The aim of the article is topresent Poland's position ininternational trade and the importance of the solutions applied inthe common EU trade policy inincreasing the role of Polish trade ininternational commercial exchange. The article discusses the factors determining the turnover of Poland's international trade: achange inthe global economy, growing protectionism of some countries, competitiveness of the Polish economy, an increase inthe number of new free trade agreements concluded by the European Union, and thus by Poland, as one of the Member States. The article presents the findings of qualitative and quantitative analyses. The future of Polish trade will be conditioned by the pursuit of liberalization of the European Union's foreign trade, the exit of the United Kingdom from the EU structures, individual labour inputs and the competitiveness of Polish foreign trade. ; Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie pozycji Polski whandlu międzynarodowym iznaczenia rozwiązań we wspólnej polityki handlowej UE wzwiększeniu roli Polski wwymianie handlowej. Wartykule omówiono czynniki określające obroty handlu międzynarodowego Polski: zmianę koniunktury wgospodarce światowej, rosnący protekcjonizm niektórych państw, konkurencyjność gospodarki Polski, zwiększenie liczby nowych umów owolnym handlu zawartych przez Unię Europejską, atym samym przez Polskę. Wpracy zastosowano metodę jakościową iilościową. Przyszłość wymiany handlowej Polski będą warunkować dążenia do liberalizacji handlu zagranicznego Unii Europejskiej, wyjście Wielkiej Brytanii zUE, jednostkowe nakłady pracy oraz konkurencyjność polskiego handlu zagranicznego.
The paper has the objective to present public diplomacy as a discipline requiring interdisciplinary approach. At the current stage of development of the discipline, the approach rooted in the theory of international relations is dominating. The author suggests inclusion of the tools used for the analysis of political communication into the body of research on new public diplomacy. Therefore, there is nothing more as an aggregate of paradigms and tools of two disciplines implemented at the moment.Public diplomacy was defined in the paper as a symmetrical form of international, political communication targeted at foreign public opinion in order to facilitate the achievement of the goals of state abroad. Currently, the adjective "new" as added to public diplomacy, means that new public diplomacy is different from informational public diplomacy of United States before the liquidation of USIA. The new public diplomacy acknowledges non state organizations as actors of international relations and adjusts to the logic of globalization. New public diplomacy should not be equalized with political propaganda. ; The paper has the objective to present public diplomacy as a discipline requiring interdisciplinary approach. At the current stage of development of the discipline, the approach rooted in the theory of international relations is dominating. The author suggests inclusion of the tools used for the analysis of political communication into the body of research on new public diplomacy. Therefore, there is nothing more as an aggregate of paradigms and tools of two disciplines implemented at the moment.Public diplomacy was defined in the paper as a symmetrical form of international, political communication targeted at foreign public opinion in order to facilitate the achievement of the goals of state abroad. Currently, the adjective "new" as added to public diplomacy, means that new public diplomacy is different from informational public diplomacy of United States before the liquidation of USIA. The new public diplomacy acknowledges non state organizations as actors of international relations and adjusts to the logic of globalization. New public diplomacy should not be equalized with political propaganda.
