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In his examination of the basic coordinates of Croatian foreign policy, the author points to the need for good neighborly relations -- through the mechanism of the Conference on Security & Cooperation in Europe -- with the countries that were, until recently, parts of the former Yugoslavia as well as with those that became independent long ago. He stresses the need to develop relationships with the great powers, especially with the US, & to develop bilateral relationships with nonaligned countries. One of the aims is to develop good relations with Europe through economic & political links as well as cooperation in matters concerning security. The subregional frameworks of international cooperation in which Croatia participates appear to be insufficient for solving political & security questions. Special consideration ought to be devoted to NATO as a mechanism that could protect the security of Croatia. As a new state, Croatia must demonstrate that, in both its internal development & its international activities, it is ready to fulfill the obligations imposed by its membership in the UN. Adapted from the source document.

Seen in its totality, the defense system of France is enclosed within the NATO pact. The French do not deny this & even stress it as a fact of essential significance, because the mutual support & solidarity with allies in case of danger & aggression is a matter of interest to all. An analysis of the French conception of national security shows nevertheless that the stress is on independence, especially where making decisions about the use of particular forces (nuclear ones, in particularly) & the use of its territory by its allies. The French cherish their alliance, but in ways that will allow them to decide their own destiny without being obligated to accept common solutions & decisions on the part of the organs of the NATO pact. This fact explains the heightened interest for the study of the conception of national security & the defense system of France & its specific features when compared to the defense systems of other countries within NATO. 24 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author presents the conditions in which Slovenia achieved independence: the break up of communism in Yugoslavia & the decision of the Slovene people for democracy; the threat of Greater Serbian policy & the strength of communism in the so-called Yugoslavia; & the international community's lack of understanding. In spite of unfavorable conditions, Slovenia became an independent state thanks to the successful defense against the aggression of the JNA (Yugoslav People's Army). After the brief conflict, a high degree of political stability was reached (in spite of the high number of parliamentary political parties), & a successful economic policy was established. Slovenia has a common interest with Croatia in international relations. The author emphasizes that Slovene-Croat relations can be advanced through systematic solving of potential conflicts: the determination of the exact border; obstacles to economic cooperation; protection of property rights; the status of the nuclear plant "Krsko"; & the debt of the Bank of Ljubljana. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the causes of the break-up of Yugoslavia & shows that the main cause was the expansion of the Greater-Serbia idea, but was also contributed to by a number of internal problems & changes in the international scene. After the break-up of Yugoslavia, a number of processes are still active & generating conflict: the goal of Serbian expansionists to create a Greater Serbia; the lack of a solution to the Bosnian conflict; the Albanian desire for an independent Kosovo state; Muslim aims of autonomy in Sandjak; a growing sovereignty movement in Montenegro; & continuing Serbian pressure on Macedonia. The author concludes that decisive international intervention is necessary to prevent deepened conflict & its spread to neighboring countries. 6 References. Adapted from the source document.

One of the rules of international economic relations is that small countries are more dependent on intense international economic cooperation than are large states. This cooperation is not, in principle, completely liberalized, but depends on a number of multilateral & bilateral agreements. Aspiring to put in order its own economic position internationally, Croatia was first directed to regulate its relations with the European community. In these efforts, Croatia was faced with unequal treatment compared to Poland, Slovakia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, & Slovenia. The author shows that this unfavorable attitude toward Croatia is partially the result of political demands & the interests of the European community. Adapted from the source document.

The author considers Croatia's priority in foreign affairs to be the establishment of peace & reintegration of occupied Croatian territory. The international community lent its support to solving Croatia's problems only with certain conditions attached: respect for human & democratic rights, especially the rights of minorities; & respect for the integrity of other countries. The basic problem faced by the international community is that since the end of the East-West polar orientations, there is no concept for solving the conflicts that have erupted in postcommunist countries. In Croatia, the war was viewed (wrongly) as a civil war. The controversy in the Croatian policy, as seen by the author, is in the requirement for absolute adherence to democratic principles, which is difficult to realize in times of war, & in the acceptance of complete democracy as a precondition to peaceful reintegration of occupied Croatian territory. Adapted from the source document.

Since its initiation, the European Community has been facing the same problem -- nationalism on the level of state interests. This problem has prevented the establishment of the Community's political system, endangered the efficiency of its legal system, & reduced the effectiveness of its economic system. In the absence of a political system of its own, the regulatory process in the Community depends almost completely on the national interests of the member states. Consequently, every addition of new states to the Community manifests itself also as a struggle for potential new allies. Croatia therefore faces two interconnected tasks: to achieve the consensus of the member states necessary for the signing of the association contract & to secure the satisfaction of its national interests while not affecting the balance of their interests. Adapted from the source document.

Changes in the European Community will have far-reaching consequences for Croatia's relations with this association. The basic preoccupation of the European Community is to establish order within its own ranks in the context of the European Union Contract. It is therefore unrealistic to expect Croatia to become a full member of this association, at least in the next ten years. There are, however, numerous ways of adaptation to the requirements of the market that the European Community fosters within the relationships among its own members; Croatia ought systematically to apply these while introducing changes into its economic system. Adapted from the source document.

The article analyzes the changed concept of security in the post-Cold War era, its importance for the international community as a whole, & its basic values. Special attention is given to the indivisibility & mutual conditions of the security problem, democracy, & markets. The research approach is multidisciplinary & aimed at an analysis of the war against Croatia within the context of the post-Cold War era & its associated obstacles to reaching peace & stability. The roots, causes, & inducements to conflict are determined & the assumptions for peace & stability in the region are researched. Starting with the case of Croatia & the consequences of international crisis caused by aggressive Serbian policy of expansion, the author offers a suggestion for a new security concept -- the concept of metasecurity -- for the era after the Cold War. 33 References. Adapted from the source document.

The dispute between liberalism & protectionism is analyzed on two levels: theoretical & practical. First, there is the conflict between A. Smith's liberalism & F. List's economic nationalism. Over the years, Milton Friedman & James Tobin have become leaders of opposing camps. The cutting edge of the debate has been blunted, but the remaining bones of contention are still micro- & macro-issues of national & international economy. The global conflict between liberalism & protectionism has for now ended in a stalemate between regional liberalism & global protectionism. Adapted from the source document.

The problem with sovereignty is that it is marked by traditional paradoxes: namely, it represents a stance that presumes an institutional solution, & simultaneously empowers all institutions of a given community (& thus is above them). Sovereignty has the form of a legal instance, but it is also the prerequisite of an entire (positive) legal system of a community; it manifests itself always as a political problem, but nowhere is its solution purely political; & finally, sovereignty is considered a fundamental national categorical (constitutional) basis for existence of a nation, but simultaneously it is always considered, affirmed, &, to some degree, determined in the international context. Adapted from the source document.