Suchergebnisse

Today few people deny the existence of regional substate diplomacy (Criekemans 2010). But there is still no common agreement on a region's right to do so and, above all, on their scope of action. This question goes against what used to be the dominant approach in international relations, the state-centric approach that leads to the logic of speaking with one voice. Increasingly, a multilevel-governance approach has contested this state-centric view and proposes an alternative logic of multiple actors speaking with their voice, nuancing strongly the seminal distinction between "sovereignty-bound" and "sovereignty-free" actors (Rosenau 1990). From the 1970s, the world has seen the growing presence of sovereignty-free actors in international relations. Among these actors, non-central or, better, substate, governments of federal states have developed intensive foreign relations. These governments are using a range of techniques: from shaping the federal government's foreign policy to establishing themselves directly in the international arena (Blatter et al. 2008). For minority nation governments this is particularly a challenge, as they have to act internally – where they have developed full-fledged legislative powers within a multinational federation – and externally – where international and national laws are often still reluctant to recognise their right of action (Lejeune 2003). Yet some minority nations have thrived in developing their own international relations. Bavaria, Catalonia, Flanders, Quebec, Scotland and Wallonia are often seen as successful international players even if they are not fully sovereignty bound (Michelmann 2009; Criekemans 2010). The international actions of these minority nations have been characterised under the umbrella of "identity paradiplomacy" (Paquin 2003); that is, a willingness to use international relations to foster a nation-building process within a multinational state. This observation was particularly prevalent for minority nations strongly in competition with a federal government about their nationbuilding process, albeit for different reasons, namely Flanders, Quebec and Scotland (Paquin 2004). The case of Wallonia seems to fits less well into the identity paradiplomacy framework, which therefore raises the question of alternative roads to international relations. This is the core question of this chapter: is identity paradiplomacy the only way to go for minority nations? Quebec and Wallonia are both well known for their active foreign relations.

The participation of non-state actors to international politics has been investigated since the creation of international institutions. Yet, the rules, principles and norms of global governance are no more discussed in single, isolated institutions. Rather, with the proliferation of international regimes and organisations, international issues are now negotiated in a context of institutional interactions known as "regime complexes". This poses new questions, in particular on the negotiation burden that these new processes place on international actors. To answer this question, this contribution compares non-state participation in both contexts (single regimes and regime complexes), using the international forest negotiations as a case study. It uses quantitative methods to measure the negotiation burden of single regimes and compare it to the negotiation burden of regime complexes. The negotiation burden of single regimes is found insignificant with political interest being the major motivation for participation, while the negotiation burden of regime complexes is found relevant, requiring a certain type of material and organisational resources for non-state actors to participate. Yet a certain diversity of non-state representation is maintained within regime complexes, with non-governmental organisations being dominant with respect to business groups.

While a great deal of attention is devoted to the Pacific region as the new chessboard of international politics, Pakistan remains a key actor in terms of both threat and potential. Two observations back this argument: first, Pakistan's fundamental roles as a state are challenged by its ongoing conflict with India and internal insurgencies. Second, due to a power-status gap, Pakistan experiences difficulties in holding specific self-conceived roles. In addition to hampering its socio-economic potential, these developments prevent Pakistan's quest for normalization in the system. As a consequence, we argue that engaging with Islamabad should be a priority for Washington so as to prevent the country from further aligning with Beijing, thus reinforcing China's regional leadership and status as peer-competitor to the United States. Indeed, as the potential for deviance in the international system arises from its normative dimension, the US, as the global leader, counts among its roles that of norm-setter and primary socializer for most states. Our research proposes to look at an old puzzle with new theoretical insights. By addressing the question of Washington's engagement towards non-conforming states, we aim to document a set of socialization processes as intervening variables linking American global role as leader and primary socializer to Pakistan's process of social integration (normalization/deviance). Drawing from sociology and social psychology, the paper seeks to explore the ability of the leader to act as a primary source of role location and status recognition towards non-conforming states so as to integrate them (back) into the US-led system.

The Red Devils, chocolate or beer and the King, such is the typical answers given to the oft-asked question of what is still holding Belgium together. To these three symbols, two extra elements are often added: the debt and Brussels, the capital of the country and of the Flemish Region/Community, the French Community (politically but not constitutionally the Wallonia-Brussels Federation), the European Union (to be more specific, one of the three capitals, along with Strasbourg and Luxemburg), while being as well the seat of the Brussels Capital Region. Generally, the list of factors of unity in Belgium ends with this short list. Is it already too long, or on the contrary, is it really too short? This is the main question of this chapter. Paradoxically, although this question often arises, there are very few scientific writings analyzing it. To do so, this chapter will discuss six sets of factors: historical, identity, socio-economic, political, international and symbolic. Nonetheless, it is important to take into account that such enterprise seeks to be informative and not prescriptive. This chapter does not assume that Belgium should be united. There are several points of view about what Belgium should be, and this contribution merely wishes to nurture the political debate by conveying an original approach on six types of factors.