Celem tekstu jest wskazanie na nową dyplomacją publiczną jako na obszar badawczy, który wymaga podejścia interdyscyplinarnego. Na obecnym etapie rozwoju tej dyscypliny dominują podejścia badawcze i narzędzia zaczerpnięte z nauki o stosunkach międzynarodowych. Autorka postuluje włączenie podstawowych paradygmatów badań nad komunikacją polityczną do analizy nowej dyplomacji publicznej. Na razie jednak nie można wskazać takiego podejścia badawczego, które wychodziłoby poza prostą sumę metod stosowanych w nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych i badaniach nad komunikacja polityczną. Na potrzeby artykułu dyplomacja publiczna została zdefiniowana jako symetryczna forma międzynarodowej komunikacji politycznej, której celem jest wspieranie osiągnięcia celów państwa za granicą poprzez wpływanie na opinię publiczną. Współcześnie dyplomację publiczna określa się jako "nową", aby odróżnić ją od dyplomacji publicznej Stanów Zjednoczonych, uprawianą przed 1999 r. oraz wskazać na dostosowanie tej formy komunikacji politycznej do procesów globalizacji, w tym do rosnącego znaczenia aktorów niepaństwowych w stosunkach międzynarodowych. W tym ujęciu dyplomacja publiczna nie jest tożsama z propagandą. ; The paper has the objective to present public diplomacy as a discipline requiring interdisci - plinary approach. At the current stage of development of the discipline, the approach rooted in the theory of international relations is dominating. The author suggests inclusion of the tools used for the analysis of political communication into the body of research on new public diplo - macy. Therefore, there is nothing more as an aggregate of paradigms and tools of two disciplines implemented at the moment. Public diplomacy was defined in the paper as a symmetrical form of international, political communication targeted at foreign public opinion in order to facilitate the achievement of the goals of state abroad. Currently, the adjective "new" as added to public diplomacy, means that new public diplomacy is different from informational public diplomacy of United States before the liquidation of USIA. The new public diplomacy acknowledges non state organizations as ac - tors of international relations and adjusts to the logic of globalization. New public diplomacy should not be equalized with political propaganda
This article concerns the effectiveness of price regulations (the application of the rate cap) in the shadow banking area. The author analyses the situation in Poland and the examples from the selected markets (where this type of regulations was implemented). Taking into account that the main role of the regulator is to ensure the highest possible level of consumer protection in the financial market, by eliminating the negative impact of asymmetries and usury - the effectiveness of proposed solutions stays crucial for all market players. Until 2015 lending activity and market practices related to microloans (payday loans) offered by Non-Banking Financial Institutions in Poland were not regulated. After Amber Gold's bankruptcy a lot of actions were taken to regulate the consumer finance market including a plan to limit the maximum cost of a consumer loan. All the proposed measures were similar to those implemented in other countries. Examples of regulations from other countries show that too restrictive regulations may have increased financial exclusion, but too liberal/imprecise ones might make them ineffective. Regardless the identified risks, the Polish government decided to apply hard/ restrictive market regulations.
Operations under the auspices of the Security Council mandate span over 70 years. Repeatedly involved in resolving armed conflicts, they have made a significant contribution to ensuring security and stability around the world. In practice, they have taken the form of operations by individual states, coalitions, other international organizations or simply as United Nations missions composed of contingents provided by Troop Contribution Countries (TCC). While operations under the auspices of the United Nations have been involved on several occasions in offensive activities under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations, and the question of responsibility for these actions has been the subject of many legal analyses and judgments, missions organized by the United Nations are always recognized as neutral, and their activities as conciliatory and focused on monitoring the cessation of hostilities, or supervising the disengagement between the parties of the conflict, with the use of force limited to self-defence. Thus, such operations benefited from legal protection, and any action against them was considered a violation of international law. The current engagement of United Nations goes far beyond the traditional understanding of peacekeeping operations. UN missions are frequently authorized to employ all necessary means, up to and including the use of lethal force or even neutralization of the armed group. This creates a situation where in the light of International Humanitarian Law, such actions can be recognized as involvement in armed conflict. This article is intended to show the problems that the international community will soon face to in using United Nations' missions as an instrument for resolving armed conflicts and as a tool for restoring peace and providing stability and securityin the area of operations. It presents the processes of decision-making and subordination, which in some circumstances might result in the United Nations missions being deprived of legal protection and, in addition, made liable for non-compliance with the provisions of International Humanitarian Law. ; Operations under the auspices of the Security Council mandate span over 70 years. Repeatedly involved in resolving armed conflicts, they have made a significant contribution to ensuring security and stability around the world. In practice, they have taken the form of operations by individual states, coalitions, other international organizations or simply as United Nations missions composed of contingents provided by Troop Contribution Countries (TCC). While operations under the auspices of the United Nations have been involved on several occasions in offensive activities under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations, and the question of responsibility for these actions has been the subject of many legal analyses and judgments, missions organized by the United Nations are always recognized as neutral, and their activities as conciliatory and focused on monitoring the cessation of hostilities, or supervising the disengagement between the parties of the conflict, with the use of force limited to self-defence. Thus, such operations benefited from legal protection, and any action against them was considered a violation of international law. The current engagement of United Nations goes far beyond the traditional understanding of peacekeeping operations. UN missions are frequently authorized to employ all necessary means, up to and including the use of lethal force or even neutralization of the armed group. This creates a situation where in the light of International Humanitarian Law, such actions can be recognized as involvement in armed conflict. This article is intended to show the problems that the international community will soon face to in using United Nations' missions as an instrument for resolving armed conflicts and as a tool for restoring peace and providing stability and securityin the area of operations. It presents the processes of decision-making and subordination, which in some circumstances might result in the United Nations missions being deprived of legal protection and, in addition, made liable for non-compliance with the provisions of International Humanitarian Law.
