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In this final master thesis are analyzing international business evaluation features and suggested the best method to evaluate international business. In the first part of the work are analyzed international business features, highlighting the political and currency fluctuation risks, business evaluation aspects, long established and newly developed business evaluation methods and selected the method which is best suited to evaluate international business. In the second part of the work is analyzed the feasibility of discounted cash flow method to evaluate international business and the steps of the method, highlighting the determination of cash flows, the discount rate calculation, continuous value and cash flow discounting. The focus is on discount rate calculation. In the third part of the work is done the practical business evaluation of Lithuanian company AB "Stumbras" which is working in the international alcohol sphere. In this stage is given the characterization of world, Europe and Lithuanian alcohol drinks sectors. Also there is analyzed the Lithuanian macroeconomics situation. There is performed company competitive and SWOT analyze. Also there is done company's financial analyze (vertical, horizontal and financial ratio analyze), determined the company value and factors which have the greatest impact to business value. Structure: introduction, theoretical part, discounted cash flow feasibility to evaluate the international business analyze, practical international business evaluation following AB "Stumbras" example, conclusions and suggestions, references.

In this final master thesis are analyzing international business evaluation features and suggested the best method to evaluate international business. In the first part of the work are analyzed international business features, highlighting the political and currency fluctuation risks, business evaluation aspects, long established and newly developed business evaluation methods and selected the method which is best suited to evaluate international business. In the second part of the work is analyzed the feasibility of discounted cash flow method to evaluate international business and the steps of the method, highlighting the determination of cash flows, the discount rate calculation, continuous value and cash flow discounting. The focus is on discount rate calculation. In the third part of the work is done the practical business evaluation of Lithuanian company AB "Stumbras" which is working in the international alcohol sphere. In this stage is given the characterization of world, Europe and Lithuanian alcohol drinks sectors. Also there is analyzed the Lithuanian macroeconomics situation. There is performed company competitive and SWOT analyze. Also there is done company's financial analyze (vertical, horizontal and financial ratio analyze), determined the company value and factors which have the greatest impact to business value. Structure: introduction, theoretical part, discounted cash flow feasibility to evaluate the international business analyze, practical international business evaluation following AB "Stumbras" example, conclusions and suggestions, references.

This study analyses the most important international legal status questions concerning Tibet and the Peoples Republic of China prior to 1949 m. invasion and the aftermath. The author takes a brief look at the international legal status of Tibet prior to the formentioned invasion and a diligent study of the most important periods of the historical development of Tibet and its international status, through analysing the most important international treaties, legal doctrine and other documents. Also the author acknowledges the current struggle of Tibet and it's people to regain independance or at least a workable, suitable for tibetans and legitimate autonomous status. The author also tries to take in account the actions and passiveness of international community and United Nations organization concering this issue. In this study it is shown, that the international community doesn't acknowledge the invasion of Tibet as opposing to the international laws and principles, however no real action is taken, therefore leaving the status of Tibet a very delicate matter where all possibilities have to be considered. Author is aiming to define the current situation in the world policy on the matter of Tibet, also the legal and current issues of Tibetan sovereignity, proving that the nation of Tibet is still in full sovereignity and is being occupied only in territorial conflict. Some of the most valid current problems of the legal status of Tobet are also discussed by the author. In particular, the duality of the international legal status of Tibet. Defining the dual and condradictory status of Tibet is one of the main goals of this paper. The delicacy and the complicated manner of the situation (taking in account political and military factors) is suggesting that until there is found a political will to act according to the international law, the status of Tibet has to be considered with utmost awereness and carefulness, because direct actions of separate countries may lead to even more dramatic and serious situations in local or global areas.

This study analyses the most important international legal status questions concerning Tibet and the Peoples Republic of China prior to 1949 m. invasion and the aftermath. The author takes a brief look at the international legal status of Tibet prior to the formentioned invasion and a diligent study of the most important periods of the historical development of Tibet and its international status, through analysing the most important international treaties, legal doctrine and other documents. Also the author acknowledges the current struggle of Tibet and it's people to regain independance or at least a workable, suitable for tibetans and legitimate autonomous status. The author also tries to take in account the actions and passiveness of international community and United Nations organization concering this issue. In this study it is shown, that the international community doesn't acknowledge the invasion of Tibet as opposing to the international laws and principles, however no real action is taken, therefore leaving the status of Tibet a very delicate matter where all possibilities have to be considered. Author is aiming to define the current situation in the world policy on the matter of Tibet, also the legal and current issues of Tibetan sovereignity, proving that the nation of Tibet is still in full sovereignity and is being occupied only in territorial conflict. Some of the most valid current problems of the legal status of Tobet are also discussed by the author. In particular, the duality of the international legal status of Tibet. Defining the dual and condradictory status of Tibet is one of the main goals of this paper. The delicacy and the complicated manner of the situation (taking in account political and military factors) is suggesting that until there is found a political will to act according to the international law, the status of Tibet has to be considered with utmost awereness and carefulness, because direct actions of separate countries may lead to even more dramatic and serious situations in local or global areas.

