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For some time, the theoretical debate in international relations has occupied an ambiguous place in the discipline. For some, the remarkable diversity of theoretical production expresses the dynamism of a field that has grown thanks to its capacity for dialogue with a wide range of disciplines from the humanities and social sciences, and even the exact sciences. Others, however, see this process as a symptom of the decline of the discipline, reflected in its fragmentation and inability to produce a more or less coherent (or consensual) set of research problems. We could also mention a current of opinion that sees the supposed exhaustion of International Relations as a process that we should not regret, since the evolution of the field would be irremediably associated with a colonial power project that produced unequal and discriminatory world orders. For the latter, the theories of International Relations offer few possibilities for the construction of a critique of world politics and, therefore, would not deserve significant intellectual investment. This view echoes the controversial debate about the 'end of IR theory' waged in the pages of the European Journal of International Relations in 2013 (Dunne, Hansen, and Wight 2013). This declaration of death seems premature, yet the current state of the debate may suggest a fund of truth for pessimistic assessments. Had the 'critical turn' project fallen victim to its own success? Has the drive towards greater theoretical pluralism produced a fragmentation that impedes the evolution of the discipline? Has the critique of the limits of international studies - in particular its supposed universality - compromised our ability to think of the international as a planetary political space? This diffuse dissatisfaction with international theoretical work has a very broad scope, reaching both Anglo-American and continental European academic cultures and the many other continents where research in International Relations is conducted today, testifying to the increasingly ...

El presente trabajo tiene por objetivo explicar, desde la perspectiva de la economía política internacional, las iniciativas de integración monetaria puestas en práctica en el Mercado Común del Sur (Mercosur). Con ese propósito, se identi ca el origen del interés de los países de dicha región en conformar una unión monetaria, y se explican las iniciativas consideradas, tomando en cuenta los esfuerzos para avanzar a una moneda común a través de: a) la coordinación macroeconómica para la uni cación monetaria, b) el establecimiento de una moneda única, y c) la de nición de una unidad monetaria. La falta de consenso político acerca de la naturaleza de los instrumentos de política económica a emplear, los objetivos alcanzar y la distribución de los costos de la unificación monetaria, han impedido el avance en esta materia. ; This paper aims to explain, from the perspective of international political economy, monetary integration initiatives implemented in the Southern Common Market (Mercosur). With this aim, the interest of the countries of the region to form a monetary union is identi ed and the initiatives considered are discussed, taking into account the efforts to move toward a common currency through: a) macroeconomic coordination for monetary uni cation, b) the establishment of a single currency, and c) the de nition of a monetary unit. The lack of political consensus about the nature of economic instruments to use, the objectives to be achieved and the distribution of costs of monetary uni cation, have prevented progress in monetary integration. ; Ce travail expose, à partir de la perspective de l'économie politique internationale, les caractéristiques du procès d'intégration monétaire du Marché Commun du Sud (Mercosur). À ce propos, on tient compte des points de vue politiques, économiques et sociaux d'un procès complexe et dynamique qui se développe dans le contexte des alternatives suivantes : a) coordination macroéconomique pour l'uni cation monétaire, b) bandes de taux de change pour la monnaie unique, et c) utilisation de l'unité monétaire commune. L'absence de consensus politique sur la nature des instruments de politique économique à utiliser, les objectifs à atteindre et la distribution des coûts de l'uni cation monétaire, ont empêché le progrès des alternatives envisagées. ; 25-34 ; ahurtado46@gmail.com ; semestral