The European Union is facing numerous internal and external crises which may affect its future operations. The crises may undermine the present integration model. They may even result in the EU's considerable transformation and exert impact upon its international position. The crises stem from member states' vast differences of opinion on methods for dealing with the internal and external challenges. The most critical of the challenges include the Eurozone crisis, attitude towards refugees and migrants from the Near East and Africa, and diverse approaches towards Russia in connection with the annexation of Crimea and with the conflict in Eastern Ukraine. They all illustrate a deep rift not only among member states but also within individual countries of the EU. ; Unia Europejska boryka się z licznymi kryzysami o charakterze wewnętrznym i zewnętrznym, które mogą wpłynąć na jej funkcjonowanie w przyszłości. Ich skutki mogą podważyć obecny model integracji i doprowadzić nawet do znaczącej transformacji UE oraz wpłynąć na jej międzynarodową pozycję. U podstaw obecnych kryzysów leżą poważne różnice zdań pomiędzy państwami członkowskimi co do radzenia sobie z wyzwaniami tak wewnętrznymi, jak i zewnętrznymi stojącymi przed Unią Europejską. Do najważniejszych można zaliczyć kryzys w strefie euro, stosunek do uchodźców i migrantów z Bliskiego Wschodu i Afryki oraz zróżnicowane podejście do Rosji w związku z aneksją Krymu i konfliktem we wschodniej Ukrainie. Wszystkie one są ilustracją głębokich podziałów nie tylko pomiędzy państwami członkowskimi, ale również w ramach poszczególnych państw.
Unia Europejska boryka się z licznymi kryzysami o charakterze wewnętrznym i zewnętrznym, które mogą wpłynąć na jej funkcjonowanie w przyszłości. Ich skutki mogą podważyć obecny model integracji i doprowadzić nawet do znaczącej transformacji UE oraz wpłynąć na jej międzynarodową pozycję. U podstaw obecnych kryzysów leżą poważne różnice zdań pomiędzy państwami członkowskimi co do radzenia sobie z wyzwaniami tak wewnętrznymi, jak i zewnętrznymi stojącymi przed Unią Europejską. Do najważniejszych można zaliczyć kryzys w strefie euro, stosunek do uchodźców i migrantów z Bliskiego Wschodu i Afryki oraz zróżnicowane podejście do Rosji w związku z aneksją Krymu i konfliktem we wschodniej Ukrainie. Wszystkie one są ilustracją głębokich podziałów nie tylko pomiędzy państwami członkowskimi, ale również w ramach poszczególnych państw. ; The European Union is facing numerous internal and external crises which may affect its future operations. The crises may undermine the present integration model. They may even result in the EU's considerable transformation and exert impact upon its international position. The crises stem from member states' vast differences of opinion on methods for dealing with the internal and external challenges. The most critical of the challenges include the Eurozone crisis, attitude towards refugees and migrants from the Near East and Africa, and diverse approaches towards Russia in connection with the annexation of Crimea and with the conflict in Eastern Ukraine. They all illustrate a deep rift not only among member states but also within individual countries of the EU.
