel 23 How Did Maharashtra Cut Child Stunting?, Lawrence Haddad 13 Panel 24 Can Improving the Underlying Determinants of Nutrition Help Meet the WHA Targets?, Lisa Smith and Lawrence Haddad 14 Panel 41 Malnutrition in the United States and United Kingdom, Jessica Fanzo 25 Panel 42 Regional Drivers of Malnutrition in Indonesia, Endang Achadi with acknowledgment to Sudarno Sumarto and Taufik Hidayat 26 Panel 43 Compiling District-Level Nutrition Data in India, Purnima Menon and Shruthi Cyriac 27 Panel 44 Targeting Minority Groups at Risk in the United States, Jennifer Requejo and Joel Gittelsohn 28 Panel 51 Measuring Coverage of Programs to Treat Severe Acute Malnutrition, Jose Luis Alvarez 37 Panel 61 Trends in Dietary Quality among Adults in the United States, Daniel Wang and Walter Willett 41 Panel 62 How Did Bangladesh Reduce Stunting So Rapidly?, Derek Headey 43 Panel 63 Using an Agricultural Platform in Burkina Faso to Improve Nutrition during the First 1,000 Days, Deanna Kelly Olney, Andrew Dillon, Abdoulaye Pedehombga, Marcellin Ouédraogo, and Marie Ruel 45 Panel 71 Is There a Better Way to Track Nutrition Spending? 48 Panel 72 Tracking Financial Allocations to Nutrition: Guatemala's Experience, Jesús Bulux, Otto Velasquez, Cecibel Juárez, Carla Guillén, and Fernando Arriola 49 Panel 73 A Tool for Assessing Government Progress on Creating Healthy Food Environments, Boyd Swinburn 51 Panel 74 Engaging Food and Beverage Companies through the Access to Nutrition Index, Inge Kauer 52 Panel 75 How Brazil Cut Child Stunting and Improved Breastfeeding Practices, Jennifer Requejo 54 Panel 81 Scaling Up Nutrition through Business, Jonathan Tench 61 Panel 82 How Civil Society Organizations Build Commitment to Nutrition, Claire Blanchard 62 Panel 83 Building Civil Society's Capacity to Push for Policies on Obesity and Noncommunicable Diseases, Corinna Hawkes 63 Panel 84 Can Community Monitoring Enhance Accountability for Nutrition?, Nick Nisbett and Dolf te Lintelo 64 Panel 85 National Evaluation Platforms: Potential for Nutrition, Jennifer Bryce and colleagues 65 Panel 86 The State of African Nutrition Data for Accountability and Learning, Carl Lachat, Joyce Kinabo, Eunice Nago, Annamarie Kruger, and Patrick Kolsteren 66 ; PR ; IFPRI1; CRP4; B Promoting healthy food systems ; DGO; A4NH; PHND ; CGIAR Research Program on Agriculture for Nutrition and Health (A4NH)