In a moment where credibility and citizen support towards international organisations are suffering, it is necessary that these organisations make efforts in communicating the importance they have in the lives of the citizens as well as the achievements their actions represent in both the national and international levels. Some examples of the citizen disaffection are the rise or even the victory of parties and candidacies that challenge the benefits and the importance or organisations like the UN or the European Union. Trump, the brexit or the fact that Marine Le Pen made it to the second round of the French presidential elections, make it clear that there is a hostile environment for multilateralism.Communication must represent a key element for achieving the objective of showing the benefits and usefulness of international organisations. Therefore, we will analyse the current communication strategies of the UN and the EU in order to highlight the positive and improvable aspects of such strategies.The objective of this study is to focus on the constructivist approach of international organisations, where the management of intangible assets is key in order to change norms at the service of the common good. For that, it is vital to use soft power, which has communication as a key tool. Today, there are mechanisms that enable the direct interaction with the citizens, so a good investment in this sense can generate very positive results that return credibility to international institutions. ; En un momento en el que la credibilidad y el apoyo ciudadano a las organizaciones internacionales se resiente, es necesario que estas inviertan sus esfuerzos en comunicar la importancia que tienen en la vida de los ciudadanos y los logros que sus acciones representan a nivel nacional e internacional. Ejemplos de este desapego ciudadano son el auge o incluso la victoria de partidos y candidaturas que ponen en tela de juicio la utilidad y el sentido de organizaciones como la ONU o la Unión Europea. Trump, el brexit o el hecho de que Marine Le Pen pasara a la segunda vuelta de las elecciones presidenciales en Francia evidencian un entorno hostil para el multilateralismo.La comunicación ha de constituir un elemento clave para lograr el objetivo de mostrar la utilidad y la necesidad de las organizaciones internacionales. Se analizarán, por tanto, las estrategias comunicativas actuales tanto de la ONU como de la UE para señalar aspectos positivos y aspectos mejorables de dichas estrategias.El objetivo de este estudio es profundizar en la visión constructivista de las organizaciones internacionales, donde la gestión de los intangibles resulta clave para cambiar normas al servicio del bien común. Para ello, resulta imprescindible acudir al poder blando, que tiene como una de las herramientas fundamentales la comunicación. Hoy en día hay mecanismos que posibilitan la interacción directa con los ciudadanos, por lo que una buena inversión en este sentido puede generar resultados muy positivos que devuelvan la credibilidad a las instituciones internacionales.

