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Today few people deny the existence of regional substate diplomacy (Criekemans 2010). But there is still no common agreement on a region's right to do so and, above all, on their scope of action. This question goes against what used to be the dominant approach in international relations, the state-centric approach that leads to the logic of speaking with one voice. Increasingly, a multilevel-governance approach has contested this state-centric view and proposes an alternative logic of multiple actors speaking with their voice, nuancing strongly the seminal distinction between "sovereignty-bound" and "sovereignty-free" actors (Rosenau 1990). From the 1970s, the world has seen the growing presence of sovereignty-free actors in international relations. Among these actors, non-central or, better, substate, governments of federal states have developed intensive foreign relations. These governments are using a range of techniques: from shaping the federal government's foreign policy to establishing themselves directly in the international arena (Blatter et al. 2008). For minority nation governments this is particularly a challenge, as they have to act internally – where they have developed full-fledged legislative powers within a multinational federation – and externally – where international and national laws are often still reluctant to recognise their right of action (Lejeune 2003). Yet some minority nations have thrived in developing their own international relations. Bavaria, Catalonia, Flanders, Quebec, Scotland and Wallonia are often seen as successful international players even if they are not fully sovereignty bound (Michelmann 2009; Criekemans 2010). The international actions of these minority nations have been characterised under the umbrella of "identity paradiplomacy" (Paquin 2003); that is, a willingness to use international relations to foster a nation-building process within a multinational state. This observation was particularly prevalent for minority nations strongly in competition with a federal government about their nationbuilding process, albeit for different reasons, namely Flanders, Quebec and Scotland (Paquin 2004). The case of Wallonia seems to fits less well into the identity paradiplomacy framework, which therefore raises the question of alternative roads to international relations. This is the core question of this chapter: is identity paradiplomacy the only way to go for minority nations? Quebec and Wallonia are both well known for their active foreign relations.

This research attempts to shed light on the role of the international Court of Justice (ICJ) and the significance of its adjudicatory and advisory functions. The theme of this research will initially project a brief introduction of the topic in question, keeping in view the historical and contemporary perspectives of the ICJ. This research also focuses on the organizational structure of the United Nations, keeping in view the position and role of the ICJ within the organization. With practical examples of case laws, the ambit of judicial review in the context of judicial and advisory function of ICJ will also be taken into account. It will also present brief analysis on the intra-organizational relationship between the ICJ and other organs of the UN. ; This research attempts to shed light on the role of the international Court of Justice (ICJ) and the significance of its adjudicatory and advisory functions. The theme of this paper will initially project a brief introduction of the topic in question, keeping in view the historical and contemporary perspectives of the ICJ . This research also focuses on the organizational structure of the United Nations, keeping in view the position and role of the ICJ within the organization. With practical examples of case laws, the ambit of judicial review in the context of judicial and advisory function of ICJ will also be taken into account. It will also present brief analysis on the intra-organizational relationship between the ICJ and other organs of the UN.

The participation of non-state actors to international politics has been investigated since the creation of international institutions. Yet, the rules, principles and norms of global governance are no more discussed in single, isolated institutions. Rather, with the proliferation of international regimes and organisations, international issues are now negotiated in a context of institutional interactions known as "regime complexes". This poses new questions, in particular on the negotiation burden that these new processes place on international actors. To answer this question, this contribution compares non-state participation in both contexts (single regimes and regime complexes), using the international forest negotiations as a case study. It uses quantitative methods to measure the negotiation burden of single regimes and compare it to the negotiation burden of regime complexes. The negotiation burden of single regimes is found insignificant with political interest being the major motivation for participation, while the negotiation burden of regime complexes is found relevant, requiring a certain type of material and organisational resources for non-state actors to participate. Yet a certain diversity of non-state representation is maintained within regime complexes, with non-governmental organisations being dominant with respect to business groups.