학위논문(석사)--서울대학교 대학원 :사회과학대학 정치외교학부(외교학전공),2019. 8. 박성우. ; The study of Rousseau's international politics can largely be divided into two main branches: Realism with a pessimistic view towards peace in international politics and Cosmopolitanism via education as depicted in Emile. However, neither interpretation exhaustively covers Rousseau's international political thought. Accepting the framework that International Political Thought should coherently and consistently interpret the individual, national, and international levels of politics, this thesis embodies Stoicism's 'Theory of Oikeiosis' to assess Rousseau's international political thought, focusing on Emile. This study pays attention to Emile because the study of humans embodied in the work contains both a discussion of all three layers – the individual, national and the international - of Rousseau's international political thought, and enough materials to infer his 'Politics of Survival.' Previous studies of Emile has primarily been published by cosmopolitans to invoke idealistic ideas such as conscience, morality, and patriotism. If put under a more realist lens, however, the same ideas could be interpreted as a part of living his life for Emile, or the individual, under the goal of self-preservation. Early in his life, Emile grows up with only negative education as an isolated individual and learns how to live alone. Later, Emile gradually learns how to interact with the society, breaking from his isolated shell to live as a part of a community. In this process, Emile establishes a political society and utilizes concepts that he garnered while in it, such as morality and religion, according to his goal of self-preservation. Although Emile fulfills his duties as a citizen of a Republic, ideas such as civic virtue and patriotism that were created within the country do not initially extend to the outside world. With time, however, Emile's world view expands to encompass the entire human population, and Emile comes to care for even communities outside of his direct community. When the idea of a confederation of countries to resolve the state of war outside of the community turns out to be unfeasible, Rousseau adopts a new solution for the international political situation which is for each individual to strive to do their best in the given situation such as by finding a safe place for his or her freedom of survival. This thesis scrutinizes Emile to depict this process, of the individual striving for survival beyond the community and extending to the nation, international politics, and the entire universe. This research interprets Rousseau's international political thought as 'International Political Thought of Survival' by repurposing cosmopolitan internal mechanisms as tools for survival, while also distinguishing itself from realism by underlining Rousseau's negative pacifism. As such, this thesis provides a balance between the cosmopolitan and realist interpretations of Rousseau's international politics and also attempts to bridge the rift between his national and international political thought by extracting 'survival' as a consistent idea embedded throughout the levels. Moreover, this study criticizes the realist international political theorists' arbitrary selection and selective interpretation of Rousseau and argues the need for a more diversified approach to Rousseau's international political thought. ; 루소의 국제정치관에 대한 연구는 크게 국제정치 상황에서 평화를 비관적으로 바라보는 현실주의와 『에밀』에서의 교육을 통해 국제적 평화를 이룰 수 있다는 세계시민주의의 두가지 갈래로 나눌 수 있다. 그러나 이러한 해석들이 가지는 문제점은 루소의 정치사상이 두 극단의 측면을 모두 지니고 있는 점을 포괄하기 어렵기에, 루소의 국제정치사상을 좀 더 잘 이해할 수 있는 모습으로 재해석할 여지를 준다. 특히 국제정치사상이 개인과 국가 그리고 국제정치의 일관성있는 해석을 가져야 한다는 틀에 입각하여, 스토아사상에서 비롯된 '자기화 이론'을 참고해 『에밀』을 중심으로 루소의 국제정치사상을 살펴본다. 본 연구가 『에밀』에 주목하는 이유는 이 저작에서 드러나는 인간학이 루소 국제정치사상의 여러 층위(개인-국가-국제관계)에 대한 논의를 모두 포함하고 있으면서, '생존의 정치학'을 설명하기에 적합한 내용을 담고 있기 때문이다. 흔히 『에밀』은 세계시민주의자들에게 주로 사용되어 양심이나, 덕성, 애국심 등의 관념을 이상주의적 관점으로 해석하는 데 활용된다. 그러나 『에밀』의 내용을 좀 더 현실주의적 차원에서 논의해본다면, 이들은 모두 자기보존이라는 목표 아래 에밀 개인이 삶을 살아내기 위한 과정의 일부로 볼 수 있다. 초기 에밀은 고립된 개인으로서 소극적 교육을 받으며 자라는데, 이동안은 혼자서 사는 법을 배운다. 이후 에밀은 점차 주변 사회와 관계하는 법을 배우게 되는데, 인간의 마음과 사회를 알아가면서 점점 고립된 인간을 지나 공동체에서 살아가는 법을 깨닫는다. 주변 사회를 알아가게 된 에밀은 정치공동체를 세우고 그 안에서 배운 도덕성과 종교 등의 관념을 자신의 생존방식에 맞게 사용한다. 공화국 내 시민이 된 에밀은 책임감으로 국가 내에서의 의무를 다하지만, 시민적 덕성이나 애국심 등 한 국가 안에서 만들어질 수 있는 관념들은 외부 세계까지 확장되지 않는다. 그렇지만 에밀의 세계관은 인류 전체를 포함하는 인식으로까지 확대되고, 에밀은 공동체 밖의 공동체를 신경쓰는 인간이 된다. 공동체 밖의 전쟁상태에서 국가적 연합은 하나의 해결책으로 제시되지만 이는 실현불가능한 것으로 판명나고, 루소의 국제정치적 해결책은 '생존의 자유'를 위해 가장 안전한 장소를 찾는 등 개인이 생존을 위해 계속적으로 주어진 바에서 최선을 다하는 노력의 방식을 채택하고 있다. 결과적으로 본 연구에서는 『에밀』을 통해 개인이 공동체를 넘어 국가와 국제정치 그리고 우주 전체를 아우르는 세계관 안에서 생존이라는 목표를 위해 달려가는 모습을 보여준다. 본 연구는 세계시민주의자들이 사용하는 내적 기제들을 생존을 위한 도구적 측면에서 활용하면서도, 소극적 의미의 평화론을 통해 현실주의와도 거리를 두며 '생존의 국제정치사상'으로 루소 국제정치사상을 재해석하고 있다. 이는 횡으로는 루소 국제정치관의 해석에 대한 중도적 균형을 잡으면서도, 종으로는 생존이라는 매개를 통해 국내정치와 국제정치 간의 균열을 메울 수 있는 가능성을 제시한다. 더불어 본 연구는 지금까지 현실주의 국제정치이론에서 루소의 정치사상을 부분적으로 인용해왔던 것에 대해 비판을 던지면서 루소 국제정치사상을 좀 더 다각적으로 접근할 필요가 있음을 주장한다. ; Ⅰ. 서 론 1 1. 문제제기와 연구질문 1 2. 기존문헌 검토 및 분석 3 1) 루소의 국제정치관에 대한 연구 3 2) 루소의 국제정치를 현실주의 관점에서 바라본 연구 7 3) 루소의 국제정치를 세계시민주의 관점에서 바라본 연구 9 4) 본 연구의 방향성: 루소의 국제정치사상 재해석 12 3. 본 연구의 접근법 14 1) 일관성의 국제정치사상 14 2) 스토아철학과 히에로클레스의 동심원 16 4. 논문의 구성 18 Ⅱ. 예비적 고찰 21 1. 『에밀』의 중요성과 해석방법 21 2. 생존의 정치학 25 Ⅲ. 개인에서 공동체로 31 1. 고립된 개인과 소극적 자유 31 1) 소극적 교육 31 2) 고독한 인간 33 2. 인간의 마음을 알아가는 것 35 1) 생존과 자기애 35 2) 사회를 알아가는 것 38 Ⅳ. 공동체 속의 개인 41 1. 도덕성과 종교의 역할 41 1) 동정심을 기반으로 한 양심과 이성의 작용 41 2) 도덕성과 종교의 관계 45 3) 정치공동체 안에서 일반의지의 역할 47 4) 정치와 종교 49 (1) 정치적 도구로서의 시민종교 50 (2) 입법과 통치에서의 종교 활용 52 2. 이상국가 속의 개인 55 1) 이상국가의 설립 가능성 55 2) 공화국과 시민적 덕성 58 3) 애국심과 세계시민주의 60 Ⅴ. 공동체 밖의 개인 64 1. 인식의 확장 64 1) 공동체 밖의 공동체 64 2) 우주적 질서에 대한 인식 66 2. 국가적 연합과 영구평화를 위한 해결책 69 3. 생존을 위한 계획 73 1) 가장 안전한 장소 73 2) 소극적 평화론과 생존의 의미 76 Ⅵ. 결 론 78 1. 생존의 국제정치사상 78 2. 본 연구의 목적과 함의 79 참고문헌 82 Abstract 88 ; Master