The article aims to describe and analyse international relations debates, focusing on the contributions that feminisms make to the field as one of the dissident currents and reflectivist approaches -especially in its postcolonial/decolonial formulations. The methodology used is qualitative, and a specific bibliography is reviewed in order to examine the current discussions in the discipline, the confrontations within feminisms in IR, as well as their contributions. Moreover, we will look at the revision that Latin American and Caribbean decolonial feminism has instigated, considering the importance of intersectionality for expanding disciplinary boundaries. The text is articulated around the following questions: What debates run through the contemporary disciplinary field? What do the approaches of feminisms, within this framework, question and propose? What methodologies and notions do they introduce in IR studies? Which contributions are made by Latin American and Caribbean feminism? Thus, specific methodological and epistemological issues illuminated by feminisms in IR, such as the body politics,the micropolitics approach, and the focus on everyday practices,are given particular consideration. Solomon & Steele (2016) affirm that it "is only now — with increasing shifts to the micro — that academic IR has begun to (re)discover the lives and people of global politics, and to breathe life back into a field that grand theory mostly neglected". Every life of any person around the world should be recognized; there is no international system or society without the actions and practices of ordinary people. In this regard, feminisms have been key introductions into the field of IR, along with poststructuralism and postcolonialism, which are regular research instruments in disciplines like anthropology or sociology. For instance, ethnographic studies or participant observation are techniques that support the turns and innovations mentioned above. This framework is fundamental to make gender differences visible from an intersectional perspective. Postcolonial/decolonial feminism concentrates their studies on that difference, especially considering its links with other inequalities and concrete oppressions: e.g. in relation to race, ethnicity, religion, class, and nationality. In Latin America and the Caribbean, this perspective takes on an added relevance, and gives rise in this text to the problematization of its entanglement with human rights; the relationship between women, work and racialization; inequalities and violence; together with their links with global neoliberalism. In this respect, the article gives a comprehensive account of the main issues tackled by feminisms in the region, such as women's positions during the colonization period, and the multiple forms of violence related to their role. For instance, there is the importance of state responsibility in femicides, and the internal colonization and the neglect of diversity in national (plurinational) societies. These are performed by academia and social movements, particularly so in Western (white) feminist perspectives. The text is divided into three sections. Firstly, the framework of current IR debates is established, the differences between feminisms in IR and their classifications are described, and the theoretical contributions that these approaches have made to the discipline through methodological instruments such as micropolitics, corporeality and the practices of everyday life are elaborated. In the words of Enloe (2007, p.100) "Feminism is a multidimensional yet coherent worldview. Feminism is an achieved mosaic of understandings, yet it is still unfolding. […] feminism is a complex set of understandings about how power operates, how power is legitimized and how power is perpetuated". Regardless of which perspective within feminism is being highlighted, some fundamental common issues will appear: neoliberalism and patriarchy are two of them, but also violence against women, gender identities and rights, exploitation, public and private spheres distinctions, etc. Then, the particularities of decolonial feminisms in Latin America and the Caribbean, along with their intersectional look at the field, are discussed: the question of subalternity, difference and neoliberalism, the concrete forms they acquire in the Global South and in the region. Moreover, the relevance of the link between neoliberalism and patriarchy is brought into consideration as a research topic shared by different feminist perspectives. In this respect, we name some authors form the region that propose feminist genealogic studies (Ciriza, 2015; Parra, 2021). As Marchand (2013, p.64) explains, the opportunities of a young middle-class woman with a university education are greater than those of a 65-year-old indigenous man with little formal education and a peasant life. While obviously not in a dominant position in society and the labour market, the young woman still has a privileged position with respect to the indigenous. These differences are invisible in the rational mainstream, and also in liberal -and some socialist or poststructuralist- feminisms. Some particular research is mentioned to show how the body politics, micropolitical approaches, and the practice turn are effectively used in IR studies, with innovative techniques oriented towards ethnographic studies and participated action. For instance, the examination of global women (and gender diversities), migration and mobility are illuminated by focusing in particular case: women from Guerrero in Texas (Muñoz y Mendoza, 2018). Also, the incidences of sexual violence in the conflict in Guatemala is brought to light through the voices of the Maya women survivors and thanks to the research of Fulchiron (2016). This research emphasises the use of the femininized body as a war instrument. In addition, this paper mentions the contribution that Latin American and Caribbean feminisms have made to the field of human rights, especially through the participation in international organizations such as OAS and UN. (Barrancos, 2021; Chiarotti Boero, 2021) Considering all the above mentioned, we state that critical and intersectional feminisms allow us to think IR as a diverse field, with true planetary scope, and capable of recovering the importance of the well-being and daily lives of people. Finally, the conclusions are presented with possible relevant lines for future research (ecofeminism and the Latin American approaches to it). Dissident contributions in IR, in general, call into question the mainstream, giving rise in recent years to alternative, peripheral and silenced voices through postcolonial studies (decoloniality) and the feminisms, amongst others. These voices of difference generate discussion beyond hegemonic perspectives, producing key contributions for the continued interrogation of the discipline. These voices, for instance from Latin America and the Caribbean, draw on their own worldviews, along with traditional and popular knowledge. This assists in the promotion of new approaches and value situated, plural, intersectional and corporeized knowledges. ; El artículo se propone describir y analizar los debates en la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales (RRII), focalizando en los aportes que los feminismos hacen al campo como corriente disidente, y en especial, en sus vertientes postcoloniales/decoloniales. Con una metodología cualitativa, se revisa bibliografía específica que permite dar cuenta de las discusiones actuales en la disciplina, las confrontaciones al interior de los feminismos en RRII y sus contribuciones, y, en ese plano, se repasan los aportes propios del feminismo decolonial latinoamericano y caribeño, considerando el señalamiento sobre la interseccionalidad realizada por este. Así, se examinan cuestiones metodológicas y epistemológicas concretas como la cuestión del cuerpo, los estudios desde la micropolítica y el foco en las prácticas cotidianas de las personas, iluminadas por los feminismos en las RRII. Ese marco es fundamental para visibilizar las diferencias de género desde una perspectiva interseccional, que desde el feminismo postcolonial/decolonial se concentra en sus vínculos con otras desigualdades y opresiones (raza, origen, clase social, entre otras). En América Latina y el Caribe esta mirada adquiere una relevancia distintiva y da lugar en este escrito a la problematización de sus vínculos con los derechos humanos, con las desigualdades y las violencias, y sus articulaciones con el neoliberalismo transnacionalizado. El texto se divide en tres apartados: primero, en el marco de los debates actuales del campo de estudio, se revisan los aportes de los feminismos en las RRII y se describen las diferencias al interior de estos. En particular, se indican como contribuciones teórico-metodológicas de los enfoques feministas a las RRII aquellos estudios basados en la micropolítica, la corporeidad y las prácticas de la vida cotidiana. Luego, se tratan las particularidades de los feminismos decoloniales en América Latina y el Caribe y su mirada interseccional en el campo: la cuestión de la subalternidad, la diferencia, la inequidad y el neoliberalismo, las formas concretas que adquieren en el Sur Global y en la región. Por último, se presentan las conclusiones con posibles líneas relevantes para futuras investigaciones. Los aportes disidentes en las RRII, en general, ponen en cuestión la corriente principal, dando lugar en los últimos años a voces alternativas, periféricas y silenciadas a través de los estudios postcoloniales (decolonialidad) y los feminismos, entre otros. Son esas voces de la diferencia las que presentan discusión a las perspectivas hegemónicas, produciendo contribuciones claves para continuar pensando la disciplina; en América Latina y el Caribe esto se realiza desde cosmovisiones propias, que buscan amalgamar saberes tradicionales y populares, propiciar nuevos enfoques y valorizar un conocimiento situado, interseccional, plural y corporeizado.