While a great deal of attention is devoted to the Pacific region as the new chessboard of international politics, Pakistan remains a key actor in terms of both threat and potential. Two observations back this argument: first, Pakistan's fundamental roles as a state are challenged by its ongoing conflict with India and internal insurgencies. Second, due to a power-status gap, Pakistan experiences difficulties in holding specific self-conceived roles. In addition to hampering its socio-economic potential, these developments prevent Pakistan's quest for normalization in the system. As a consequence, we argue that engaging with Islamabad should be a priority for Washington so as to prevent the country from further aligning with Beijing, thus reinforcing China's regional leadership and status as peer-competitor to the United States. Indeed, as the potential for deviance in the international system arises from its normative dimension, the US, as the global leader, counts among its roles that of norm-setter and primary socializer for most states. Our research proposes to look at an old puzzle with new theoretical insights. By addressing the question of Washington's engagement towards non-conforming states, we aim to document a set of socialization processes as intervening variables linking American global role as leader and primary socializer to Pakistan's process of social integration (normalization/deviance). Drawing from sociology and social psychology, the paper seeks to explore the ability of the leader to act as a primary source of role location and status recognition towards non-conforming states so as to integrate them (back) into the US-led system.

تهدف هذه الدراسة بشكل اساسي إلى بيان مستقبل النظام السياسي والاقتصادي الدولي, إضافة الى بيان الاثار السياسية والاقتصادية على النظام السياسي والاقتصادي الدولي, حيث تكمن اهمية الدراسة في معرفة مستقبل النظام السياسي والاقتصادي الدولي بعد جائحة كورونا ودورها في تغيير نمط النظام الدولي من احادي القطبية الى نمط ثنائي قطيبة أو متعدد الاقطاب. وظفت الدراسة عدة مناهج بحثية, وهي: المنهج الوصفي التحليلي, ومنهج تحليل النظم؛ من أجل تحقيق أهداف الدراسة, والإجابة عن السؤال الجورهي للدراسة: ما هو مستقبل النظام السياسي والاقتصادي الدولي بعد جائحة كورونا. توصلت الدراسة الى نتائج اهمها ما يلي : اثبتت الدراسة صحة فرضيتها, بوجود علاقة طردية بين جائحة كورنا والنظام السياسي والاقتصادي الدولي ، فكلما زادت الفترة الزمنية والمكانية لجائحة كورونا زادت الاثار السياسية والاقتصادية على النظام الدولي مما يؤدي الى تغير في نمط النظام الدولي من احادي قطبية الى نمط متعدد الاقطاب ,ومن اهم التوصيات ما يلي: يجب على دول العالم أن تعطي الأولوية في الاهتمام والدعم لقطاعات الصحة والقيام بتطويرها وتعزيزها لتمكينهم من الاستعداد لمواجهة أي وباء. ; This study aims mainly to show the future of the international political and economic system, in addition to showing the political and economic effects on the international political and economic system, where the importance of the study lies in knowing the future of the international political and economic system after the corona pandemic and its role in changing the pattern of the international system from unipolar to bi-polar or multi-polar. The study employed several research approaches, namely: the descriptive analytical approach, and the systems analysis approach; in order to achieve the objectives of the study, and to answer the Georgian question of the study: what is the future of the international political and economic system after the corona pandemic. The study found the most important results: the study proved the validity of its hypothesis, there is a direct relationship between the corona pandemic and the international political and economic system ,the greater the time and space period of the corona ...

The Red Devils, chocolate or beer and the King, such is the typical answers given to the oft-asked question of what is still holding Belgium together. To these three symbols, two extra elements are often added: the debt and Brussels, the capital of the country and of the Flemish Region/Community, the French Community (politically but not constitutionally the Wallonia-Brussels Federation), the European Union (to be more specific, one of the three capitals, along with Strasbourg and Luxemburg), while being as well the seat of the Brussels Capital Region. Generally, the list of factors of unity in Belgium ends with this short list. Is it already too long, or on the contrary, is it really too short? This is the main question of this chapter. Paradoxically, although this question often arises, there are very few scientific writings analyzing it. To do so, this chapter will discuss six sets of factors: historical, identity, socio-economic, political, international and symbolic. Nonetheless, it is important to take into account that such enterprise seeks to be informative and not prescriptive. This chapter does not assume that Belgium should be united. There are several points of view about what Belgium should be, and this contribution merely wishes to nurture the political debate by conveying an original approach on six types of factors.

