Every country in the world is currently trying to reduce opportunities for corruption in the country. Fighting corruption is very challenging and difficult. The corruption occurs primarily in the public sector, where the object of interest is funding from public sources. Corruption has a negative impact primarily on the economy of the state in terms of their current, but also potential investors and strategic partners in the area of production. Second, it can not ignore the negative impact on the society, respectively citizens of the state affected by corruption. The paper aims to quantify the interdependence between the Corruption perception index and selected indicators of economic health in selected countries of the European Union. In terms of proven relationship between defined variables can then infer the interdependence of achieved Corruption perception index value in selected EU countries and to determine whether are these states in the problem unified or differentiated.
The aim of the paper is to examine interconnections between the process of state-building and the process of nation-building during a period of post-conflict reconstruction. The specific case of the current reconstruction process in Kosovo is exceptional due to extensive international support expressed through political and economic means. Regardless of efforts towards reform made by powerful members of the international community, future sustainability may be questioned. An alternative to the currently favoured institutional approach is provided by the work of Barry Buzan on the state, which puts an emphasis on the idea of the state, assuming integration between territorial, societal and political aspects. The conclusion presented in this article might be used as a lesson learnt from previous mistakes in work dealing with ethnically divided societies, for which it is not sufficient to provide institutional structures without an adequate socio-political reconstruction of existing conditions. If a society is not adequately adapted to the newly-established situation, the institutional structures will not be able to fulfil their key functions completely. Furthermore, it has to be clear that any possible reconstruction of institutional bases must be attempted only with a deep consideration of specific local conditions; otherwise its sustainability is doubtful. ; The aim of the paper is to examine interconnections between the process of state-building and the process of nation-building during a period of post-conflict reconstruction. The specific case of the current reconstruction process in Kosovo is exceptional due to extensive international support expressed through political and economic means. Regardless of efforts towards reform made by powerful members of the international community, future sustainability may be questioned. An alternative to the currently favoured institutional approach is provided by the work of Barry Buzan on the state, which puts an emphasis on the idea of the state, assuming integration ...
The article analyses the evolution of the Slovak political party "Smer" (Direction) and its position in the party system of Slovak Republic. The article focuses on the shift of the party program from the "Centrist Populism" towards "Social Democracy." According to the first program documents the Party of "Smer" (Direction) was designed as pragmatic, non-ideological party. In the persistent conflict between authoritarianism vs. democracy "Smer" identified itself as the pro-democratic and pro-market force. Party policy before 2002 contained only few social democratic components; it was closer to the conservative or right-wing populist parties. After the parliamentary election 2002 and the failure of non-communist left "Smer" decided to become a member of the Socialist International (SI) and Party of European Socialists (PES). The process of the institutional approach to the international Social Democratic Party structures was accompanied by the substantial changes in the social and economic program of the party. The process was completed on the institutional level in May 2005, when Smer joined both SI and PES, and on the level of political program on the Party Congress in December 2005. In the process of so called "socialdemocratisation" of "Smer" the international factor played crucial role, especially the need to have an international partner in the European Parliament. "Smer" met the standards of the Social Democratic identity only in the social and economic affairs. The other five dimensions - environmental policy, participative democracy, cultural and human-rights dimension, supra-national dimension and the dimension of equality and freedom "Smer" met only partially or not at all, so these process remains unfinished. According to some political declarations "Smer" remains the populist party and the uncompromising critic of the right-wing government of Mikuláš Dzurinda, on the other side the official documents of the party anticipate only the moderate corrections of the economical and social reforms, ...