تهدف هذه الدراسة بشكل اساسي إلى بيان مستقبل النظام السياسي والاقتصادي الدولي, إضافة الى بيان الاثار السياسية والاقتصادية على النظام السياسي والاقتصادي الدولي, حيث تكمن اهمية الدراسة في معرفة مستقبل النظام السياسي والاقتصادي الدولي بعد جائحة كورونا ودورها في تغيير نمط النظام الدولي من احادي القطبية الى نمط ثنائي قطيبة أو متعدد الاقطاب. وظفت الدراسة عدة مناهج بحثية, وهي: المنهج الوصفي التحليلي, ومنهج تحليل النظم؛ من أجل تحقيق أهداف الدراسة, والإجابة عن السؤال الجورهي للدراسة: ما هو مستقبل النظام السياسي والاقتصادي الدولي بعد جائحة كورونا. توصلت الدراسة الى نتائج اهمها ما يلي : اثبتت الدراسة صحة فرضيتها, بوجود علاقة طردية بين جائحة كورنا والنظام السياسي والاقتصادي الدولي ، فكلما زادت الفترة الزمنية والمكانية لجائحة كورونا زادت الاثار السياسية والاقتصادية على النظام الدولي مما يؤدي الى تغير في نمط النظام الدولي من احادي قطبية الى نمط متعدد الاقطاب ,ومن اهم التوصيات ما يلي: يجب على دول العالم أن تعطي الأولوية في الاهتمام والدعم لقطاعات الصحة والقيام بتطويرها وتعزيزها لتمكينهم من الاستعداد لمواجهة أي وباء. ; This study aims mainly to show the future of the international political and economic system, in addition to showing the political and economic effects on the international political and economic system, where the importance of the study lies in knowing the future of the international political and economic system after the corona pandemic and its role in changing the pattern of the international system from unipolar to bi-polar or multi-polar. The study employed several research approaches, namely: the descriptive analytical approach, and the systems analysis approach; in order to achieve the objectives of the study, and to answer the Georgian question of the study: what is the future of the international political and economic system after the corona pandemic. The study found the most important results: the study proved the validity of its hypothesis, there is a direct relationship between the corona pandemic and the international political and economic system ,the greater the time and space period of the corona ...