The principle of the autonomy of the contract will in the choice of procedure law is an axiom in international trade disputes. Nevertheless, in several legal systems there are restrictions to this principle residing in the public policy. It is possible to identify the principles of public policy such as those that inspire a particular jurisdiction and are an echo of the fundamentals values of a society. The concept responds to a general idea of the supremacy of society over individuals. Public policy is a mechanism by which the State represses special agreements that may pose a threat to its essential interests and political relations. The methodology used is documentary. ; El principio de la autonomia de la voluntad privada en el ámbito contractual para efectos del derecho procesal aplicable es un axioma en las relaciones de comercio transnacionales. No obstante, en diversos sistemas jurídicos pueden encontrarse límites a este principio que residen en las normas de orden público. Es posible individuar los principios de orden público como aquellos que inspiran un determinado ordenamiento juridco y que reflejan los valores esenciales de una sociedad. El concepto responde a una idea general de supremacía de la sociedad sobre el individuo. En realidad, representa un mecanismo mediante el cual el Estado reprime las estipulaciones privadas que pueden constituir una amenaza para los intereses esenciales y para las relaciones políticas. La metodologia usada es de naturaleza documental.

The paper exposes some reflections on International Terrorism within the framework of the principles of Western Democracies with the aim of understanding its impact and challenges in the future. It concludes that Terrorism creates a new International Stage in the 21st Century posing new Dynamics for Politics, and for Safety in the states. ; El artículo plantea algunas reflexiones en torno al terrorismo internacional en el marco de los principios de las democracias occidentales a fin de comprender su repercusión y los retos del fenómeno a futuro. Se concluye que el terrorismo genera un nuevo escenario internacional en el siglo XXI planteando nuevas dinámicas de la política y de la seguridad en los Estados.

With: Patent and trade-mark laws of the Spanish-American republics, Brazil, and the Republic of Haiti. Washington : G.P.O., 1904. ; At head of title: Oficina Internacional de las Repúblicas Americanas, Wáshington, D.C. ; "Revisado hasta Agosto de 1904." ; Mode of access: Internet.

To raise the matter of international migration it is necessary to start from the process of globalization and the current world order. After outlining some of the principal aspects of this process and order in which the increase of the migratory phenomenon is manifested –and on which the organization into a hierarchy of the national States and their corresponding citizenships stands out–, the necessity of the defense of the fundamental rights of the migrants is considered. This defense must be from a global perspective –beyond the States and the citizenships put into a hierarchy–, aiming to reach the establishment of the necessary international instruments that guarantee the application of these rights institutionally. In this sense, this article concludes with the raising of the appropriateness and urgency of global migratory politics that allow the governability of international migration. ; Para el abordaje del tema de la migración internacional se requiere partir del proceso de globalización y del orden mundial vigente. Después de delinear algunos de los principales aspectos de este proceso y orden en el que se manifiesta el incremento del fenómeno migratorio, y en el que se destaca especialmente la jerarquización de los Estados-nación y sus correspondientes ciudadanías, se plantea la necesidad de la defensa de los derechos fundamentales de los migrantes. Esta defensa debe ser a su vez desde una perspectiva global, más allá de los Estados y las ciudadanías jerarquizadas, con el fin de que se puedan llegar a establecer los instrumentos internacionales necesarios que garanticen institucionalmente el accionar de esos derechos. En este sentido, el artículo concluye con el planteamiento de la pertinencia y urgencia de una política migratoria global que permita la gobernanza de la migración internacional.