The paper concentrates on attitudes to the enlargement and the future of EU held by relevant political parties in the Czech Republic and in Slovakia in 2002. With respect to the Czech Republic, three basic approaches to the issue of EU enlargement are identified, thus classifying the Czech political parties as "consistently" pro-European, pro-European "with reservations" and anti-European. It will be argued that in Slovakia the relevant political parties acted as "consistently" pro-European with the exception of the anti-European Slovak National Party (SNS) and the Communist Party of Slovakia (KSS). The dividing line was however rather between the parties whose representatives could be viewed by international partners as an obstacle to Slovakia's admission to EU and the parties that were "acceptable" for foreign countries, which played an important role in rallying voters to opt for "acceptable" political subjects. ; The paper concentrates on attitudes to the enlargement and the future of EU held by relevant political parties in the Czech Republic and in Slovakia in 2002. With respect to the Czech Republic, three basic approaches to the issue of EU enlargement are identified, thus classifying the Czech political parties as "consistently" pro-European, pro-European "with reservations" and anti-European. It will be argued that in Slovakia the relevant political parties acted as "consistently" pro-European with the exception of the anti-European Slovak National Party (SNS) and the Communist Party of Slovakia (KSS). The dividing line was however rather between the parties whose representatives could be viewed by international partners as an obstacle to Slovakia's admission to EU and the parties that were "acceptable" for foreign countries, which played an important role in rallying voters to opt for "acceptable" political subjects.
The aim of this article is an analysis of the Iranian policy towards the region of Western Balkans, mainly the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina, since the early 1990s until present days. The security and political dimensions of mutual relation between Iran and Bosnia and Herzegovina are examined. This country has been on the focus of Iranian foreign policy for decades. The article maps Iranian political, religious and cultural activities in the country during and after the civil war. One of the main outcomes of the text is the analysis of stagnation, and we might say even fall of Iranian influence in the region caused by changing of the international atmosphere, Iranian regime itself and the decline of Iranian money flow to Bosnia and Herzegovina caused by problematic economic situation in the Islamic Republic suffering the lack of sources.
- ; In critically important parts of the cold war era the Democratic Party was the steward of American foreign policy. But since September 11. 2001, the party has, however, mostly been a bystander to the major transformation of U.S. foreign policy carried out by the Bush administration. Will the party continue to play such a passive and reactive role or will it be able to formulate a coherent and realistic alternative the Bush foreign policy? Both the U.S. international behavior and world politics will be greatly affected by the outcome of the ongoing internal debate in the party. This paper takes a closer look at this debate and the various fractions that now compete for being the foreign policy face of the party. It is still too early to tell the outcome of this jockeying for power, and consequently the Bush administration will most likely continue as the dominant force behind American foreign policy.
The role of unilateral and collective sanctions in international has been increasing after\nthe ending of the "Cold War".New regimes of "smart" and "targeted" economic, financial and personal\nsanctions have been developed. Quite a new phenomenon is the impact of sanctions on non-State\nactors. The term "sanctions" is traditionally employed to indicate measures taken by the SC Art. 41 and\n42 of the UN Charter."Sanctions" according to prevailing views differ from the notion "countermeasures"\nas stipulated by the ILC Draft Articles on Responsibility of States.Regional organizations may\ntake sanctions against their own members, if their statute presumes it. Against third states they may\nimpose sanctions legally with authorization of the UNSC. It is controversial whether third states may\nresort to sanctions in case of a violation of obligations erga omnes, if this violation is not of serious\ngravity. The legal content of sanctions stricto sensu remains still to be seriously analyzed, especially\nwith regard to "countermeasures" and the practice of states.