يقوم مبدأ المكاسب المتكافئة في المعاهدات الدولية على إيجاد قاعدة عامة للتعايش الإنساني القائم على الرضا والمنفعة المشتركة؛ لأنه يعد سبيلا إلى تحقيق السلام العالمي بين الدول والأفراد والجماعات. وتلخصت الأسس التي يقوم عليها إلى ثلاثة أسس رئيسة: الأولى الأمانة؛ وهي المعزز الرئيسي الأول لمعنى الثقة. الثانية: التوازن؛ وهو القدرة على التعبير عن الرأي مع مراعاة آراء ومخاوف الطرف الآخر. الثالثة: عقلية الوفرة؛ وهي تصور ذهني يقوم على الثقة الواسعة بعطاء الله عز وجل. وكان التاريخ الإسلامي زاخرا بهذا المبدأ وأسسه حيث كانت النواة الأولى للنهضة والفتوحات السلمية، واخترت منه شاهدين: الأول: معاهدة صلح الحديبية في زمن النبوة، والآخر: العهدة العمرية في زمن الخلافة. ; Abstract The principle of equal gains in international treaties is to find a general rule of human coexistence based on mutual benefit and satisfaction; it is a way to achieve world peace among nations and individuals and groups. And it summarized the foundations of three main bases: The first one; is to be a trustworthy. Second: to be balanced, and it's the ability to express opinion, and thoughts with taking into account the views and concerns of the other party. Third: the mentality of abundance; and it's the confidence ones have, that Allah the Almighty ensured that every living thing have its share on this earth. The equal gains principle was founded in the Islamic history on many Occasions that created the very soul of the Islamic empire, and so I chose two Examples to present the idea: the first one is about the Khudaibiya Treaty at the time of the prophecy, and the second one is Auhdah alumarya at the time of kilafa

Peace and Security Council Fourth Session 6 April 2004 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia ; Conseil De Paix Et De Securite Quatrième session 6 avril 2004 Addis Abéba (Ethiopie) ; السلام والأمن التابع الدورة الرابعة 6 أبريل 2004 أديس أبابا، إثيوبيا ; Paz e Segurança sessão do Conselho Quarta 6 de abril de 2004 Adis Abeba, Etiópia

An at-a-glance illustrated guide to global and regional trends in human insecurity, the miniAtlas provides a succinct introduction to today's most pressing security challenges. It maps political violence, the links between poverty and conflict, assaults on human rights including the use of child soldiers and the causes of war and peace.

Executive Council Thirty-Fourth Ordinary Session 7 – 8 February 2019 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia ; The African Union Advisory Board on Corruption (AUABC) was established in accordance with the provisions of article 22 (5) (a) of the African Union Convention on Preventing and Combating Corruption (AUCPCC). The Convention was adopted at the second ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of States and Government of the African Union in Maputo, Mozambique, on 11th July 2003, and entered into force on 5th August 2006, thirty (30) days after the deposit of the fifteenth instrument of ratification. As at November 2018, the Convention had been signed by 49 states and ratified or acceded to by 40 States.

