Suchergebnisse

Does international law provide a basis for use of military force against Iraq? The article summarizes the UN Security Council's handling of the Iraq issue from the Kuwait invasion in Aug 1990 to late Feb 2003. The authors conclude that any US led-military action without explicit UN authorization will be in breach of the UN Charter. Adapted from the source document.

The author seeks to show that when Germany surprised the world by signaling its disagreement with President Bush regarding the attack on Iraq, it could not be explained by Chancellor Schroder's election campaign, nor by the lack of rapport between the two leaders. At issue are differences regarding principles as well as interests in the wake of the revision of American security policy after September 11, 2001. After reunification, Germany felt freer to express its own interests regarding these & other issues such as closer European security cooperation that Washington now seems to see as a challenge to its own interests. The author concludes by suggesting that this development indicates that the disagreement between Berlin & Washington is not of a temporary nature as some would like to think. 17 References. Adapted from the source document.

Acknowledges that Norwegian participation in the Security Council led to some good things (the Mar 2002 Mideast peace resolution, the settling of the Eritrean-Ethiopian conflict), the breakdown of the Security Council over the Iraq question during this period does not reflect well on anyone, even Norway. Norway also was too willing to accommodate the US's demands for immunity from any International Criminal Court indictments. It is unlikely that Norway will serve on the Security Council in the near future, but it is hoped that the council itself will be reformed, & no longer will be subject to the same veto pressures of the five permanent members. A. Siegel

The author analyzes EU actor capacity in security policy with special emphasis on crisis management. She places this within the larger context of security policy & the transatlantic debate over the role of NATO, the case of Iraq, & different national interests of key member states. The author concludes that the EU has steadily developed its capacity to undertake the various types of crisis management, but that the role of the EU as a security actor will be determined by the larger systemic decision making in this area. The crisis over Iraq may very well lead to a consolidation of the EU's role. 33 References. Adapted from the source document.

At the close of Norway's 2-year appointment to one of the rotating seats of the UN Security Council, the actions of the Security Council, & Norway in particular, are reviewed by Norway's ambassador to the UN, with particular attention to the correlation between Norway's UN votes & its own foreign policy. Also discussed is the political campaigning that UN members must engage in for consideration for Security Council seats, not only with countries from other parts of the world but with other Nordic countries. Norway's service on the council coincided with the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 & the US-led war against the Taliban in Afghanistan that followed. Norway played a large role in mediating Horn of Africa conflicts between Ethiopia & Eritrea, & the civil unrest in Somalia. The ambassador also addresses the outsized influence that the P-5 (the five permanent Security Council members) play in decision making, & also summarizes Norway's role in the ongoing Iraq question, as well as the installation of the International Criminal Court. A. Siegel

In light of the dramatic events in the Middle East in the course of the spring 2003, it has become more & more important to focus the interest on the multidimensional relationship between the West & Arabic world. The Barcelona process or the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) is relatively purely known, but nevertheless an important aspect of the European Union's policy toward the Arabic countries. The EMP was launched in 1995 between the EU & 12 countries on the southern side of the Mediterranean Sea. The article gives a brief account of the content & the form of the project by Dec 2002 & explains at the same time the motive behind the European activities in the Mediterranean region. The three parts of the project (the political, the economical & the cultural partnership) are then analyzed focusing on the actual challenges. Problems are of financial as well as of cultural character, but the main responsibility for the slow progress characterizing the project is to be sought in the diverse interests of the member countries in important areas as trade & security politics. 24 References. Adapted from the source document.