Suchergebnisse

Kommunikation mit dem übrigen Afrika wird für die RSA immer mehr zu einer Notwendigkeit, auch wenn sich der gegenwärtige Prozeß eher in umgekehrter Richtung vollzieht. Erörterung der Fragen, warum eine engere Beziehung Südafrikas zum Rest des Kontinents für die Kap-Republik lebensnotwendig ist, welche Hindernisse einer solchen Entwicklung gegenwärtig im Wege stehen und welche Faktoren für sie günstig erscheinen. Welche Botschaft hat Südafrika dem übrigen Afrika zu vermitteln und auf welche Weise kann der notwendige Dialog gefördert werden? (DÜI-Hlb)

Skizzierung der Langzeitstrategie direkter und indirekter Einflußnahme, die die Sowjetunion im südlichen Afrika verfolgt. Jedoch ist dieses Gebiet für sie nicht von prioritärer Bedeutung. Ihre Devise ist: Bereit sein, wenn die Zeit gekommen ist. Verfolgung einer vieldimensionalen Politik. (DÜI-Hlb)

Die veränderten parteipolitischen Mehrheiten im amerikanischen Kongreß werden vor allem in der Außenpolitik der USA deutlich werden. Möglich, daß diese auch schon vorentscheidend für die Präsidentschaftswahlen von 1988 sind. Welche außenpolitischen Folgen hat die RSA nun zu erwarten? Südafrika ist für die Vereinigten Staaten ein vergleichsweise kleines Problem, doch muß die Südafrikafrage 'am Leben gehalten' werden - andauernde und wahrscheinlich sogar verschärfte Sanktionen sind daher wahrscheinlich. (DÜI-Hlb)

In 2004 Lithuania implemented its two most important foreign policy goals -- became the member of the European Union & NATO. However, the country will now have to assert its status & position in the Euroatlantic community of liberal democracies. Lithuania faces an arguably more complex agenda, which has no clear end-goals or deadlines. The security challenges are difficult to identify & predict. The global & European strategic environment is best characterized by an ever-growing uncertainty: the transatlantic relations continue to be tense, Russia, paradoxically, is balancing between perspective of disintegration & re-emerging as an expansionist imperial power, & the European Union is under- going one of the most severe internal crisis in decades. At the same time, the major schools of international relations theory disagree on what to make out of the current world politics. Rationalist, neorealist authors tend to give alarmist, apocalyptic accounts of the future of the nation states if they despise the iron logic of geopolitics, whereas reflectivist, constructivist authors argue that the world is "what we make of it," & thus, can be changed. These two visions of international relations inevitably lead to different policy implications. The paper consists of two parts. In the first part, the authors address the current state of affairs in the two schools of international relations: rationalism (neorealism) & reflectivism (constructivism). In the second part, the authors interchangeably explore & compare the policy options that can be derived from the two different worldviews. The article concludes that international politics for a small state are more complex than either of the schools would suggest. Although the nature of the world politics is increasingly postmodern, a lot of actors still live in a modern world of geopolitics. Lithuanian decision makers will therefore have to "play" in accordance with postmodern rules when possible, but to remember geopolitics if necessary. Grounding their view on theoretical synthesis of constructivist & realist approaches to foreign policy, The authors asserts, that Lithuania's Euroatlantism should overshadow all other interests & problems of the society. The membership in the EU will have far reaching & long term consequences on Lithuanian society -- the same cannot be said about membership in NATO, or relations with the US. Lithuania must internalize the EU as a part of its corporate identity -- Lithuania is a part of Europe's collective identity. Therefore, Lithuanian political elite should cease to consider Europe as an object of Lithuanian foreign policy, rather it should become conscious itself as a subject of European policy contributing to its formation. Adapted from the source document.