يهدف هذا المقال إلى بيان مسؤولية المراجع الخارجي في ضوء معايير المراجعة الدولية، ولذلك تم الاعتماد على الاتجاهات الحديثة في منهجية المراجعة الخارجية وامتداد تدخل المراجع الخارجي، مع تبيان مسؤولية المراجع بالتركيز خاصة على: 1- الكفاءة المهنية للمراجع الخارجي وجودة أداء أعماله،وهذا ما أكده Mautz بأن الكفاءة المهنية مفترضة في المراجعين دائما فهي ليست محل شك من وجهة نظره، ولكن العديد من الانتقادات الموجهة للمراجعين بأنهم يعملون في مجالات لا تتوافر لديهم فيها التأهيل العلمي أو التدريب الكافي. 2- استقلاليته وموضوعيته؛ ومثال ذلك أن تقديم المراجع الخارجي لأعمال أخرى بخلاف مهنة المراجعة يؤثر سلبا على استقلاليته لأنها تخلق تعارض في المصالح، وهذا ما أكدته الدراسة التفصيلية لـ MetacalfLee".وكذا دراسة Mautzet Sharaf والتي ترى أن المنافسة الشديدة بين مكاتب المراجعة تجعل من الصعب على المراجعين أن يحافظوا دائما على استقلالهم عند اتخاذ القرارات في عملية المراجعة. وعلى ضوء ذلك، يجب التأكيد على ضرورة تحديث معايير المراجعة المعتمدة وخاصة في التشريع الجزائري من طرف الجهات المهتمة بالمهنة.وكذا تفعيل العمل الرقابي على جودة أداء مكاتب المراجعة من طرف الجمعيات والمعاهد المهنية لان ذلك من شأنه رفع كفاءة عمل المراجع الخارجي. أيضا وجوب تدعيم استقلال المراجع الخارجي في الجزائر خاصة وأنه وإذا أخذنا الجزائر مثالا فنجد أنه لا يزال يعمل تحت وصاية وزارة المالية ; This study aims to indicate the responsibility of the External Auditor on the expectations gapin the light of international auditing standards and to achieve this goal we relied on secondary data from books and references and the theoretical framework studies about external audit, as well as recent trends in the methodology of the external audit and an extension into the external auditor, with the monitoring features of the expectations gapanditsreasos, after we suggest some solutions to narrow with explaining the responsibility of the External Auditor to This study has concluded a set of results: that there are many factors associated with the responsibility of the External Auditor: 1- Professionalism of the External Auditor and the quality of the performance of his works, and this was ...

The conflict over Kashmir has been a core issue between India and Pakistan since their independence. It is not only just a territorial conflict but also the core issue of the region, which has been changing along with the regional and international environment. In particular, after the 1990's, the people of Kashmir committed to armed resistance, which has become the focus of the risk to regional and international security because both India and Pakistan are nuclear powers. Resolution of this problem is quite difficult because it would require committing to the ideas of national integration of both countries. Specifically, for India, it is secularism; for Pakistan, it is the two-nation theory. However, the people of Kashmir want to choose their own destiny—integration with neither India nor Pakistan. India promised Kashmir a degree of freedom and democracy under article 370 of the Indian Constitution; however, for the time being, these right have been curtailed. To resolve this issue, two main plans have been presented by both countries; a referendum and the partition of Kashmir along the Line of Control. But, these ideas disregard the right of self-determination or the nationalist sentiment of the people of Kashmir. Recently a new idea emerged based on the notion of shared sovereignty. The history of discord between India and Pakistan has caused critical anxiety for regional peace and stability. However, there will is hope that a constructive solution to this problem can be found in the future through continuity of dialogue and negotiation between the two countries. We as an international society surrounding these nations, we should maintain a supportive stance for continued cordial dialogue.

تستهدف هذه الدراسة رصد حجم المساحة المخصصة لحقوق الإنسان في البيانات الختامية لمؤتمرات القمم العربية، وذلك لبيان مدى اهتمام القيادات السياسية العربية بهذه الحقوق وماهية تأثير البيئة الدولية وتحديدا أحداث الحادي عشر من سبتمبر2001 في حضور هذه الحقوق في هذه البيانات. وتستخدم هذه الدراسة منهج تحليل المضمونContent Analysis لبيان حجم المساحة المخصصة لموضوع حقوق الإنسان في مؤتمرات القمم العربية اعتمادا على وحدة السطر، بالإضافة إلى استخدام المنهج التاريخي والمنهج المقارن والمنهج التحليلي. وقد توصلت الدراسة إلى مجموعة من النتائج أبرزها: أن الخطاب السياسي العربي على مستوى القمة خلا من أية إشارة لحقوق الإنسان كما وردت في الإعلان العالمي الإنسان خلال الفترة الممتدة من أول مؤتمر قمة عربي عام 1964 ولغاية عام 1990، كما شكلت أحداث الحادي عشر من سبتمبر نقطة مفصلية في تحول الخطاب السياسي العربي على مستوى حقوق الإنسان؛ إذ زادت وتيرة الحديث عن قضايا حقوق الإنسان كنتيجة للتحولات الدولية والضغوط الأمريكية على الدول العربية. ; This study aims to show the degree of interest shown by Arab leaders in promoting the issue of Arab human rights, as evidenced by their closing statements at Arab League summits. This paper also intends to illustrate the impact of international events, mainly those of September 11 attacks, on the issue of Arab human rights as reflected in the closing statements of Arab League summit conferences. The Results of the study show that Arab political address make no reference to human rights as defined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. September11 attacks were found to be a pivotal point in the transformation of Arab political address of human rights in that the frequency of mentioning of the human rights issues increased as a result of international transformations and American pressure on the Arab states.