After years of political crises and negotiations, the deep-rooted conflict between Dutch- and French-speaking parties recently led to the 2011 agreement concerning a further reform of the Belgian state. This reform mainly furthers decentralises the – already federal – state structure, including the allocation of additional competences and fiscal powers to sub-national entities (Regions and Communities). But this new state reform also brings about a radical reform of the upper house: the Belgian Senate. Since 1995, the Senate was composed of three different types of members: Senators directly elected by two linguistically separated electorate (the Dutch-speaking and the French-speaking electorates), Senators indirectly elected by the Community parliaments and Senators coopted by the two other types. The French- and German-speaking linguistic minorities had a fixed amount of seats in this assembly. The reform of the state radically changed the legislative competences of the Senate and its composition as its members will now be designated by Regional and Community parliaments (plus 10 coopted senators). Broadly speaking, the appointment of the majority of the Senators moved from a system of direct and language-based election to a system of indirect and mixed regional and language-based designation. This change is not without consequence for the representation of linguistic minorities. In May 2014, regional, community and federal elections will be organised in Belgium, testing for the first time this new system of designation of Senators by regional and community parliaments. This paper intends to present the 2013 reform of the Senate in Belgium and its consequence for the representation of linguistic minorities. The situations before and after the reform of the Senate will be compared, not only in terms of the way Senators are appointed but in terms of its consequence on the linguistic aspects of the regional and community elections campaign and of the profile of the appointed Senators.

Raportissa tarkastellaan sotilaallisen t&k-panostuksen ja kilpailukyvyn välisiä yhteyksiä. Aineistona käytetään brittiläisen International Institute for Strategic Studies -laitoksen (IISS) "The Military Balance" -raportin tietoja länsimaiden sotilaallisen t&kpanostuksen kehityksestä. Julkisen vallan sotilaallisia t&k-panostuksia verrataan maiden julkisiin siviilipuolen t&k-menoihin, sotilaallisiin hankintamenoihin, sekä suhteessa maiden BKT:hen ja puolustusbudjetteihin. Raportissa on mukana myös tiivis katsaus sotilaallisen t&k-panostuksen ja tuottavuuden välistä yhteyttä kuvaavista kansainvälisistä tutkimuksista. Raportin tulosten mukaan sotilaallisella t&k-panostuksella ja kilpailukyvyllä ei ole suoraa yhteyttä. ; This study discusses the relationship between military R&D and competitiveness. The study is based mainly on a British International Institute for Strategic Studies -institutes publication "The Military Balance", and furthermore its information about the development of Western countrye´s military R&D-stakes for the years 1994 -2001. Government military R&D is compared for government R&D, defence expenditure and also to the countries gross domestic product and defence budgets. The study also includes tight review about the previous international studies, which are focused to study the relationship between military R&D and productiveness. The study concludes, that there are no direct connection between military R&D and competitiveness.

Nurses have been recruited to Finland from the Philippines since 2008. Although the numbers are relatively low, the phenomenon is new and has thus given rise to a manifold societal debate. It has been questioned, whether the international recruitment of nurses is an ethically and economically sustainable solution to the shortage of nursing staff in Finland. This publication serves as a forum where various agents in the international recruitment processes can get their voice to be heard. A multi-perspective approach is used to enable researchers to provide a fair, equivalent and empirically-validated illustration of the causes and consequences of international recruitment processes. - Suomeen on rekrytoitu vuodesta 2008 lähtien sairaanhoitajia Filippiineiltä. Määrät eivät ole suuria, mutta koska ilmiö on suhteellisen uusi, toiminta on herättänyt vilkasta yhteiskunnallista keskustelua puolesta ja vastaan. Kriittisissä puheenvuoroissa on kyseenalaistettu paitsi toiminnan eettisyys myös taloudellinen kannattavuus. Tässä julkaisussa filippiiniläishoitajien rekrytointia tarkastellaan kansainvälisen rekrytointiprosessin eri osapuolten näkökulmista. Erilaisten näkökulmien yhdistämisellä pyritään muodostamaan mahdollisimman tasapuolinen, tutkimustietoon perustuva kokonaiskuva kansainvälisen rekrytoinnin syistä ja seurauksista.

