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Bu çalışmada hem enerji hem de silah olarak kullanılabilen nükleer malzemeyle ilgili uluslararası hukuktaki düzenlemeler çerçevesinde İran'ın nükleer programı incelenmektedir. İran'ın enerji durumu ile nükleer programının niteliğine değinen çalışma, nükleer malzemenin enerji amacı dışında kullanımını önlemek için kurulan Uluslararası Atom Enerjisi Kurumunun İran'da yaptığı incelemeler ışığında İran'ın nükleer programının barışçı amaçlı olup olmadığını değerlendirmektedir. Uluslararası hukukun gelişimine katkıda bulunmak amacıyla nükleer malzemeye sahip olan bütün devletlerde denetim mekanizmasının güçlendirilmesi noktasından hareket eden bu çalışma, Birleşmiş milletler güvenlik konseyine sevk edilen İran'ın nükleer programıyla ilgili gelişmeleri analiz ederek ancak müzakereler yoluyla İran'ın nükleer programının getirdiği sorunların çözülebileceğini ön görmektedir. ; This study examines Iran's nuclear programme in the context of arrangements of international law related to nuclear materials used to both produce energy and weapon. Researching energy sources of Iran and nature of her nuclear programme the study analyzes and evaluates weather Iran's nuclear programme is peaceful or not in the light of investigations conducted by International Atomic Energy Agency founded to prevent nuclear proliferation and to control over the use of nuclear material other than producing energy. From point of view that control measures should be taken and strengthened on the nuclear activities and materials of all States to contribute growth of international law, the study analyzes developments concerning Iran's nuclear programme referred to the United Nations Security Council, and suggests that nuclear problem should be resolved only by means of negotiations.

Özet: İkinci Dünya Savaşı sonrası kurulan Birleşmiş Milletler (BM), kurulduğu andan bugüne değin hiç olmadığı kadar derin bir kriz ile yüz yüze kalmış du-rumdadır. BM'nin varlık ve etkinlik sorununu oldukça etkileyen bu kriz; meşruiyet krizidir. BM'nin bu krizden hasıl çıkacağı, hayata geçireceği reformlara ve kaybettiği siyasi kararlılığı yeniden kazanıp kazanamayacağına bağlıdır. Öncelikle üyelerin reform çalışmaları konusunda samimi olmaları ve Genel Ku- rul'daki görece demokratik ortamın başta Güvenlik Konseyi olmak üzere BM'nin diğer tüm organ ve kuruluşları için de sağlanması gerekiyor. Örgütün kurulduğu ilk yıllardan beri gelen reform ihtiyacı karşılanamadığı, Konsey'deki veto ve temsil adaletsizliği giderilemediği sürece BM'nin meşruiyeti büyük yara almaya devam edecektir. Anakronik yapı, orantısız temsil sorunu, veto yetkisinin sınırlı sayıda üyeye verilmiş olması, fin ansal sorunlar, siyasi kararlılık eksikliği, kolektif güvenlik mekanizmasının işlevsiz hale gelmesi, bölgesel entegrasyon ve yapılanmaların giderek daha etkili olması, uluslararası toplumun BM'ye olan güveninin sarsılması vb. gibi bir dizi sorun içinde BM meşruiyet krizini en azından öngörülebilir bir gelecekte aşabilecek gibi görünmüyor. Ayrıca, kriz aşılmadığı sürece BM Antlaşması ile tesis edilmiş ve büyük ölçüde kabul görmüş normlar bütünü de özünden sarsılabilir. Bu bağlamda, meşruiyet sorunu sadece bir etkinlik değil aynı zamanda bir varlık sorunu olarak da değerlendirilmelidir. ; Abstract: The United Nations (UN), having founded following the World War II, is face to face with a deep crisis that never experienced before. This is the legitimacy crisis heavily affecting the raison d'etat and the UN's question of efficiency. The way how the UN will break through this crisis is conditional upon its reforms and will to regain its political determination. Before all else, the member states have to be sincere about the reform endeavors and there is a certain need to settle the relatively democratic medium of the General Assembly in all bodies of the UN. The legitimacy crisis of the UN will continue to bleed unless the needs for the reforms since the early years is fulfilled and the injustice of veto and representation in the Security Council are removed. Yet, the UN does not seem to overcome the legitimacy crisis in the foreseeable future due to problems such as anachronic structure, disproportionate representation, very limited veto authority, financial difficulties, lack of political determination, malfunctionality of collective security, the rising effectiveness of regional integrations and such organizations and convulsion of international trust towards the UN. Moreover, as much as this crisis continues the norms founded with the UN Charter and adopted on a large scale could wither away substantially. In this context, legitimacy crisis should be evaluated not as a matter of strength but also a question of existence.

The main goal of the article is to analyze the basic problems regarding the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) negotiations between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries. The negotiations so far have been controversial, and discussions about them have been inconclusive. In the first section of the article, the negotiations are set within the context of global politics and are especially examined in the context of new regionalism/inter-regionalism and international trade relations to clarify the motives behind the EPAs. Then the negotiation parties are introduced and a brief overview of the ACP economies follows, since they all have a considerable impact on the EPA discussions. Next, an analysis of possible positive and negative impacts of the EPAs on the development of ACP countries follows. Adapted from the source document.