Cyber has been around for over a decade and yet we are still faces with a situation of a very weak or rather no regulation. This is being heavily influenced by our weak technological development and due to the nature of cyberspace and the Internet. Cyber warfare poses interesting questions for us. It is one of a kind type of warfare, the one we cannot see or feel, but it's impacts are instantaneous and potentially devastating. States and scholars agree on that. This thesis attempts to explore possibilities of application of existing international laws to amend this situation and answer the questions if it is adequate or at all possible. While scholars are still arguing about the basics of what cyber warfare and cyberspace actually is, it keeps on evolving. States on the other hand have recognized the potential threat of cyber warfare a long time ago and are attempting to mend the existing legal void, however not successfully. The effects of their efforts are limited only to a small number of States. States who are not willing to give up their cyber capability would also stay clear from such international legislation. International treaties and State practice were analyzed in search of a way to accommodate cyber warfare under the current regime. The findings show that application of existing legal basis to cyber warfare is at best difficult and strained. The reality is that cyber warfare does not fit adequately under any of the legal umbrellas at the moment. Application of existing laws generates even more drawbacks than it in the end covers. There is potential for future development however. States are inclined to negotiate and, even as we speak, are attempting at creation of a cyber warfare regulating treaty. The thesis concludes that current international law is not adequate in order to be applicable to cyber warfare and even in areas where it can afford minimal protection, potential for abuse exists. The criteria and standards which were appropriate to conventional warfare and armed conflict are outdated. At least a global understanding on the terms used to define cyber warfare and related terms would be a good starting point. A universally accepted convention would be the perfect solution.

Cyber has been around for over a decade and yet we are still faces with a situation of a very weak or rather no regulation. This is being heavily influenced by our weak technological development and due to the nature of cyberspace and the Internet. Cyber warfare poses interesting questions for us. It is one of a kind type of warfare, the one we cannot see or feel, but it's impacts are instantaneous and potentially devastating. States and scholars agree on that. This thesis attempts to explore possibilities of application of existing international laws to amend this situation and answer the questions if it is adequate or at all possible. While scholars are still arguing about the basics of what cyber warfare and cyberspace actually is, it keeps on evolving. States on the other hand have recognized the potential threat of cyber warfare a long time ago and are attempting to mend the existing legal void, however not successfully. The effects of their efforts are limited only to a small number of States. States who are not willing to give up their cyber capability would also stay clear from such international legislation. International treaties and State practice were analyzed in search of a way to accommodate cyber warfare under the current regime. The findings show that application of existing legal basis to cyber warfare is at best difficult and strained. The reality is that cyber warfare does not fit adequately under any of the legal umbrellas at the moment. Application of existing laws generates even more drawbacks than it in the end covers. There is potential for future development however. States are inclined to negotiate and, even as we speak, are attempting at creation of a cyber warfare regulating treaty. The thesis concludes that current international law is not adequate in order to be applicable to cyber warfare and even in areas where it can afford minimal protection, potential for abuse exists. The criteria and standards which were appropriate to conventional warfare and armed conflict are outdated. At least a global understanding on the terms used to define cyber warfare and related terms would be a good starting point. A universally accepted convention would be the perfect solution.