บทความนี้มีวัตถุประสงค์ 3 ประการคือ 1) เพื่อศึกษาหลักการ แนวคิด ทฤษฎีและแนวปฏิบัติเกี่ยวกับรูปแบบการไกล่เกลี่ยข้อพิพาทสากลและรูปแบบการไกล่เกลี่ยข้อพิพาทของศูนย์ไกล่เกลี่ยข้อพิพาทสภาทนายความ 2) เพื่อศึกษารูปแบบในการไกล่เกลี่ยข้อพิพาททางพุทธศาสนาเถรวาท 3) เพื่อเสนอรูปแบบการไกล่เกลี่ยข้อพิพาทของศูนย์ไกล่เกลี่ยข้อพิพาทสภาทนายความโดยแนวทางพุทธสันติวิธี การวิจัยครั้งนี้เป็นการวิจัยเชิงคุณภาพ โดยเน้นการวิจัยเชิงเอกสารและการสัมภาษณ์ผู้ทรงคุณวุฒิด้านการไกล่เกลี่ยข้อพิพาทจากสภาทนายความจำนวน 9 ท่าน ด้านการไกล่เกลี่ยข้อพิพาทสากลจำนวน 6 ท่านและด้านพระพุทธศาสนาเถรวาทจำนวน 5 ท่าน ผลการศึกษาวิจัยพบว่า รูปแบบการไกล่เกลี่ยข้อพิพาทของศูนย์ไกล่เกลี่ยข้อพิพาทสภาทนายความมีความสอดคล้องกับหลักการ วิธีการ และกระบวนการไกล่เกลี่ยข้อพิพาทสากล ในด้านกระบวนการไกล่เกลี่ยข้อพิพาททางพุทธศาสนาเถรวาทเป็นแนวปฏิบัติตามหลักพุทธสันติวิธีโดยยึดหลักอริยสัจ4 ส่วนรูปแบบการไกล่เกลี่ยข้อพิพาทของศูนย์ไกล่เกลี่ยข้อพิพาทสภาทนายความโดยแนวทางพุทธสันติวิธี ประกอบด้วยรูปแบบด้านคุณสมบัติของผู้ไกล่เกลี่ยข้อพิพาท มีคุณสมบัติภายในคือ เป็นผู้มีสติ มีขันติ ไร้อคติ และมีเมตตา คุณสมบัติภายนอกคือ มีกัลยาณมิตรธรรม มีศีลธรรม และมี คารวธรรม ด้านวิธีการไกล่เกลี่ยข้อพิพาทคือมีบทบาทด้านเมตตาตามหลักสาราณียธรรมและใช้เทคนิคที่เป็นทางสายกลางหรือมัชฌิมาปฏิปทา และด้านกระบวนการไกล่เกลี่ยข้อพิพาท มีขั้นตอนของการไกล่เกลี่ยข้อพิพาท 5 ขั้นตอน คือ 1) ตั้งต้นวิเคราะห์ทุกข์ 2) เปิดมุขด้วยปิยวาจา 3) ใช้เมตตาค้นหาประเด็น 4) ร่วมคิดเห็นอย่างไร้อคติ และ 5) มุ่งมิติอภัยทาน ; This research is of 3 objectives, i.e., (1) to study principal, ideas, theories and practices related to the model of the international dispute mediation, and the model of dispute mediation of the Lawyers Council, (2) to study model of dispute resolution in Theravada Buddhism, and (3) to present a model of dispute settlement of Mediation Center of Lawyers Council by Buddhist Peaceful Means. This research is qualitative, emphasizing documents and interviews with experts and scholars in dispute resolution from the Lawyers Council of Thailand 9 persons, from the Other Organization 6 persons and persons who experts and scholars in Theravada Buddhism 5 persons, respectively. The outcome of the research found the followings: The principles and process related to the model of the international dispute mediation and the current state of dispute mediation of the Lawyers Council are consistent. For the process of dispute resolution in Theravada Buddhism, its way of practice is by Buddhist peaceful means with the holding on to the principle of the Four Noble Truths in analyzing problems. In this research, it presents a model of dispute settlement of Mediation Center of Lawyers Council by Buddhist Peaceful Means comprising mediators' inner and outer qualities; the inner defined as being conscious, patient, unbiased and benevolent while the outer are having good friends, morality, honoring others. For the method model of dispute resolution, it consists of the role and mediating technique of dispute mediators, i.e. the role of loving kindness in accordance with the virtues for fraternal living or Sārāniyadhamma and the use of the Middle Way or technique Majjhimā patipadā. The process model of dispute mediation is the use of the Four Noble Truths in proceeding the process of dispute mediation of which having 5 steps of 1) start to analyze sorrows or Dukkha, 2) start talking with nice words or Piyavaca, 3) search for issues with loving kindness, 4) sharing opinions without bias, and 5) aiming for the aspect of forgiveness with the dispute mediating purpose of 'Peace' or disputants' settlement of disputes by forgoing matters towards each other.