This research focuses on a world based on multiculturalism, thanks to the protection of minorities in international law, addressing racial intolerance and exacerbation of the differences between ethnicities. Today, as part of the dynamics of international relations, the existence of minorities, their demands for recognition and exercise of his human rights and fundamental freedoms, their struggles special rights campaigners and shapers of their recognition, focus on civil and political rights and social groups have the right to exist and be recognized. This paper aims to raise the issue that arises from the emergency situation of minority groups worldwide, achieving awareness of everyday life faced, through the possibility of conception of a policy of non-discrimination groups that have historically been identified as being "different" taking into account criteria as absurd as religion, ethnicity or language. What some, is a social phenomenon, which currently are considered as explosive and dynamic in its need for new minority identities or regain their former cultural identities, hence its relevance, its unity, referring to the links remain among its members, victims of intolerance and xenophobia processes: racial, ethnic. ; Este trabajo de investigación se enfoca en un mundo basado en la multiculturalidad, gracias a la protección de las minorías en el Derecho Internacional, haciendo frente a la intolerancia racial y de exacerbación de las diferencias existentes entre las etnias. Hoy día, en el marco de la dinámica de las relaciones internacionales, la existencia de las minorías, sus demandas de reconocimiento y ejercicio de sus Derechos Humanos y sus libertades fundamentales, sus luchas reivindicadoras de derechos especiales y forjadoras de su reconocimiento, se enfocan en sus derechos civiles y políticos como grupos sociales que tienen derecho a existir y a ser reconocidos. Este trabajo tiene por objeto plantear la problemática que surge de la situación actual de emergencia de los grupos minoritarios a nivel mundial, lograr la sensibilización de la cotidianidad que enfrentan, a través de la posibilidad de la concepción de una política dirigida a la no discriminación de grupos que históricamente han sido señalados por ser "diferentes" tomando en cuenta criterios tan absurdos como la religión, en la etnia o en la lengua. Lo que para algunos, constituye un fenómeno social, que en la actualidad, son considerados tan explosivos y dinámicos por su necesidad de lograr nuevas identidades minoritarias o recuperar sus antiguas identidades culturales; de allí su pertinencia, haciendo referencia a los vínculos que se mantienen entre sus miembros, víctimas de procesos de intolerancia y xenofobia: diferencia racial, étnica.

In the nineteenth century, one of the essential conditions for obtaining recognition of the sovereignty of a state by the international community was the ability to maintain internal order and guarantee the lives and property of foreign nationals. Justice then becomes a major political element and the case of Spanish-Mexican relations is particularly significant. For Mexico, the aim is to preserve national independence, avoid military intervention and integrate into the international system. For Spain, it seeks to assert its status as a major power with the capacity to intervene in defence of its citizens and to obtain the necessary reparations. This work is then structured around three issues: the debt and financial claims of the Spaniards, the punishment of those guilty of the murders of Spaniards and the negotiation of an extradition treaty for offenders and deserters. ; International audience In the nineteenth century one of the key conditions for recognition of sovereignity of a state by the international community was the ability to maintain order and ensure the lives and properties of nationals abroad. Justice, then, becomes a political element of the first order and the case of Spanish-Mexican relations is particularly significant. For Mexico, it is to preserve national independence, to avoid a military intervention and to integrate into the international system. For Spain, it is asserting its status as a great power with the ability to speak in defense of its citizens and to obtain the necessary repairs. This work is structured so on three issues: debt and financial claims of the Spaniards, the punishment of those guilty of the murders of Spaniards and the negotiation of a treaty on extradition of criminals and deserters. ; In the nineteenth century, one of the essential conditions for obtaining recognition of the sovereignty of a state by the international community was the ability to maintain internal order and guarantee the lives and property of foreign nationals. Justice then becomes a major ...