The paper discusses the origins and course of the current crisis in Mali. The author outlines the reasons for the structural weakness of Mali, resulting from the shape of the borderline drawn at the time of decolonization, the confrontation between the Tuareg and the central government, the impact of the collapse of Gaddafi's dictatorship in Libya at the onset of a new stage in the confrontation, the role of Islamist groups in northern Mali, and the course of French intervention there. The case of Mali as an almost classic 'fallen state' is treated separately. ; W artykule omówiono genezę i przebieg bieżącego kryzysu politycznego w Mali. Autor nakreślił przyczyny strukturalnej słabości Mali wynikające z dokonanego w czasie dekolonizacji wytyczenia granic, przebieg konfrontacji między Tuaregami a rządem centralnym, wpływ upadku dyktatury Kadafiego w Libii na otwarcie nowej fazy konfrontacji, rolę ugrupowań islamistycznych na północy Mali oraz przebieg francuskiej interwencji w tym państwie. W sposób odrębny potraktowany został przypadek Mali jako klasycznego niemal "państwa upadłego".
The aim of the study is to evaluate changes in the net international investment position in the European Union in the years 2006–2014 in the context of compliance within the framework of the announced process of macroeconomic disturbances. It was reviewed of the most important theoretical concepts. The goal of the article is a critical analysis of the literature of the subject and analysis of statistical data regarding the international investment position of countries for the period 2006–2014. On this basis, it was made an attempt to assess the current movement behavior of the MPI net balance in the EU. In the EU there are significant differences in capital flows measured by the net international position. The outbreak of the crisis in 2008 caused changes in trend in the development of the capital structure in MPI. During 2006–2014 increased the absolute value of the assets and liabilities of MPI. In most EU countries deepens the negative balance of financial flows of international investment position to GDP of the countries. ; Celem opracowania jest próba ocenienia zmian, jeśli chodzi o międzynarodową pozycję inwestycyjną netto45w krajach Unii Europejskiej w latach 2006–2014 w kontekście przestrzegania zaleceń w ramach ogłoszonej procedury zakłóceń makroekonomicznych. W niniejszej pracy dokonano przeglądu najważniejszych koncepcji teoretycznych, będących punktem wyjścia dalszych rozważań. W tym celu przeanalizowano literaturę przedmiotu oraz dane statystyczne dotyczące międzynarodowej pozycji inwestycyjnej krajów w latach 2006–2014. Na tej podstawie spróbowano ocenić współczesne tendencje dotyczące salda netto MPI w UE. W krajach UE występują znaczące różnice w przepływach kapitału mierzonego międzynarodową pozycją netto. Wybuch kryzysu w 2008 r. wywołał zmiany w tendencji w kształtowaniu się struktury kapitału w MPI. W okresie 2006–2014 następuje wzrost absolutnych wartości aktywów oraz pasywów MPI. W większości krajów UE pogłębia się ujemne saldo przepływów finansowych międzynarodowej pozycji inwestycyjnej względem PKB badanych krajów.
In this paper Author has defined and classified a "militarized non-state actor" pointing that this term comprises many different non-state actors like for example: political parties with their military wings, international criminal groups, terrorist organizations, private military companies or independence movements. It is also a disputable issue if armed forces deployed within governmental organizations (like theUNorNATO) are treated as militarized non-state actors or not.Lebanese Hizballah has been used here as an example to describe the specificity of a militarized non-state actor. Hizballah has its own armed forces and has been active in international relations. As a result of the analysis, such actors like Hizballah are well adoptable to new phenomena and processes which occurred in international relations, they are challenging states in their activities, moreover: they are used in many cases by states to achieve their goals. It shows the ambiguity in functioning of such a non-state actor. ; In this paper Author has defined and classified a "militarized non-state actor" pointing that this term comprises many different non-state actors like for example: political parties with their military wings, international criminal groups, terrorist organizations, private military companies or independence movements. It is also a disputable issue if armed forces deployed within governmental organizations (like theUNorNATO) are treated as militarized non-state actors or not.Lebanese Hizballah has been used here as an example to describe the specificity of a militarized non-state actor. Hizballah has its own armed forces and has been active in international relations. As a result of the analysis, such actors like Hizballah are well adoptable to new phenomena and processes which occurred in international relations, they are challenging states in their activities, moreover: they are used in many cases by states to achieve their goals. It shows the ambiguity in functioning of such a non-state actor.