Kvalitu veřejné správy lze definovat jako stupeň splnění požadavků občanů na kvalitu života v jejich komunitě, regionu či národa. Pokud se podíváme na vývoj ukazatelů kvality správy, vidíme značné rozdíly nejen mezi jednotlivými zeměmi, ale také uvnitř těchto zemí. Navzdory těmto zjištěním, je tato oblast stále velmi málo prozkoumána. Současné průzkumy jsou založeny na předpokladu, že rozdíly na národní úrovni jsou významnější než rozdíly regionální a že rozdíl v kvalitě správy v evropských zemích jsou velmi malé. Tento dokument analyzuje pravděpodobně jediný přístup k posuzování kvality veřejné správy na regionální úrovni. Analýzou indikátoru The European Quality of Governance Index byly zjištěny významné rozdíly v regionální kvalitě veřejné správy. U některých zemích je hodnocení kvality správy na národní úrovni velmi zavádějící, jelikož jeho sub-národní posouzení se může v některých regionech výrazně liší. ; Quality of governance could be defined as the degree of fulfillment of the requirements of citizens for the quality of life in their community, region or nation. If we have a look at the development of any indicators of quality of governance, we can see significant differences not only between countries, but also within these countries. In spite of these findings, this field is still very little explored. Current surveys are based on assumptions that differences at the national level are more significant than the regional differences and that difference in the quality of governance across the European countries are very small. This paper analyzes probably the only approach for assessing the quality of governance on the regional level. Using European Quality of Governance Index were revealed significant differences in the regional quality of governance in some European countries. For some states the evaluation of national-level quality of governance is very misleading, as its sub-national assessment may differ considerably in some regions. National variability data may exhibit even a higher degree than the variability international in some cases.
On the basis of the analysis of news content from 2008 to 2012, we describe in this article the tendencies of Czech media in dealing with foreign policy topics, using a combination of quantitative content analysis and qualitative case studies of selected foreign policy events. Both quantitative and qualitative analyses demonstrate that the coverage of political events in the media is highly personalised and viewed through the prism of the personal or political interests of Czech political elites and the conflicts between them. As concerns the diversity of the actors presented and topics covered, the Czech media produce a considerably restricted and more or less uniform stream of news commented upon by a relatively limited spectrum of actors, mainly Czech politicians. For non-political, non-governmental, and international actors, access to the debate is considerably limited. The print media tends to present major political events as power-based conflicts between individuals or groups, rather than as negotiations about public affairs supported by substantive arguments. In effect, Habermas's classical vision of the role of mass media in democracy, which is to promote rational discussion as a desirable form of public debate, is replaced with persuasion through emotional appeal, which has been widely criticised. At the same time, however, some theoretical traditions see it more positively as a less restrictive form of public discourse. ; On the basis of the analysis of news content from 2008 to 2012, we describe in this article the tendencies of Czech media in dealing with foreign policy topics, using a combination of quantitative content analysis and qualitative case studies of selected foreign policy events. Both quantitative and qualitative analyses demonstrate that the coverage of political events in the media is highly personalised and viewed through the prism of the personal or political interests of Czech political elites and the conflicts between them. As concerns the diversity of the actors presented and ...