Every state may face a bid for protection in embassies or consulates from persons looking for a shelter in dangerous situations to their lives and safety. Even though diplomatic asylum is more peculiar to Latin America region, no State is prevented from such seekers. Practical examples show that diplomatic asylum helped to safe thousands of people in countries where instability of governments exist, during wars or in situations where no other alternative of protection was available. Grant of diplomatic asylum is a problematic issue because it raises question which value should prevail: inviolability of premises or non interference into internal affairs, protection of human rights or sovereignty of State. This master thesis attempts to find out what is the current position of diplomatic asylum in the context of public international law and on what grounds it could be granted in embassies and consulates. For this aim, the thesis is focused on the evolution and main features of diplomatic asylum, on its relation with regional and universal international law instruments, on dominating positions to diplomatic asylum in the case law. International treaties, state practice and various positions of legal writers were analyzed in order to reveal grounds for granting diplomatic asylum. In the States where diplomatic asylum is recognized, it is granted according to the existing legal regulation. In the States where diplomatic asylum is not considered as legal institute, it is granted on humanitarian considerations in order to protect people. The thesis concludes that different attitudes to diplomatic asylum exist regarding international law. For a group of State it is an institute of regional international law while other states tolerate it purely on humanitarian considerations. Despite different approaches of diplomatic asylum in the international law, it can be a means to protect life or safety of a person.

Every state may face a bid for protection in embassies or consulates from persons looking for a shelter in dangerous situations to their lives and safety. Even though diplomatic asylum is more peculiar to Latin America region, no State is prevented from such seekers. Practical examples show that diplomatic asylum helped to safe thousands of people in countries where instability of governments exist, during wars or in situations where no other alternative of protection was available. Grant of diplomatic asylum is a problematic issue because it raises question which value should prevail: inviolability of premises or non interference into internal affairs, protection of human rights or sovereignty of State. This master thesis attempts to find out what is the current position of diplomatic asylum in the context of public international law and on what grounds it could be granted in embassies and consulates. For this aim, the thesis is focused on the evolution and main features of diplomatic asylum, on its relation with regional and universal international law instruments, on dominating positions to diplomatic asylum in the case law. International treaties, state practice and various positions of legal writers were analyzed in order to reveal grounds for granting diplomatic asylum. In the States where diplomatic asylum is recognized, it is granted according to the existing legal regulation. In the States where diplomatic asylum is not considered as legal institute, it is granted on humanitarian considerations in order to protect people. The thesis concludes that different attitudes to diplomatic asylum exist regarding international law. For a group of State it is an institute of regional international law while other states tolerate it purely on humanitarian considerations. Despite different approaches of diplomatic asylum in the international law, it can be a means to protect life or safety of a person.

After the end of the Cold war the unipolar international system was established and during recent decade it was transformated from strickt unipolarity (1990-2000) to modified unipolarity (2001-2010). Exceptional and multidimensional power with the global reach of the USA was the reason for naming structure of international system as strict unipolar till terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 in the USA. After September 11th the USA started to act less unilaterally than before temporary changing the unilateralism to multilateralism for collective actions against terrorism in Afghanistan. The multilateral response to September 11th terrorist attacks became the first stage of transformation of strict unipolarity based on Article 5 of Washington Treaty. Years of 2001-2003 could be named as the beginning of modified unipolarity: sole superpower acted multilaterally in war against terrorism and at the same time it promoted the enlargement of its influence with NATO enlargement to the post soviet area. Formation of transformed unipolar structure allows speaking about the necessity of defining a new type of unipolarity – modified unipolarity which is theoretically balancing on the dividing lines of unipolarity, multipolarity and nonpolarity concepts. This article consists of broad definition of modified unipolarity, theoretical analysis of polarity and its transformation, also, some preliminary conclusions and insights are made concerning possible transformation of modified unipolarity in the foreseen future.

After the end of the Cold war the unipolar international system was established and during recent decade it was transformated from strickt unipolarity (1990-2000) to modified unipolarity (2001-2010). Exceptional and multidimensional power with the global reach of the USA was the reason for naming structure of international system as strict unipolar till terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 in the USA. After September 11th the USA started to act less unilaterally than before temporary changing the unilateralism to multilateralism for collective actions against terrorism in Afghanistan. The multilateral response to September 11th terrorist attacks became the first stage of transformation of strict unipolarity based on Article 5 of Washington Treaty. Years of 2001-2003 could be named as the beginning of modified unipolarity: sole superpower acted multilaterally in war against terrorism and at the same time it promoted the enlargement of its influence with NATO enlargement to the post soviet area. Formation of transformed unipolar structure allows speaking about the necessity of defining a new type of unipolarity – modified unipolarity which is theoretically balancing on the dividing lines of unipolarity, multipolarity and nonpolarity concepts. This article consists of broad definition of modified unipolarity, theoretical analysis of polarity and its transformation, also, some preliminary conclusions and insights are made concerning possible transformation of modified unipolarity in the foreseen future.