W artykule podjęto się próby zdefiniowania i sklasyfikowania "zmilitaryzowanego aktora niepaństwowego" wskazując przy tym, że termin ten obejmuje szeroka grupę podmiotów niepaństwowych takich jak: partie polityczne ze swoim skrzydłem zbrojnym, międzynarodowe grupy przestępcze, organizacje terrorystyczne, prywatne firmy wojskowe czy ruchy narodowo- wyzwoleńcze. Dyskusyjna pozostaje obecność w tej grupie kontyngentów wojskowych rządowych organizacji międzynarodowych. Posługując się przykładem libańskiego Hezbollahu, który od początku swojego istnienia dysponuje własnymi siłami zbrojnymi i wykazuje dużą aktywność w stosunkach międzynarodowych, dokonano próby charakterystyki zmilitaryzowanego aktora niepaństwowego. Okazało się, że tego typu aktorzy jak Hezbollah dobrze adaptują się do nowych zjawisk i procesów międzynarodowych ; stanowią spore wyzwanie dla państw, które dysponują zaawansowanymi siłami zbrojnymi oraz jednocześnie są wykorzystywani przez inne państwa do realizacji swoich celów. Zatem rola takiego uczestnika we współczesnych stosunkach międzynarodowych ma charakter złożony. ; In this paper Author has defined and classified a "militarized non-state actor" pointing that this term comprises many different non-state actors like for example: political parties with their military wings, international criminal groups, terrorist organizations, private military companies or independence movements. It is also a disputable issue if armed forces deployed within gov - ernmental organizations (like the UN or NATO) are treated as militarized non-state actors or not. Lebanese Hizballah has been used here as an example to describe the specificity of a milita - rized non-state actor. Hizballah has its own armed forces and has been active in international re - lations. As a result of the analysis, such actors like Hizballah are well adoptable to new phenomena and processes which occurred in international relations, they are challenging states in their activities, moreover: they are used in many cases by states to achieve their goals. It shows the ambiguity in functioning of such a non-state actor.
Both the present theory of international conflicts and recent development in international relations in the sphere of procedures and bases for pacific solution of international disputes call for an urgent re-examination of a number of relevant problems involved. There are three such problems the examination of which is essential to meet the necessity of a new approach to international disputes and their solution by pacific means. First of all it seems to be of primary importance to propose a new and more adequate systematization of international disputes using such criteria as they appeared to have played in practice decisive role in the originating (sources) of particular disputes their stages and possible mutations. The author proposes five such criteria which give an opportunity to systematize all disputes and show them in the light of variety of characteristic features. These criteria are as follows: a) substance of the dispute (the subject matter may be territorial or personal), b) persons meaning parties to a dispute (there may by bilateral or multilateral disputes; disputes between states, states and an organization, or between organizations etc.), c) the factor of time which may have and material significance or plays a formal and procedural role, d) the factor of the locus in the meaning of the character of circumstances (local, regional or universal) which bear upon sources of a particular dispute, and e) the factor of forum which shows whether and under what conditions a particular dispute may be discussed on the international plane or falls within the exclusive national jurisdiction. The visible decline of using existing devices and means of pacific solution of international disputes as listed in the article 33 of the Charter tends to expose the international peace to a real danger. There is therefore a further need of thorough research of present practices spontaneously and often informally developing. The author gives a number of such instances which together with some other propositions may be used as a helpful indication by drafting new devices and institutions of pacific solution of international disputes. Finally there is another problem which consists in an hypothesis that there is an intimate relation between particular types of international disputes and means best calculated to bring such disputes to an desirable end. In other words the problem put forward by the author lies in an answer to the question whether there may be found a guiding rule or set of rules which would facilitate the proper choice of particular procedure best fiting in with requirements and nature of a given dispute. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
An element which should be analysed was the underestimation by Poland of the fears of Belarus concerning Polonisation and the activities of the Catholic Church. Initially, issues which were of slight importance to Poland later became the main reason for serious divergences in bilateral understanding. Also of importance is the question of the awareness on the Polish side of the change in the geopolitical future of Belarus following Poland's accession to NATO. Political changes in Belarus in the years 1994-1996 were analysed in this work as well as their influence on the deterioration of mutual relations. It was also important to answer the question about the reasons for the ineffectiveness of the policy of critical dialogue with Belarus and the causes of the conflict concerning the Polish minority in 2005.