ان حجم ظاهرة الفساد في العالمآخذة في التفاقم، إلى درجة أن اثاره صارت تهدد مجتمعات كثيرة بالانهيار ، لكن الدلائل القاطعة أثبتت انه كلما حقق المجتمعات قدرا اعلى من الديمقراطية والشفافية، يزداد دور مؤسسات المجتمع المدني والمنظمات الدولية ، في مكافحة الفساد ومحاصرته، أي كلما زادت جودة الحكم تقلص مستوى الفساد ، وظاهرة الفساد في الجزائر حقيقة موجودة منذ الاستقلال لاسبيل لانكارها، بل ان حجمه ازداد ودائرته اتسعت، وجرائمه انتشرت، لدرجة انها صارت اخطر على الدول من جرائم الارهاب، خاصة مع بداية انطلاق المشاريع التنموية مطلع القرن الحالي ، تاركة الجزائر في مؤخرة الترتيب العالمي لأقل الدول فسادا ; The size of the phenomenon of corruption in the world is getting worse to the point that its effects become threatening many societies to collapse. But the evidence unequivocal proved that whenever communities and societies achieved a higher level of democracy and transparency, the role of civil society organizations and international organizations increases to fight against corruption; i.e. the higher the governance's quality, the diminished level of corruption. The phenomenon of corruption in Algeria is a fact which exists since independence and there is no way to deny it. But its size has increased, his circle has widened and his crimes have propagated to the extent that it becomes more dangerous on the state than terrorism's crimes on the state. This raise was more apparent on the 21st century onset especially with the beginning of development projects. According to several international organizations interested in corruption, Algeria is in the front of the ranking of countries the most corrupted.

Executive Council Thirty-Fourth Ordinary Session 7 – 8 February 2019 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia ; African Risk Capacity (ARC) Agency is a Specialized Agency of the African Union that was established in 2012 to provide a comprehensive and integrated approach to tackling the impacts of natural disasters on vulnerable populations on the continent. In 2014, ARC launched its initial risk insurance product for Member States through its financial affiliate, the ARC Insurance Company Limited (ARC Ltd). ARC Ltd is a specialist mutual insurance company and Africa's first ever disaster insurance pool. ARC Ltd aggregates risk by issuing insurance policies to participating governments and transferring the pooled risk to the international markets.

