Suchergebnisse

The aim of the research was to determine the effects of globalization on the international business Serbia, as well as the contribution of FDI to the current socio-economic development of Serbia in the process of joining the European Union and anticipating numerous challenges. The entire research is based on the simultaneous use of different methods of qualitative and quantitative analysis, and synthesis and comparison. Analysis of the situation in the domestic economy, it was concluded that met only some of the prerequisites for a higher level of foreign direct investment because foreign direct investments in Serbia have not yielded the expected results. The results show that the process of priva-tization contributed to the revival of several forms of investment: domestic investors, foreign direct investment, loans and capital mar-kets. To unapredula and improve the investment climate, it is necessary to remove administrative barriers to foreign investment through amen-dments to existing legislation, the establishment and strengthening of relevant institutions, as well as the further development of infrastructu-re. With this in mind it is necessary to develop new comparative advan-tages in exports, based on technological modernization of the economy and improving the concept of education, management and organizatio-nal knowledge and experience. The results provide the identification of all the advantages and disadvantages inherent in the globalization of the economy and foreign direct investment.

The phenomena of secret diplomacy and spheres of influence are closely related. History of international relations testify that the most common areas of interest are established through secret diplomacy. Nothing in this sense isn't changed even in the modern world. When you establish a balance of power between the great powers, then you must agree about access on the division of influence spheres. These arrangements are kept at a diplomatic level with the absence of the public. This agreements are secretly signed and its waiting for decades and centuries, and with many of that public will never be aware of. Spheres of influence (zone of interest) are usually created by a secret agreement between two or more major powers through secret diplomacy, and always at the expense of third countries (nation). It can be said that the struggle for spheres of influence was basically the cause of many, including world wars and after World War II continued the USA and the SSSR. History of the Balkan region and relations among people who inhabit it, clearly shows that he was for centuries the scene of clashes geopolitical interests of global power centers. At the present moment Balkan geopolitical scene is area for dominance of the great powers. At some point it will become the space establishment of interested spheres. That will happen through secret diplomacy.

A number of military units were active on the territory of the Independent Stat of Croatia (ISC). Since the end of 1941 there were, in the operational sense, one side the armed forces of ISC, Germans, Italians and chetniks, and on the other side partisans. Numerical ratio changed depending on the events in the field and the international situation. The armed forces of the ISC were repeatedly trained and getting more numerous. Until the middle of 1944 their number exceeded the chetniks and partisans together, which jeopardized ISC. The force of ISC were dependent on Germans, and until 1943 on Italians too. German and Italian units were getting stronger, but they were not supported by the local population. Italian units supported the chetniks, thus provoking strong resistance of the population, who in the so-called Italian zones joined the partisans. Chetniks were also supported by Germans, chetniks from Serbia and Montenegro, and the government of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Near the end of the war, chetniks went over to the partisans in great number because of loss o support by the Germans and Italians. Partisans, making use of the enemy's mistakes, got stronger and stronger. The partisan predominance was realized only when the countries of the antifascist coalition decided to support Josip Tito, the communist-partisan leader. Since the autumn of 1944 partisans got abundant military and political support which helped them win the war. (SOI : CSP: S. 196)

By reporting on some conflicts but not on others, and by representing conflicts they report on in particular ways, the media strongly influence the dynamics and outcomes of democratisation conflicts, and thus also shape the prospects of success of conflict parties. This paper explores the literature on media and conflict by focusing on the ways in which media frame inter-state and civil wars, institutionalised conflicts and social movements in western democracies, and conflicts in nondemocratic and democratising states. Much of the literature discusses the ways in which western media frame foreign conflicts and domestic election campaigns and policy debates, while there is considerably less focus on domestic conflicts in nonwestern settings, such as those that arise during and after transitions from nondemocratic rule. There are only limited attempts to draw parallels between the media coverage of disparate conflicts. In contrast, this study builds upon research findings in these related areas to draw lessons for empirical research of media framing of the contentious dimension of contemporary democratisation. This study concludes that the political context is the main factor that shapes the media framing of various forms of political conflict. Several dimensions of the political context matter in this respect, such as regime type, international (foreign) or domestic perspective, elite consensus or conflict, policy consensus or uncertainty, policy area, more or less institutionalised nature of the political conflict at stake, and the stage of democratisation. Also, the literature suggests that media framing strongly influences political outcomes and thus fosters or undermines democratic institutions in new democracies. .

Finer investigated the phenomenon of politics within its spatial and temporal framework, trying to look into as many forms of government as possible and to fmd uniformity in their variety. He paid particular attention to a study of institutions of government which he considered the core of politics. His investigations focused on the state. By condensing the consequences of the emergence of the state on the forms of government, Finer came up with two variables: the extent in which rulers establish a standardized central administration and the extent in which homogeneous culture, religion and laws have been achieved. The second topic which held an important place in Finer's research is military organization. He wanted to demonstrate how the survival of a state, international order, social distribution of power, governing, the degree of bureaucratization, and a regime's nature, are intertwined with the structure of the state's military institutions. His opinion was that the military organization is necessary for the establishment and preservation of political communities, regimes and governments. According to Finer, the state's key function are preparing for wars, waging wars and reconstructing the country after them, and expecting the next one. Finer's third topic is the relationship between political and religious systems of belief. He stressed their dualistic nature, with two more or less independent hierarchies which have been a source of serious tensions. Furthermore, Finer links the existing system of beliefs, social stratification, and political institutions. Where these factors are balanced, the political community achieves permanent stability. (SOI : PM: S. 182)