The subject of this paper touches upon the prohibition to use force, and military force in particular, by States in self-defence. This is a classical example of an important and still very topical issue in international law practice. The right of each State to self-defence is perceived as one of the fundamental rights provided for in customary as well as positive international law. And yet, the exercise of this right has always raised many controversies and questions resulting, on the one hand, from the fact that the concept of self-defence has evolved over years, and, on the other hand, because of the recent tendencies to legalise different military actions carried out outside the framework of the United Nations Charter. These tendencies, presented in the paper in the context of military actions taken by states in situations of a potential terrorist attack, are described as either a pre-emptive, or a preventive use of military force. The author then concludes that although in the event of a pre-emptive military action taken by a State in reliance of its right to self-defence it may be justified to rely on the legal construction of self-defence, in the context of a preventive military operation, such reliance would be much more risky, if not inadmissible. A preventive use of military force fails to meet the criteria of legality of self-defence set forth in the UN Charter, as well as those resulting from international customary law. ; Problematyka artykułu nawiązuje do klasycznej, ale niezwykle ważnej i aktualnej w praktyce międzynarodowej problematyki zakazu użycia siły, zwłaszcza siły zbrojnej. Dotyczy bowiem możliwości podejmowania i realizowania przez państwa działań zbrojnych pod postacią samoobrony. Prawo każdego państwa do użycia siły w ramach samoobrony było i jest postrzegane jako jedno z praw fundamentalnych, gwarantowanych zarówno przez zwyczajowe, jak i pozytywne prawo międzynarodowe. Jego realizacja w praktyce budzi jednak wiele kontrowersji i pytań. Są one związane zarówno z ewolucją samej instytucji samoobrony, jak również z nowymi tendencjami w zakresie legalizowania różnych akcji zbrojnych dokonywanych poza ramami Karty Narodów Zjednoczonych. Autor prezentuje te tendencje, zwłaszcza w kontekście działań zbrojnych podejmowanych przez państwa w sytuacji potencjalnego zagrożenia atakami terrorystycznymi, a określanych jako uprzedzające i prewencyjne użycie siły. W konkluzji autor stwierdza, że o ile w wypadku zbrojnej operacji uprzedzającej uzasadnione jest odwoływanie się do konstrukcji prawnej samoobrony, o tyle w wypadku zbrojnej operacji prewencyjnej jest to znacznie bardziej ryzykowne, a wręcz nieuprawnione. Prewencyjne użycie siły zbrojnej nie spełnia bowiem kryteriów legalności samoobrony – zarówno tych określonych w Karcie Narodów Zjednoczonych, jak i tych wynikających z prawa zwyczajowego.
Dynamism and complexity of international environment is reflected in Incessant rotation of values. Experience and knowledge from disaster of Two Enormous World Wars, grounded in complicated structure of contemporary world - democratic values, which have dominated circle of principles. The main role in this process was plaid by United Nations, that became promoter of peace and regard for otherness. The author analyze how international community had been changed. The awareness of circulation of values determines the way of human thinking and proclaimed such important factors in global system. Disproportions in development in different parts of the World are escalated by increasing economic cooperation between international actors, and Hitech achievements. Singular nation cannot solve this issue by itself. Challenges of globalization like: poverty and hunger, pollution, or gender unequal, demand transnational activity. Most of those disadvantages has argued how necessary global social movements are to neutralize global disproportions. The author notices that social activities in global assessment created new attitude for global citizens. Members of this new global community identify world as a common place. That project has been creating and in authors opinion belongs to one of the most important challenge in the future.