After years of political crises and negotiations, the deep-rooted conflict between Dutch- and French-speaking parties recently led to the 2011 agreement concerning a further reform of the Belgian state. This reform mainly furthers decentralises the – already federal – state structure, including the allocation of additional competences and fiscal powers to sub-national entities (Regions and Communities). But this new state reform also brings about a radical reform of the upper house: the Belgian Senate. Since 1995, the Senate was composed of three different types of members: Senators directly elected by two linguistically separated electorate (the Dutch-speaking and the French-speaking electorates), Senators indirectly elected by the Community parliaments and Senators coopted by the two other types. The French- and German-speaking linguistic minorities had a fixed amount of seats in this assembly. The reform of the state radically changed the legislative competences of the Senate and its composition as its members will now be designated by Regional and Community parliaments (plus 10 coopted senators). Broadly speaking, the appointment of the majority of the Senators moved from a system of direct and language-based election to a system of indirect and mixed regional and language-based designation. This change is not without consequence for the representation of linguistic minorities. In May 2014, regional, community and federal elections will be organised in Belgium, testing for the first time this new system of designation of Senators by regional and community parliaments. This paper intends to present the 2013 reform of the Senate in Belgium and its consequence for the representation of linguistic minorities. The situations before and after the reform of the Senate will be compared, not only in terms of the way Senators are appointed but in terms of its consequence on the linguistic aspects of the regional and community elections campaign and of the profile of the appointed Senators.

يقوم مبدأ المكاسب المتكافئة في المعاهدات الدولية على إيجاد قاعدة عامة للتعايش الإنساني القائم على الرضا والمنفعة المشتركة؛ لأنه يعد سبيلا إلى تحقيق السلام العالمي بين الدول والأفراد والجماعات. وتلخصت الأسس التي يقوم عليها إلى ثلاثة أسس رئيسة: الأولى الأمانة؛ وهي المعزز الرئيسي الأول لمعنى الثقة. الثانية: التوازن؛ وهو القدرة على التعبير عن الرأي مع مراعاة آراء ومخاوف الطرف الآخر. الثالثة: عقلية الوفرة؛ وهي تصور ذهني يقوم على الثقة الواسعة بعطاء الله عز وجل. وكان التاريخ الإسلامي زاخرا بهذا المبدأ وأسسه حيث كانت النواة الأولى للنهضة والفتوحات السلمية، واخترت منه شاهدين: الأول: معاهدة صلح الحديبية في زمن النبوة، والآخر: العهدة العمرية في زمن الخلافة. ; Abstract The principle of equal gains in international treaties is to find a general rule of human coexistence based on mutual benefit and satisfaction; it is a way to achieve world peace among nations and individuals and groups. And it summarized the foundations of three main bases: The first one; is to be a trustworthy. Second: to be balanced, and it's the ability to express opinion, and thoughts with taking into account the views and concerns of the other party. Third: the mentality of abundance; and it's the confidence ones have, that Allah the Almighty ensured that every living thing have its share on this earth. The equal gains principle was founded in the Islamic history on many Occasions that created the very soul of the Islamic empire, and so I chose two Examples to present the idea: the first one is about the Khudaibiya Treaty at the time of the prophecy, and the second one is Auhdah alumarya at the time of kilafa

Peace and Security Council Fourth Session 6 April 2004 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia ; Conseil De Paix Et De Securite Quatrième session 6 avril 2004 Addis Abéba (Ethiopie) ; السلام والأمن التابع الدورة الرابعة 6 أبريل 2004 أديس أبابا، إثيوبيا ; Paz e Segurança sessão do Conselho Quarta 6 de abril de 2004 Adis Abeba, Etiópia

An at-a-glance illustrated guide to global and regional trends in human insecurity, the miniAtlas provides a succinct introduction to today's most pressing security challenges. It maps political violence, the links between poverty and conflict, assaults on human rights including the use of child soldiers and the causes of war and peace.