Centre of Excellence (CoE) is a politically initiated financing scheme from the Research Council in Norway aiming for long term, high quality and innovative research, contributing towards solving the big challenges of our society. Two evaluations conclude that this scheme is a success. These evaluations does not however pay much attention to the role of the administration in that regard. This master-thesis investigate how administrative leaders in the CoE contribute towards goal achievement. This has not previously been studied. For the data collection individual interviews was chosen, because they provide an open and investigative approach, well suited to gather relevant information. The analysis are based on organizational theory for public organizations, theories about organization types and previous research regarding the role of administrative personnel in research and higher education. The administrative leaders in CoE work in the interface between academic work and administration. My research shows that most of them have an academic background. They are highly educated, on master or PhD level, and some have research experience beyond that. Most of them have relevant work experience with a good overview of how the research and university systems work. The administrative leaders can further be recognised by their ability to create a good work environment and their social integration skills. This is very important in CoE, not the least because the centres depends heavily on recruitment of international research staff. In this regard good language skills and intercultural competence are also important. These leaders contribute to goal achievement through relieving the researchers and facilitating research related tasks, like conferences and meeting places, and haveing a good overview and ensure internal and external information flow. They also organize social activities and function as a central hub or connector. The administrative leader role demands a mix of knowledge and competencies, resembling the role of the classic middle range leader in the professional bureaucracy of today. With a great variety of different assignments coupled with being a connector for tasks and functions, both vertical and horizontal in the organization. In addition the administrative leader in a CoE also works close with the research leaders and the research activities at the centre. CoE are organized as time-limited projects with high demands and expectations. My study shows that the administration apparatus in CoE is important for goal achievement, but also that it is necessary with one 100% administrative leader or coordinator in a CoE, in order to take care of and coordinate the interests of the centre, both internally and in relation to the host institution. These CoE administrative leaders are a highly selected group regarding qualifications and background, which is something to be aware of when planning these kinds of research units, but also concerning the status- and role of administrative research personnel in general. ; publishedVersion
The purpose of this research is 1) to study government policy management from past to present; 2) to develop a strategy for the management of the oil palm policy of the government and 3) to propose the development of a strategy for the management of the oil palm policy of the sector. Effective state The qualitative research was conducted through in-depth interviews and group discussions with experts. Senior Executive of Ministry of Agriculture and Cooperatives Ministry of Commerce Ministry of industry Ministry of Energy And the Office of Agricultural Economics. President of Southern Palm Trader Association Krabi and Chumporn Palm Oil Palm Traders Association of Surat Thani, Krabi and Chumphon, Thailand The Palm Garden of Thailand The Association of Palm Oil Manufacturers in Surat Thani, Krabi and Chumphon and the Association of Palm Oil Refineries in Surat Thani, Krabi and Chumphon. The research found that Research results to answer the objectives 2) To study government policy management from past to present. The government has set a policy to focus on bureaucratic development so that government agencies can improve their work and improve their