Nach Klärung, was in Südafrika unter multilateraler Kooperation zu verstehen ist (nämlich die Zusammenarbeit Pretorias mit den 'unabhängigen' TBVC-Staaten), werden die gegenwärtigen Strukturen dieser Kooperation mit dem Ziel erläutert, zukünftige Forschungsfelder auf diesem Gebiet zu identifizieren. Die Schlußfolgerungen beinhalten vor allem eine stärkere Konzentration auf die politischen Aspekte der Zusammenarbeit, auf die Klärung der Konföderationsidee sowie eine eingehende Analyse der Aufgaben des Sektretariats SECOSAF (Secretariat for Multilateral Cooperation in Southern Africa) mit dem Ziel einer Effizienzverbesserung. (DÜI-Hlb)

Kennzeichnung der Probleme, die einer Unabhängikeit Namibias zum gegenwärtigen Zeitpunkt im Wege stehen und im Zusammenhang damit Diskussion der Rolle, die die internationale Gemeinschaft im Rahmen dieses Unabhängikeitsprozesses spielt. Standpunkt und Rolle der SWAPO, der UN und Südafrikas. Die Interimsregierung als eigene Initiative und Antwort Namibias auf die mangelnden internationalen Fortschritte und Aussichten. (DÜI-Hlb)

One of the biggest critiques for the constructivism in international relations discipline is the accusations of abstractiveness and having little substantive to say when talking about world politics. The article asserts that constructivism is not the typical theory of international relations or foreign policy analysis. Constructivism in the discipline is what every constructivist researcher makes of it, using a few fundamental statements about the analysis of social reality. In order to show how the constructivist international relations researchers apply the fundamental principles of the constructivist analysis of social reality to form their models of analysis, firstly, the article explains the metatheoretical assumptions of constructivism and the main problems that emerge trying to apply them in empirical research. Secondly, analysing three fundamental statements of metatheoretical constructivism (on intersubjective construction of meanings, relationship of ideas and materiality, and mutual constitutive relation of structure and agency) it is demonstrated how they are transformed and applied in more particular theoretical and empirical works of international politics. In the end several recommendation are provided on the main principles of constructivist research in international relations. Adapted from the source document.

Straipsnyje siekiama isanalizuoti Lenkijos parlamentiniu politiniu partiju programas, kuriose isskiriamas uzsienio politikos vektorius regioninio bendradarbiavimo kontekste. Pagrindinis demesys analizeje skiriamas politinems partijoms ir jas vienijanciai ideologijai analizuoti, apibreziant siu subjektu vaidmeni bendrame Lenkijos uzsienio politikos formavimo procese. Tekste pateikiamos prioritetines uzsienio politikos sritys, kurias isskiria parlamentines Lenkijos partijos. Analize atliekama nagrinejant 2011 metais suformuluotas parlamentiniu politiniu partiju - Pilieciu platformos, Teises ir teisingumo, Demokratines kaires aljanso, Lenkijos valstieciu sajungos - programas. Straipsnyje nera analizuojamas Palikotos judejimo (lenk. Ruch Palikota, RP) atvejis, nes sios partijos programoje nera isskiriamas uzsienio politikos vektorius. Tekste siekiama isanalizuoti pagrindinius Lenkijos uzsienio politikos prioritetus, ju vieta formuojant ir vykdant politika, ir daugiausia demesio skiriama siu prioritetu apraiskoms parlamentiniu politiniu partiju programose. Analizuojant Lenkijos regioninio ir strateginio bendradarbiavimo sritis, pateikiamas partiju programose isskiriamas bendradarbiavimas Europos Sajungos regione, transatlantiniai rysiai su JAV ir NATO bei santykiai su gretimomis valstybemis. Straipsnyje siekiama ivertinti, ar politiniu partiju programose iskelti uzsienio politikos vektoriai atspindi oficialia valstybes uzsienio politikos koncepcija This article analyses programs of Poland Parliamentary political parties, which exclude vectors of foreign politics in the context of regional collaboration. The most important concept in this article is the analysis of political parties and their ideologies which show their importance in forming foreign politics in Poland. Priority areas of foreign politics in Poland are presented in the text. Analysis was conducted using analysing programs (2011) of Parliamentary parties such as Civic Platform, Law and Justice, Democratic Left Alliance and Polish People Party. The case of Palikot's movement is absent in the article due to the fact that the vector of foreign politics is not excluded in its program. The main priorities of Poland's foreign politics, its position in forming and performing the politics are analysed in the text. The focus of it is on how these priorities are presented in the programs of Parliamentary parties. Adapted from the source document.