Independence and liberty of cyberspace enabled inception of new kind mass media. Internet based news organization no longer needed to obey national laws and acknowledge states' superiority in international political communication. News organizations, like Google, Facebook, Twitter, Wikileaks, etc., have emerged as mighty actors in the international communicative activities. They are being driven by self-interests, which not necessary conform sovereign states' interests. The development of new kind mass media are not being determined by national laws or other offline rules. This study determined the role of self-ruling mass media in the international political communication. Also, this work showed that emergence of new kind mass media have caused substantial decline of sovereign states' power in international political communication.

Independence and liberty of cyberspace enabled inception of new kind mass media. Internet based news organization no longer needed to obey national laws and acknowledge states' superiority in international political communication. News organizations, like Google, Facebook, Twitter, Wikileaks, etc., have emerged as mighty actors in the international communicative activities. They are being driven by self-interests, which not necessary conform sovereign states' interests. The development of new kind mass media are not being determined by national laws or other offline rules. This study determined the role of self-ruling mass media in the international political communication. Also, this work showed that emergence of new kind mass media have caused substantial decline of sovereign states' power in international political communication.

Independence and liberty of cyberspace enabled inception of new kind mass media. Internet based news organization no longer needed to obey national laws and acknowledge states' superiority in international political communication. News organizations, like Google, Facebook, Twitter, Wikileaks, etc., have emerged as mighty actors in the international communicative activities. They are being driven by self-interests, which not necessary conform sovereign states' interests. The development of new kind mass media are not being determined by national laws or other offline rules. This study determined the role of self-ruling mass media in the international political communication. Also, this work showed that emergence of new kind mass media have caused substantial decline of sovereign states' power in international political communication.

This master thesis provides an analysis of the legality of preemptive self-defence under international law. In assessing the lawfulness of preemptive self-defence two basic sources of international law: customary and treaty law are examined. The analysis of the UN Charter rules showed that there is strong disagreement between scholars regarding the legality of anticipatory self-defence. However, the term "armed attack" in article 51 UN Charter should embrace imminent threats. Two basic reasons are: the advent of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) and new methods of warfare; the inherent right of anticipatory self-defence was not exhausted after the adoption of the UN Charter. The examination of customary international law showed that the Caroline doctrine allows states to act in anticipation of an armed attack if the requirements of necessity and proportionality are fulfilled. In addition, the analysis of state practice and opinion juris prior and after September 11, 2001, revealed that anticipatory self-defence is not prohibited. The conclusion is maid that the right of anticipatory self-defence, if requirements of necessity and proportionality are fulfilled, is not illegal under international law. In contrast, the analysis of the UN Charter rules showed that preemptive self-defence against perceived threats is not legal under the UN Charter, because there is no actual armed attack or imminent threat against which state can legally defend itself. In addition, preemptive use of military force against emerging threats has no safeguards. The examination of customary law prior and after September 11, 2001, revealed that a new rule, which would allow states to use military force in self-defence, was not created, because there is a lack of opinio juris and state practice. The conclusion is drawn that preemptive use of force is not legal under international law.

This master thesis provides an analysis of the legality of preemptive self-defence under international law. In assessing the lawfulness of preemptive self-defence two basic sources of international law: customary and treaty law are examined. The analysis of the UN Charter rules showed that there is strong disagreement between scholars regarding the legality of anticipatory self-defence. However, the term "armed attack" in article 51 UN Charter should embrace imminent threats. Two basic reasons are: the advent of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) and new methods of warfare; the inherent right of anticipatory self-defence was not exhausted after the adoption of the UN Charter. The examination of customary international law showed that the Caroline doctrine allows states to act in anticipation of an armed attack if the requirements of necessity and proportionality are fulfilled. In addition, the analysis of state practice and opinion juris prior and after September 11, 2001, revealed that anticipatory self-defence is not prohibited. The conclusion is maid that the right of anticipatory self-defence, if requirements of necessity and proportionality are fulfilled, is not illegal under international law. In contrast, the analysis of the UN Charter rules showed that preemptive self-defence against perceived threats is not legal under the UN Charter, because there is no actual armed attack or imminent threat against which state can legally defend itself. In addition, preemptive use of military force against emerging threats has no safeguards. The examination of customary law prior and after September 11, 2001, revealed that a new rule, which would allow states to use military force in self-defence, was not created, because there is a lack of opinio juris and state practice. The conclusion is drawn that preemptive use of force is not legal under international law.