Migration has been always present in Honduran society, whilst having changes in its trends, which can be historically delimited since the age of discovery and conquest, passing through the times of the Republic and into the mining and banana enclave as immigration, and later became emigration starting from the search of opportunities by Garifuna and Mestizo population connected to the enclave economy, headed to the east coast ports of the United States of America. In time, migration even became the highest in the region, while the country started transforming into an attractive place to immigrate in the seventies to the people of El Salvador who searched lands and jobs, and equally during the seventies and eighties due to the armed conflicts between Guatemala, El Salvador, and Nicaragua, as a refugee. Finally, the current migratory trend in Honduras is emigration, which was generated during the nineties with the introduction of neoliberal politics which depressed several economic sectors, such as agriculture, and generate a large mass of young people without employment or freelancers very inclined to find new opportunities in more developed areas of the country yet mostly overseas, like in the United States of America. Moreover the devastation caused by natural disasters (Hurricane Mitch) further caused that from that moment emigration was entrenched in Honduran population reaching important dimensions, destinations are diversified and a wave of remittance is produced, introducing the country into the global ranking of higher proportions with respect to the Gross National Product. ; La migración siempre ha estado presente en la sociedad hondureña, teniendo cambios en sus tendencias, que pueden delimitarse históricamente. Con el tiempo esta emigración llevó incluso a alcanzar el primer lugar de la región, simultáneamente el país se fue transformando en atractivo para inmigrar en los años sesenta por la población salvadoreña en la búsqueda de tierras y trabajo y en los años setenta y ochenta por los conflictos armados de El Guatemala, El Salvador y Nicaragua, más que todo como refugio. Finalmente la tendencia migratoria actual hondureña es la emigración, misma que se genera en los años noventa con la implementación de las políticas neoliberales que deprimen algunos sectores económicos, entre ellos el agrícola y generan una gran masa de jóvenes sin empleo o cuentapropistas muy proclives a la búsqueda de oportunidades en las regiones más desarrolladas del país y en gran medida en el exterior, principalmente en los Estados Unidos de América, a esto se suma el azote de los desastres naturales (Mitch) que como evento histórico visibiliza la emigración y a partir de ese momento se entroniza en la población hondureña alcanzado dimensiones de importancia, ya diversifica sus destinos y produce un flujo de remesas que introduce al país en el top mundial de proporciones más altas con respecto al Producto Interno Bruto.

The development of conventional international standards on human rights has impacted significantly deeper and domestic legislation. The recognition and incorporation of these standards into domestic orders undoubtedly has pushed the construction of a certain set of rules that constitute a uniform law, common, fundamental and binding on all existing orders and contribute to the creation of what we call as international public order. Of course, this international public order is not composed exclusively of human rights standards, but a vast majority of them and their development has contributed to the definition of the content of this concept. ; El desarrollo de las normas internacionales convencionales en materia de derechos humanos ha impactado profunda y significativamente en los ordenamientos internos. El reconocimiento e incorporación de estas normas en los órdenes nacionales indudablemente ha empujado hacia la construcción de un cierto grupo de normas que constituyen un Derecho uniforme, común, fundamental y vinculante a todos los órdenes existentes y que contribuyen a la conformación de lo que podemos denominar como orden público internacional. Por supuesto, este orden público internacional no se compone exclusivamente de normas de derechos humanos, pero sí de una gran mayoría de ellas, por lo que su desarrollo ha contribuido a la definición del contenido del mismo.The development of conventional international standards on human rights has impacted significantly deeper and domestic legislation. The recognition and incorporation of these standards into domestic orders undoubtedly has pushed the construction of a certain set of rules that constitute a uniform law, common, fundamental and binding on all existing orders and contribute to the creation of what we call as international public order. Of course, this international public order is not composed exclusively of human rights standards, but a vast majority of them and their development has contributed to the definition of the content of this concept.

The present work has attempted to analyze sexual crimes and especially the crime of male rape. The international jurisprudence of international criminal Tribunals and the International Criminal Court has tried to qualify rape either as a crime of genocide in the form of serious bodily and physical injuries, even if not necessarily permanent (lett. b) art. 6 of the Rome Statute; or as a crime against humanity where there are elements of context and above all material elements that emerge from the definitions given by the ad hoc Tribunals and the elements of crimes; or even as a war crime in case it is implemented as a part of a political plan or design, or as part of series of similar crimes committed on a large scale. This behavior is rebuilt in a residual way compared to that of sexual violence, according to a gender specific relationship to speciem. The indication of the level of gravity of the crime is necessary for the relevance of sexual violence and rape as crimes against humanity that we will see in the next years from the panorama of international criminal law.