학위논문 (석사)-- 서울대학교 대학원 : 외교학과, 2012. 2. 신범식. ; 본 논문의 핵심 질문은 색깔 혁명 발생으로 민주화에 성공한 그루지야와 우크라이나의 이후 민주주의 발전 양상은 왜 달랐는가이다. 색깔 혁명 이후, 우크라이나의 민주주의는 진전을 보였지만, 그루지야는 그렇지 못했다. 본 연구는 색깔혁명 이후 미국과 러시아의 갈등 구도와 양국의 대(對) 그루지야, 우크라이나 정책이 각국의 국내 엘리트-대중 관계에서 엘리트 자율성, 그리고 민주화에 미친 영향에 주목하였다. 9.11 테러 이후 미국과 러시아는 협력 체제에 있었지만, 색깔 혁명의 발생으로 인해 양국은 갈등 구도에 들어서게 된다. 그루지야와 우크라이나는 미․러 갈등 구도의 중심에 있었다. 활용가능성의 요인으로 인해, 그루지야는 우크라이나보다 전략적 가치가 더 큰 곳이었다. 미․러 갈등 구도 속에서 그루지야 집권 엘리트들은 높은 엘리트 자율성을 가질 수 있었다. 미국은 그루지야에게 큰 경제 원조, 정치적 지원을 하였다. 또한 그루지야-러시아 관계 악화와 2008년 전쟁 발발은 정권의 권위주의 정책을 정당화하고 국내를 결집시키는 기제로 작용하여 그루지야 집권 엘리트들이 높은 자율성을 갖게 해주었고, 이는 민주화 저해로 이어졌다. 우크라이나는 그루지야와 반대였다. 미․러 갈등 구도 속에서 우크라이나 엘리트들은 낮은 자율성을 가졌다. 우크라이나의 집권 엘리트들은 서방과 러시아 양측 모두로부터 확고한 정치적, 경제적 지원을 얻을 수 없었다. 오히려 러시아의 정책으로 인해 국내의 반 오렌지, 대항 엘리트가 공고해지면서, 집권 엘리트의 자율성은 낮아졌다. 엘리트들의 낮은 자율성과 대중에 대한 높은 의존성은 대중 영합주의 정책과 정국 불안의 결과를 낳았으나, 이는 오렌지 혁명 이후 우크라이나 민주주의의 발전을 제한적으로나마 가능하게 해주었다. 본 연구는 민주화 연구에서 그동안 비교적 주목을 덜 받아온 국제적 요인을 다루고, 외교 정책, 국내 엘리트-대중 관계, 민주화의 연계를 통합적으로 보여준다는 점에서 함의가 있다. 본고는 많은 기존 연구들이 상정해 온, 민주화에 대한 서구 민주화 증진 정책의 긍정적 영향과 권위주의 국가의 부정적 영향이라는 단순한 명제의 한계를 드러내주고 있다. 또한 민주주의 지원 정책에서 민주화 단계별로 정책을 달리할 필요성에 대해서 시사한다. ; What caused the difference in democratic trajectories between Georgia and Ukraine after the Color Revolutions? Since the occurrence of the Color Revolutions, Georgia's democracy has laid in tatters, whereas Ukraine has achieved a relatively successful democracy. Georgia and Ukraine share similar domestic determinants which have been discussed in previous democratization literature. This study, however, focuses on the international factor as an explanation for the different democratic fates of democracy between the two countries. Comparing both countries, this thesis uses a framework that integrates international factors, elite autonomy in domestic elite-mass relations, and democratization. The study argues that international factors, specifically the foreign policies of the US and Russia, provide an explanation for the difference in democratic outcomes for the two countries. Following the events of September 11, 2001, US-Russian relations improved. However, the occurrence of the Color Revolutions caused deterioration in the ties between the two countries, and both started to adopt different foreign policies towards the post-Soviet region. Caught in the middle of this conflict between the two great powers were Georgia and Ukraine. The unconditional US support for Georgia and Russia's assertive policy towards Georgia which culminated in the Russian-Georgian War in 2008 enabled the Georgian elites to attain high elite autonomy, thus resulting in democratic stagnation for Georgia. In contrast, Ukraine did not garner the support of either the US or Russia; rather, it was pressured by Russia. The anti-Orange elites in Ukraine were effectively supported by Russia, and, thus, were able to function as a forceful political opposition to the incumbent elites. Therefore, the Ukrainian elites only garnered low autonomy, which resulted in democratic progress in Ukraine despite domestic political chaos. This study contributes to further understanding of the impact of international factors upon democratization. In addition, this thesis creates implications for democracy promotion policy. The conclusion of the thesis challenges the predominant assumption that Western democracy promotion is conducive to actually democratization, and that authoritarian countries' authoritarian promotion policy is harmful to democratization. In the process of democracy promotion policy, policymakers and implementers need both careful monitoring of the process of democratic assistance and coordination with other countries. ; Master

Between 1995 and 2011, Peruvian GDP grew by 4.9% each year, driven by exports and private investment's increase. However, it only grew by 3.3% in 2015 and by 4% in 2016 due to a reduction in the international price of metals that the country exports. In this scenario, the government elected in 2011 faced the challenge of replacing private investment with public investment as a growth engine. However, this decision revealed two structural problems of the Peruvian economy: 1) the limited spending capacity of central and regional governments; and 2) the difficulty of increasing tax collection due to a very significant informal sector in the country. However, trade liberalization, stability in domestic prices and reforms in public management are strengths of the Peruvian economy, which would enable it to return in the next few years to growth rates of around 4% or more.