Preliminary Material /Asbjørn Eide , Jakob Th. Möller and Ineta Ziemele -- The Right to Peace Milestones in the Development of International Humanitarian Law /Daniel Thürer -- Post-War American International Law Scepticism: The International Criminal Court, Stockholm 1924 /Mark Weston Janis -- Peace as a Human Right: The Jus Cogens Prohibition of Aggression /Alfred de Zayas -- The Human Right to Peace /William A. Schabas -- Security and Human Rights in the Regulation of Private Military Companies: The Role of the Home State /Francesco Francioni -- The United Nations and Human Rights What Makes Democracy Good? /Lyal S. Sunga -- Is the United Nations Human Rights Council Living Up to the International Community's Expectations? /Markus G. Schmidt -- The UN Human Rights Council: The Perennial Struggle between Realism and Idealism /Bertrand G. Ramcharan -- Eight UN Petitions Procedures: A Comparative Analysis /Jakob Th. Möller -- The Legal Status of Views Adopted by the Human Rights Committee – From Genesis to Adoption of General Comment No. 33 /Geir Ulfstein -- Winter Break 2010: A Week in the Life of a Special Rapporteur /Martin Scheinin -- Legal and Judicial Shortcomings of the Surrogate State of "UNMIKISTAN" /Margrét Heinreksdóttir -- The Right to Inclusive Education for Children with Disabilities – Innovations in the CRPD /Arnardóttir Arnardóttir -- Human Rights at the Regional Level The Council of Europe: A Champion in Monitoring Implementation of Human Rights Standards? /Petter F. Wille -- Flexibilising the Modes of Amending the European Convention on Human Rights: An Idea for a 'Statute' for the European Court /Krzysztof Drzewicki -- Strengthening of the Principle of Subsidiarity of the European Convention on Human Rights /Björg Thorarensen -- Presumption of Convention Compliance /Davíð Þór Björgvinsson -- The Right to Adequate Judicial Reasoning /Ragnar Aðalsteinsson -- Dialogue Between States and International Human Rights Monitoring Organs – Especially the European Commission Against Racism and Intolerance /Lauri Hannikainen -- How Old Are You? Age Discrimination and EU Law /Allan Rosas -- NHRIs in the European Union: Status Quo Vadis? /Morten Kjærum and Jonas Grimheden -- Selected Examples of the Contemporary Practice of the Inter-American System in Confronting Grave Violations of Human Rights: United States and Colombia /Diego Rodríguez-Pinzón -- Indigenous Peoples and Minorities Prevention of Discrimination, Protection of Minorities, and the Rights of Indigenous Peoples: Challenges and Choices /Asbjørn Eide -- Minority Protection in the African System of Human Rights /Michelo Hansungule -- Indigenous Peoples on the International Scene: A Personal Reminiscence /Lee Swepston -- Indigenous Peoples and the Right to Development /Rainer Hofmann and Juri Alistair Gauthier -- Principal Problems Regarding Indigenous Land Rights and Recent Endeavours to Resolve Them /Erica-Irene A. Daes -- Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples: Preserve or Protect? – That's the Question! /Mpazi Sinjela -- Redefining Sovereignty and Self-Determination through a Declaration of Sovereignty: The Inuit Way of Defining the Parameters for Future Arctic Governance /Timo Koivurova.

The impact of the foreign assistance on economic growth and development of the recipient country remains unclear at both theoretical and empirical levels. While the number of studies devoted to the mechanisms of enhancing the effectiveness of foreign aid is growing progressively, international community is organizing high-level forums aimed at coordinating actions of donor countries, international financial institutions and recipient countries. The paper reviews main principles of enhancing aid effectiveness highlighted in the Declarations and Action Agenda's adopted by member countries of United Nations and Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development. The use of national development strategies of developing countries in aid allocation as well as introduction of new forms of aid provision as South-South cooperation may lead to better developmental outcomes.

The great change in European relations with Russia took place in 1478 when Muscovy replaced the trading Republic of Novgorod as a neighbor of Sweden, Livonia and Lithuania. Western Europe was since that year bordering to a bellicose great power with large resources causing dread. The feelings of dread caused by Russia with Czars like Ivan the Terrible became a standing theme in printed matter as well as politics and the image of Russia became very much similar to the image of Turkey, which threatened Europe from South-East. Various, usually rather negative, stereotype expressions characterized the vocabulary of the 16th century.
The Peace of Stolbova in 1617 started a period of successive change. The era of Sweden as a Great Power led to growing knowledge about Russia in almost every respect, but it was still based on the already accepted stereotypes. They started, however, typically to seem more diluted and thin with time. The image of Russia as a threat was to a growing extent replaced by an image of a possibility. The perhaps most remarkable but rather unoriginal printed Swedish description of Russia of the era was Regni Muschovotici Sciographia, published by Petrus Petrejus.
At the final stage of Sweden's era as a great power there was a substantial widening but also polarization of the information on Russia. The Russian reform process during Tsar Peter I also began to influence the minds after the turn of the century in 1700. One of the principal describers of this process was Lars Johan Malm (Ehrenmalm), whose large manuscript about the power of the Russian Empire of that time, Några Anmärkningar Angående det Ryska Rijkets Nuvarande Macht from 1714, never reached the printers due to intervention from censors.