International migration & development are among the most often cited issues in contemporary scholarly & political discussions. Reduction of socioeconomic disparities through development of economically less developed countries or liberalization of workforce movement are positioned very high on the political agendas of particular countries, as well as on those of supranational & international organizations. Therefore, it is not surprising that relations between migration & development attract more & more attention not only from the scientific community but from other individuals & organizations as well. In a limited amount of space, this paper uncovers the impacts of international migration, above all of the phenomena of remittances & skilled migration on the development of both receiving & sending countries. The article discusses the challenge of whether international migration is a better development strategy than traditional development tools such as Official Development Assistance (ODA) & argues against some traditional migration myths. This article wants to contribute to the discussion in the Czech Republic on relations between international migration & development with an emphasis on developing countries. The article is structured as follows. The first part is a brief description of international migration theories with development aspects in mind. The second part deals with international migration in the contemporary global world, stressing quantification of migration flows with respect to the level of development. Finally, the third chapter summarizes the most important findings from specific domains of relations between international migration & development (particularly remittances & skilled migration). Adapted from the source document.

Globalization; Agriculturel policy; economic aspectsTurkey

The EU Council Presidency is considered a very influential & suitable tool for domestic communication of European integration & its agenda. The article analyses the last ten EU Council Presidencies & their impact on public support to the key elements of European integration. The hypothesis of the article is the argument that the EU Council Presidency in its current form increases support for the European integration (and its key elements) & increases the level of knowledge about European integration among the public. Adapted from the source document.

Bu tezde 1 Mart 2003 Tezkeresi süreci ve bu sürecin devamı incelenmistir.Tezde zaman ve kaynak açısından sınırlandırmaya gidilerek 1 Subat 2003-30Mayıs 2003 tarihleri arasındaki gelismeler ve Türkiye'de faaliyet gösteren bes gazeteele alınarak incelemeler yapılmıstır. Bununla beraber degerlendirilen konudabaglantının saglanması amacıyla Türk Amerikan iliskilerinin tarihsel kökenleri deincelemeye dâhil edilmistir.Tezde genel olarak 1 Mart Tezkeresi süreci ve bu süreç sonrası gerek TürkAmerikan iliskileri'nin içinde bulundugu durum gerekse Türkiye'nin Irak savası sonrasıkarsılastıgı önemli sorunlar degerlendirilmistir. Bu çalısmada Türkiye'deki basınorganlarının 1 Mart sürecine iliskin degerlendirmelerinden yararlanma yolunagidilmistir.Tez üç asamalı bir sekilde hazırlanmıs ve konunun ayrıntılı olarak incelenmesineçalısılmıstır. Birinci bölümde Türk Amerikan iliskilerinin geçmisi incelenmistir. Ayrıcayine bu bölümde Amerika'nın dıs politikasına yön veren doktrinler konu edinilmistir.ikinci bölümde Türk Amerikan iliskilerinde meydana gelen bunalımlar ele alınmıstır.Üçüncü bölümde ise 1 Mart Tezkeresi süreci degerlendirilmis ve bu sürecin Türkiyeüzerindeki etkileri tartısılmıstır.1 Mart Tezkeresi, Türk Amerikan iliskilerinde derin yaralar açan önemli birolaydır. ; Within this thesis; the process of `March 1 Parliament Rejection of US Troops inTurkey? and continuation of this period have been studied.A limitation was used in time and source and the research has been carried out byanalysing five different journals published between the dates of 1st February 2003 and30th May 2003. In addition; The historical background of the relations between Turkeyand America have also been included into the research in order to link and visualize thesubject matters clearly.In the thesis, on the whole, the process of `March 1 Parliament Rejection of USTroops in Turkey? and ongoing period; the status of the Turkish American relations; andthe major problems that Turkey encountered after The Iraq war have been discussed.During the research, the way of benefiting from the Turkish media evaluationsconcerning 1 March Permission has been used.This thesis has been organized in three parts and within the thesis the subjectmatter is analysed in detail. The history of Turkish-American relations finds its place inthe first part. Besides; the doctrines shaping the American foreign policy are dealt in thesame part. In the second part; the turmoils that occurred in Turkish-American relationsare researched. And finally, in the third part; the process of `March 1 ParliamentRejection of US Troops in Turkey? is assessed and the influences of this process onTurkey are discussed.`March 1 Parliament Rejection of US Troops in Turkey? can be considered as aturning point which leads to deterioration in Turkish-American relations.

The discussion of the energy security of Europe is focused mainly on Russia. However, Russia -- Central Asia energy relations became very important in Eurasia after the dissolution of the USSR. While its reserves of strategic raw materials (especially gas) are not comparable with those in Russia, Central Asia could be an additional source for supplying these raw materials to Europe. Europe should be involved in "The Great Game" for Central Asian gas. The significance of Central Asia regarding the increasing demand for gas in Europe cannot be overestimated. On the other hand, due to the growing interest of China & other Asian powers in Central Asia, maintaining a local gas pipeline network which would move gas in the direction of Europe (rather than in the direction of other Asian countries) should be a priority for both European countries & Russia. The rivalry between Russian & non-Russian pipeline projects for delivering gas is secondary in this context. Adapted from the source document.

The essay deals with the development of theory in development economics as a subdiscipline of international economics, within the context of general economic theory. Although some authors believe that it started to develop during the 19th century (as some Latin American countries gained their independence at this time), most authors connect its origin with the decolonization process of the 1950s. The first part describes its rather "naive" beginnings, when it was believed that it is possible to discover a universal theory applicable to the whole "third world" -- such as theories of vicious circles of poverty, the best ways & tools for breaking them, etc. The second phase of development economics, spanning approximately 1970-1990, was characterized by disillusionment & produced a lot of mostly analytical works dealing with partial problems. The third stage (1990-present) has been characterized by a growing demand for the so-called new synthesis. As the authors believe, such a goal would be very difficult to achieve, but in essence, it is achievable by means of joint efforts based on the Millennium Development Goals, changes of international economic & political relations systems & changes in a wide range of global issues. Adapted from the source document.