Executive Council Thirty-Fourth Ordinary Session 7 – 8 February 2019 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia ; The African Union Advisory Board on Corruption (AUABC) was established in accordance with the provisions of article 22 (5) (a) of the African Union Convention on Preventing and Combating Corruption (AUCPCC). The Convention was adopted at the second ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of States and Government of the African Union in Maputo, Mozambique, on 11th July 2003, and entered into force on 5th August 2006, thirty (30) days after the deposit of the fifteenth instrument of ratification. As at November 2018, the Convention had been signed by 49 states and ratified or acceded to by 40 States.

يهدف هذا المقال إلى بيان مسؤولية المراجع الخارجي في ضوء معايير المراجعة الدولية، ولذلك تم الاعتماد على الاتجاهات الحديثة في منهجية المراجعة الخارجية وامتداد تدخل المراجع الخارجي، مع تبيان مسؤولية المراجع بالتركيز خاصة على: 1- الكفاءة المهنية للمراجع الخارجي وجودة أداء أعماله،وهذا ما أكده Mautz بأن الكفاءة المهنية مفترضة في المراجعين دائما فهي ليست محل شك من وجهة نظره، ولكن العديد من الانتقادات الموجهة للمراجعين بأنهم يعملون في مجالات لا تتوافر لديهم فيها التأهيل العلمي أو التدريب الكافي. 2- استقلاليته وموضوعيته؛ ومثال ذلك أن تقديم المراجع الخارجي لأعمال أخرى بخلاف مهنة المراجعة يؤثر سلبا على استقلاليته لأنها تخلق تعارض في المصالح، وهذا ما أكدته الدراسة التفصيلية لـ MetacalfLee".وكذا دراسة Mautzet Sharaf والتي ترى أن المنافسة الشديدة بين مكاتب المراجعة تجعل من الصعب على المراجعين أن يحافظوا دائما على استقلالهم عند اتخاذ القرارات في عملية المراجعة. وعلى ضوء ذلك، يجب التأكيد على ضرورة تحديث معايير المراجعة المعتمدة وخاصة في التشريع الجزائري من طرف الجهات المهتمة بالمهنة.وكذا تفعيل العمل الرقابي على جودة أداء مكاتب المراجعة من طرف الجمعيات والمعاهد المهنية لان ذلك من شأنه رفع كفاءة عمل المراجع الخارجي. أيضا وجوب تدعيم استقلال المراجع الخارجي في الجزائر خاصة وأنه وإذا أخذنا الجزائر مثالا فنجد أنه لا يزال يعمل تحت وصاية وزارة المالية ; This study aims to indicate the responsibility of the External Auditor on the expectations gapin the light of international auditing standards and to achieve this goal we relied on secondary data from books and references and the theoretical framework studies about external audit, as well as recent trends in the methodology of the external audit and an extension into the external auditor, with the monitoring features of the expectations gapanditsreasos, after we suggest some solutions to narrow with explaining the responsibility of the External Auditor to This study has concluded a set of results: that there are many factors associated with the responsibility of the External Auditor: 1- Professionalism of the External Auditor and the quality of the performance of his works, and this was ...

Transparency is a widely used concept in debates on international politics, from transnational anti-corruption campaigns to renewed requests for greater disclosure on health, finance, or even security issues. Calls for transparency date back at least to the League of Nations, when internationalists demanded open diplomacy. Yet, it is in the subfield of GEG, and its developments on nonstate actors as a key research topic (see introduction), where the practice and theory of transparency has made the most profound inroads (Gupta 2010a). GEG has been a particularly fertile ground for the development of informational governance (Mol 2008) and the rise of numerous transparency initiatives which have been analyzed in a rapidly developing literature. Importantly, current GEG research is also highly relevant for other IR subfields. For one, recent GEG research can help IR scholars to further refine the concept of transparency and to increase conceptual clarity and sophistication. Second, research on GEG has improved our understanding of the factors that determine the effectiveness of transparency as a governance tool in international politics.