In the articleUzbekistan's accession to international documents developed and adopted within the framework of UNESCO contributes to the international legal protection of our cultural heritage by the world community, Uzbekistan's scientific potential, science, culture, historical programs, unique archeological and architectural complexes, national and spiritual masterpieces. Along with the wide range of opportunities to promote and increase the effectiveness of their work in this area, the further development of our legislation in this area, as well as the further development of education, science, culture, information and communication technologies in Uzbekistan. and focuses on opportunities to help it stay strong in its place among influential states. The reason is that the state independence of Uzbekistan is a legitimate result of the hard and arduous struggle of our people for many years. Now the fate of our people is in their hands, they are working hard to strengthen the independence of their country. As an independent state, Uzbekistan has become a party to international conventions and influential world organizations such as the UN, OSCE and ILO. Since gaining its independence, Uzbekistan has taken the path of establishing and developing interstate relations with influential countries around the world, defining the main directions of foreign policy and finally joining UNESCO, one of the 15 specialized organizations of the United Nations. The results of the cooperation since its accession in October to the present are described in the article. The article also covers the relations of our country with UNESCO and its history during the period of national independence. Finally, Uzbekistan's integration into the world community, mutually beneficial political, diplomatic, economic and cultural ties with the world's largest, developed countries are widely covered. The most important thing is that in a short historical period, Uzbekistan has taken a worthy place in the world community, rising to the level of a state with its own independent voice on global issues.

In the articleUzbekistan's accession to international documents developed and adopted within the framework of UNESCO contributes to the international legal protection of our cultural heritage by the world community, Uzbekistan's scientific potential, science, culture, historical programs, unique archeological and architectural complexes, national and spiritual masterpieces. Along with the wide range of opportunities to promote and increase the effectiveness of their work in this area, the further development of our legislation in this area, as well as the further development of education, science, culture, information and communication technologies in Uzbekistan. and focuses on opportunities to help it stay strong in its place among influential states. The reason is that the state independence of Uzbekistan is a legitimate result of the hard and arduous struggle of our people for many years. Now the fate of our people is in their hands, they are working hard to strengthen the independence of their country. As an independent state, Uzbekistan has become a party to international conventions and influential world organizations such as the UN, OSCE and ILO. Since gaining its independence, Uzbekistan has taken the path of establishing and developing interstate relations with influential countries around the world, defining the main directions of foreign policy and finally joining UNESCO, one of the 15 specialized organizations of the United Nations. The results of the cooperation since its accession in October to the present are described in the article. The article also covers the relations of our country with UNESCO and its history during the period of national independence. Finally, Uzbekistan's integration into the world community, mutually beneficial political, diplomatic, economic and cultural ties with the world's largest, developed countries are widely covered. The most important thing is that in a short historical period, Uzbekistan has taken a worthy place in the world community, rising to the level of a state with its own independent voice on global issues.

Transparency is a widely used concept in debates on international politics, from transnational anti-corruption campaigns to renewed requests for greater disclosure on health, finance, or even security issues. Calls for transparency date back at least to the League of Nations, when internationalists demanded open diplomacy. Yet, it is in the subfield of GEG, and its developments on nonstate actors as a key research topic (see introduction), where the practice and theory of transparency has made the most profound inroads (Gupta 2010a). GEG has been a particularly fertile ground for the development of informational governance (Mol 2008) and the rise of numerous transparency initiatives which have been analyzed in a rapidly developing literature. Importantly, current GEG research is also highly relevant for other IR subfields. For one, recent GEG research can help IR scholars to further refine the concept of transparency and to increase conceptual clarity and sophistication. Second, research on GEG has improved our understanding of the factors that determine the effectiveness of transparency as a governance tool in international politics.

The focus of this research is on Finland's role in Soviet Union's calculation of its foreign policy between 1920 and 1930. This was the first decade of both Finnish independence and of Soviet power in Russia. This book answers questions about the objectives of Soviet foreign policy in Finland, on the contacts used by the Soviet legation to obtain information, and on how well the Soviets understood Finland's objectives. People interested in Finland and in Russian perspectives with regards to foreign policy and neighbouring countries will find much new in this book because it relies on formerly unpublished Russian archival material to form the basis for charting Soviet objectives in Finland. The book shows that the Soviets primarily observed Finland in a larger regional context along with other states on its borders in the Baltic Sea region. The global objectives of the revolution and the Soviet Union, but also the domestic political situation in both countries, are reflected on this framework. The period was characterized by forced collectivization in the Soviet Union and, in Finland, by the rise of the right-wing Lapua Movement that emerged at the onset of the Great Depression, laying the foundations for the most severe crisis in the relations during 1929–1930 when the issues surrounding these events destabilized simultaneously the society and political decision-making in both countries