Abstract: Over the past three years the number of foreign fighters either resident in Europe or of European nationality fighting in confl icts in Syria and Iraq has increased. Most of them share radical Islamist religious motivations, and many States and international institutions classify them as terrorists or potential terrorists. In this study we aim to identify and characterize the phenomenon of foreign fighters starting from a historical perspective until reaching their impact on current international security relations. This work also analyses the causes why some groups of foreign fighters might pose a greater danger to national security than in earlier periods, and the reasons why the increase in the number of foreign fighters in armed conflict generates a series of changes in conflictual international relations. Finally it analyses the fundamentals of the measures proposed by the Security Council, the European Union and international cooperation forums to deal with the danger posed by foreign fighters of European origin, especially those proposals that impose sanctions as well as those that prefer to tackle the problem from a preventive and rehabilitative perspective of the individual. Keywords: Foreign figther, jihadist, international security, european security. ; Combatientes extranjeros y yihadistas: retos para la seguridad internacional y europea Resumen. En los últimos tres años se ha incrementado la cifra de combatientes extranjeros de nacionalidad o residencia europea que luchan en los conflictos de Siria e Irak. La mayor parte de ellos comparten motivaciones religiosas islamistas radicales, y muchos Estados e instituciones internacionales los califican de terroristas o potenciales terroristas. En este estudio pretendemos identificar y tipificar el fenómeno del combatiente extranjero partiendo de una perspectiva histórica hasta llegar a su incidencia en las relaciones de seguridad internacionales actuales. Igualmente se analizarán las causas por las que algunos grupos de combatientes extranjeros podrían suponer un mayor peligro para la seguridad nacional que en épocas anteriores, y las razones por las que el incremento del número de combatientes extranjeros en conflictos armados genera una serie de cambios en las relaciones conflictuales internacionales. Por último analizaremos los fundamentos de las medidas propuestas por parte del Consejo de Seguridad, la Unión Europea y foros de cooperación internacionales para afrontar el peligro que suponen los combatientes extranjeros de origen europeo, especialmente aquellas propuestas que tienen un carácter sancionador y, también, las que prefi eren afrontar el problema desde una perspectiva preventiva y rehabilitadora del individuo. Palabras clave: Combatiente extranjero, yihadista, seguridad internacional, seguridad europea. ; Combattant étranger et djihadistes: défis de la sécurité internationale et européenne Résumé. Le nombre de combattants étrangers de nationalité ou résidence européenne qui se sont engagés dans les confl its en Syrie et en Irak a augmenté au cours des trois dernières années. La grande majorité d'entre eux partagent des motivations religieuses islamistes radicales, et ils sont à ce titre qualifi és par plusieurs États et institutions internationales de terroristes ou de potentiels terroristes. Dans cette étude, nous prétendons identifi er et opérer une classifi cation du phénomène des combattants étrangers, à partir d'une perspective historique et en prenant en compte son infl uence sur les relations internationales actuelles en matière de sécurité. De même, nous analyserons les causes pour lesquelles certains groupes de combattants étrangers pourraient représenter aujourd'hui un plus grand danger pour la sécurité nationale que dans les époques passées, et les raisons pour lesquelles cet accroissement du nombre de combattants étrangers dans les confl its armés génère une série de changements dans les relations confl ictuelles nternationales. Enfi n, nous analyserons les fondements des mesures proposées par le Conseil de Sécurité, par l'Union Européenne et lors de forums internationaux de coopération pour faire face au danger que représentent les combattants étrangers d'origine européenne, notamment les propositions qui revêtent un caractère de sanction ainsi que celles qui préfèrent affronter le problème selon une approche préventive et de réhabilitation de l'individu. Mots clés: Combattant étranger, djihadisme, sécurité internationale, sécurité européenne.

El presente documento contiene un diagnóstico sobre la situación del ecosistema de medios de comunicación en Venezuela en el contexto actual, en que el país vive una severa crisis social, política y económica, caracterizada por: la recesión de la producción, la escasez de alimentos, medicinas, los elevados índices de inseguridad e inflación. Fue preparado por Expresión Libre, Comunicadores por la Paz y la Democracia, asociación civil conformada por periodistas, que trabaja desde 2002 en la promoción y defensa de la libertad de expresión, "como derecho de toda sociedad democrática". Este informe, que se elaboró como parte del proyecto Venezuela, un encuentro por la paz y la convivencia ciudadana a través de los medios de información, desarrollado por International Media Support (IMS) y Expresión Libre, revisa también las condiciones para el desarrollo del trabajo informativo en el país. En la primera parte se presentan estadísticas ilustrativas de la situación socioeconómica y política (inflación, inseguridad, manifestaciones y protestas), datos necesarios para comprender la situación actual del país y su efecto en el entorno comunicacional. A continuación se revisa el impacto que la situación país ha tenido sobre el sistema de medios de comunicación y el ejercicio de los derechos a la información y a la libertad de expresión.