تستهدف هذه الدراسة رصد حجم المساحة المخصصة لحقوق الإنسان في البيانات الختامية لمؤتمرات القمم العربية، وذلك لبيان مدى اهتمام القيادات السياسية العربية بهذه الحقوق وماهية تأثير البيئة الدولية وتحديدا أحداث الحادي عشر من سبتمبر2001 في حضور هذه الحقوق في هذه البيانات. وتستخدم هذه الدراسة منهج تحليل المضمونContent Analysis لبيان حجم المساحة المخصصة لموضوع حقوق الإنسان في مؤتمرات القمم العربية اعتمادا على وحدة السطر، بالإضافة إلى استخدام المنهج التاريخي والمنهج المقارن والمنهج التحليلي. وقد توصلت الدراسة إلى مجموعة من النتائج أبرزها: أن الخطاب السياسي العربي على مستوى القمة خلا من أية إشارة لحقوق الإنسان كما وردت في الإعلان العالمي الإنسان خلال الفترة الممتدة من أول مؤتمر قمة عربي عام 1964 ولغاية عام 1990، كما شكلت أحداث الحادي عشر من سبتمبر نقطة مفصلية في تحول الخطاب السياسي العربي على مستوى حقوق الإنسان؛ إذ زادت وتيرة الحديث عن قضايا حقوق الإنسان كنتيجة للتحولات الدولية والضغوط الأمريكية على الدول العربية. ; This study aims to show the degree of interest shown by Arab leaders in promoting the issue of Arab human rights, as evidenced by their closing statements at Arab League summits. This paper also intends to illustrate the impact of international events, mainly those of September 11 attacks, on the issue of Arab human rights as reflected in the closing statements of Arab League summit conferences. The Results of the study show that Arab political address make no reference to human rights as defined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. September11 attacks were found to be a pivotal point in the transformation of Arab political address of human rights in that the frequency of mentioning of the human rights issues increased as a result of international transformations and American pressure on the Arab states.

ان حجم ظاهرة الفساد في العالمآخذة في التفاقم، إلى درجة أن اثاره صارت تهدد مجتمعات كثيرة بالانهيار ، لكن الدلائل القاطعة أثبتت انه كلما حقق المجتمعات قدرا اعلى من الديمقراطية والشفافية، يزداد دور مؤسسات المجتمع المدني والمنظمات الدولية ، في مكافحة الفساد ومحاصرته، أي كلما زادت جودة الحكم تقلص مستوى الفساد ، وظاهرة الفساد في الجزائر حقيقة موجودة منذ الاستقلال لاسبيل لانكارها، بل ان حجمه ازداد ودائرته اتسعت، وجرائمه انتشرت، لدرجة انها صارت اخطر على الدول من جرائم الارهاب، خاصة مع بداية انطلاق المشاريع التنموية مطلع القرن الحالي ، تاركة الجزائر في مؤخرة الترتيب العالمي لأقل الدول فسادا ; The size of the phenomenon of corruption in the world is getting worse to the point that its effects become threatening many societies to collapse. But the evidence unequivocal proved that whenever communities and societies achieved a higher level of democracy and transparency, the role of civil society organizations and international organizations increases to fight against corruption; i.e. the higher the governance's quality, the diminished level of corruption. The phenomenon of corruption in Algeria is a fact which exists since independence and there is no way to deny it. But its size has increased, his circle has widened and his crimes have propagated to the extent that it becomes more dangerous on the state than terrorism's crimes on the state. This raise was more apparent on the 21st century onset especially with the beginning of development projects. According to several international organizations interested in corruption, Algeria is in the front of the ranking of countries the most corrupted.