administration. The evaluation of the performance. The management of the good. The concept and tools used in modern administration in the government. Under the application of the principles of strategic management, the development of the government's oil palm policy is an important national agenda for enhancing competitiveness and enhancing quality and standardization. Go to international standards. The research found that Research results to answer the objectives 2) To develop a strategy for managing the government's oil palm policy and Research results to answer the objectives 3) To present the strategic development of effective governmental oil palm management strategy. The development of a strategic oil palm management policy of the government will be composed of three components: oil palm farmers. The palm oil industry and government policy on the palm oil industry. The effective governmental strategy for oil palm policy is composed of six strategies. Strategy 1: Production Strategy 2: Product Innovation Strategy 3: Development of standards throughout the supply chain. Strategy 4: Use as energy crops. Strategy 5: Management Strategy 6: Development of laws and regulations. Strategy for the management of oil palm policy of the government. The key issues are: production goals. Marketing must be clear. And balance the supply and demand. Determine suitable agricultural areas. Research and development focuses on value adding and market demand in line with the National Economic and Social Development Plan. The goal is to develop high performance palm oil processing technologies to enhance competitiveness. It is a high value and sustainable industry. ; การวิจัยเรื่องนี้มีวัตถุประสงค์ 1) เพื่อศึกษาการบริหารนโยบายของภาครัฐตั้งแต่อดีตจนถึงปัจจุบัน 2) เพื่อการพัฒนายุทธศาสตร์การบริหารนโยบายปาล์มน้ำมันของภาครัฐ และ 3) เพื่อนำเสนอการพัฒนายุทธศาสตร์การบริหารนโยบายปาล์มน้ำมันของภาครัฐที่มีประสิทธิผล โดยใช้ระเบียบวิจัยเชิงคุณภาพด้วยการสัมภาษณ์เชิงลึกและการสนทนากลุ่มกับผู้เชี่ยวชาญได้แก่ ผู้บริหารระดับสูงของกระทรวงเกษตรและสหกรณ์ กระทรวงพาณิชย์ กระทรวงอุตสาหกรรม กระทรวงพลังงาน และสำนักงานเศรษฐกิจการเกษตร นายกสมาคมผู้ประกอบการลานเทปาล์มภาคใต้ สมาคมชาวสวนปาล์มน้ำมันจังหวัดสุราษฎร์ธานี กระบี่ และชุมพร สมาคมการค้าลานเทปาล์มน้ำมันปาล์มจังหวัดสุราษฎร์ธานี กระบี่ และชุมพร สมาพันธ์ชาวสวนปาล์มน้ำมันประเทศไทย สมาพันธ์ลานเทปาล์มประเทศไทย สมาคมโรงงานผลิตน้ำมันปาล์มจังหวัดสุราษฎร์ธานี กระบี่ และชุมพรและสมาคมโรงกลั่นน้ำมันปาล์มจังหวัดสุราษฎร์ธานี กระบี่ และชุมพร ผลการวิจัยเพื่อตอบวัตถุประสงค์ข้อที่ 1 เพื่อศึกษาการบริหารนโยบายของภาครัฐตั้งแต่อดีตจนถึงปัจจุบัน นับจากที่รัฐบาลได้กำหนดนโยบายมุ่งเน้นพัฒนาระบบราชการเพื่อให้หน่วยงานภาครัฐปรับปรุงการทำงานและยกระดับการบริหารให้มีประสิทธิผล โดยมีการประเมินผลการปฏิบัติราชการ ตามหลักการบริหารกิจการบ้านเมืองที่ดี โดยนำแนวคิดและเครื่องมือการบริหารสมัยใหม่เข้ามาใช้ในภาคราชการ ภายใต้การประยุกต์ใช้จากหลักการบริหารเชิงยุทธศาสตร์การพัฒนานโยบายปาล์มน้ำมันของภาครัฐซึ่งเป็นวาระแห่งชาติที่มีความสำคัญต่อการเพิ่มขีดความสามารถในการแข่งขันและมีการยกระดับคุณภาพและสร้างมาตรฐานการทำงานไปสู่ระดับมาตรฐานสากล ผลการวิจัยเพื่อตอบวัตถุประสงค์ข้อที่ 2) เพื่อการพัฒนายุทธศาสตร์การบริหารนโยบายปาล์มน้ำมันของภาครัฐ และ ข้อที่ 3 เพื่อนำเสนอการพัฒนายุทธศาสตร์การบริหารนโยบายปาล์มน้ำมันของภาครัฐที่มีประสิทธิผล พบว่าการพัฒนายุทธศาสตร์การบริหารนโยบายปาล์มน้ำมันของภาครัฐจะมี 3 องค์ประกอบ ได้แก่ ด้านเกษตรกรผู้ปลูกปาล์มน้ำมัน ด้านผู้ประกอบการอุตสาหกรรมน้ำมันปาล์มและด้านนโยบายภาครัฐเกี่ยวกับอุตสาหกรรมน้ำมันปาล์ม สำหรับยุทธศาสตร์การบริหารนโยบายปาล์มน้ำมันของภาครัฐที่มีประสิทธิผล จะประกอบด้วย 6 ยุทธศาสตร์ ประกอบด้วย ยุทธศาสตร์ที่ 1 ด้านการผลิต ยุทธศาสตร์ที่ 2 นวัตกรรมผลิตภัณฑ์ ยุทธศาสตร์ที่ 3 การพัฒนามาตรฐานตลอดโซ่อุปทาน ยุทธศาสตร์ที่ 4 การใช้เป็นพืชพลังงาน ยุทธศาสตร์ที่ 5 การบริหารจัดการ ยุทธศาสตร์ที่ 6 การพัฒนากฎหมายและข้อบังคับ ยุทธศาสตร์การบริหารนโยบายปาล์มน้ำมันของภาครัฐ จะคำนึงถึงประเด็นสำคัญ ได้แก่คือ กำหนดเป้าหมายด้านการผลิต การตลาดต้องชัดเจน และสร้างสมดุลระหว่างอุปสงค์และอุปทาน กำหนดพื้นที่เกษตรที่เหมาะสม งานวิจัยและพัฒนาเน้นการเพิ่มมูลค่าและความต้องการของตลาดสอดคล้องกับแผนพัฒนาเศรษฐกิจและสังคมแห่งชาติกำหนดเป้าหมายคือการพัฒนาเทคโนโลยีแปรรูปปาล์มน้ำมันประสิทธิภาพสูงเพื่อเพิ่มขีดความสามารถในการแข่งขัน เป็นอุตสาหกรรมที่มีมูลค่าสูงและเกิดความยั่งยืน